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U.N. envoy says Myanmar making excuses to keep political
prisoners
Wed Mar 26, 1:05 AM ET
By VIJAY JOSHI, Associated Press Writer
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) - A U.N. human rights envoy on Wednesday
accused Myanmar's military junta of making "absurd" excuses to keep political
opponents in prisons.
The envoy, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, reiterated
a U.N. demand that the junta immediately release all political prisoners
unconditionally, saying the military rulers are accountable to the international
community.
"You have to release all the prisoners. You cannot
continue using the excuse that some prisoners are very dangerous," Pinheiro told
reporters in Bangkok.
"I can barely imagine that prisoners 75
years old, in terrible state of health, are a security threat. This is nonsense.
This is absurd," Pinheiro said.
Pinheiro, a Brazilian (news - web
sites) professor, arrived in Bangkok on Monday, abruptly ending his fifth
mission to Myanmar after discovering a listening device while interviewing
political prisoners in Insein prison outside the Myanmar capital of Yangon on
Saturday.
Pinheiro said it was an amateurish attempt to eavesdrop
on his conversation since the wireless listening device ? the size of a pocket
tape recorder ? was extremely old and made so much noise that it could not have
gone unnoticed. It was affixed under the table in the interview room with fresh
tape.
"I was flabbergasted. I was angry and completely out of
control," said Pinheiro.
He said he told the Myanmar authorities
that he was immediately suspending his mission, which was to be the last before
he submits a report March 31 to the U.N. Human Rights Commission on the
situation in Myanmar. He is to head back to Geneva on Thursday.
The Myanmar junta is accused of widespread human rights abuses,
including using rape by soldiers as weapon of terror against ethnic minorities
fighting insurgencies.
Pinheiro said the junta still holds about
1,200 to 1,300 political prisoners, many old and ailing. The government has
released about 600 prisoners in small batches since starting a political
reconciliation process in October 2000 with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's
National League for Democracy party.
"They cannot continue
piecemeal, drop-by-drop releases. This is unacceptable," he said, adding that
even the freed prisoners are required to sign a pledge that they will not
participate in political activities," he said.
However, he
acknowledged that the junta has made several concessions to improve human
rights, including allowing the Red Cross numerous visits to prisons, letting
Amnesty International conduct investigations and giving voluntary agencies
access to impoverished people.
He refused to speculate on whether
he will return to Myanmar, saying the decision rests with the U.N. Human Rights
Commission, which will vote in April on renewing his mandate.
Pinheiro also expressed extreme disappointment at the slow pace of
progress in the reconciliation process between Suu Kyi and the junta.
"It is important that this dialogue progresses and moves forward,
but the process of human rights cannot wait for a political transition," he
said.
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UN rights envoy "very frustrated" over lack of prisoner
releases
BANGKOK, March 26 (AFP) - A UN human rights envoy to Myanmar who
abruptly cut short a mission to the country this week after a bugging incident
said Wednesday he was "very frustrated" by the military regime's slow release of
political prisoners.
Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, who halted his visit
three days short of its scheduled end after finding a microphone in a room where
he was interviewing political prisoners, said he had met with several government
ministers.
"(I told them) I was very frustrated with the situation
of political prisoners who have not been released in large numbers," he said
during an interview in the Thai capital with AFP.
Human rights
groups estimate that 1,200 to 1,300 political prisoners currently remain in
Myanmar's jails and Pinheiro has said it is his priority to secure their
release.
Several hundred others have been released since a
historic dialogue was brokered by another UN envoy, Razali Ismail, between the
junta and National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Suu Kyi in October
2000, which is aimed at national reconciliation.
Pinheiro also
said "(I) expressed somewhat my disappointment because during this year I
haven't seen much progress in terms of national reconciliation, or the political
dialogue.
"From all my meetings both with the NLD and the
government, my impression is that there was no substantial progress in the
dialogue. There have been contacts but more on logistical questions, not on real
political issues," he said.
"I hope ambassador Razali can return
and continue facilitating this dialogue and the international community is able
to overcome the present situation."
Pinheiro departed from Myanmar
on Monday -- "the first day that I could have" -- after discovering the
listening device during interviews at Yangon's Insein prison on Saturday.
The Brazilian academic refused to speculate on whether the
regime's infamous military intelligence had placed it there.
"I
can't elaborate. The only thing I can say is that I found the device under the
table," he said, adding that it was up to the junta to work at rebuilding the
trust he had established with them.
"It's not my responsibilty to
do that (rebuild trust). I have expressed my complaint to the government, I
explained why I interrupted my mission and then I left the country and I am
presenting my report on March 31 to the Human Rights Commission," he said.
The special rapporteur said the early wrap-up of his fifth mission
would affect his report to the commission in Geneva.
"It has
affected it because I wanted to stay three days more," he said.
He
said he had not entertained thoughts of resigning and would wait for the
commission to decide after its current session on whether his mandate would be
renewed.
"For the time being I will continue doing everything I am
supposed to be doing," he said.
Pinheiro -- one of few
international voices advocating engagement with Myanmar rather than isolation --
said he had noted some positive developments.
"I was happy to know
the International Committee of the Red Cross, as I wished and have supported,
they were able to operate in the border areas," he said.
"I was
also very happy about the visit of Amnesty International. I think that was a
very important move by the government," he said.
Amnesty
International made its first ever visit to the country in February.
Myanmar's government has long been criticised for its poor human
rights record, which rights groups have said includes the detention of political
prisoners, forced labour, censorship and violations of religious freedom.
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Protesters call to tobacco giant over Burma links
online.ie 26 Mar 2003
More than 50 Ken
Clarkes will descend on London today as protesters wearing face masks of the
British American Tobacco deputy chairman call for the company to close the
factory it jointly owns with Burma's military dictatorship.
The
demonstration, at BAT's London headquarters, will criticise firms
"collaborating" with the regime in Burma.
Protesters will carry
placards shaped as speech bubbles quoting a letter from Ken Clarke to a
constituent in which he admits feeling uncomfortable about investment in the
country.
John Jackson, director of Burma Campaign UK which is
organising the protest, said: "We are not going to let Ken Clarke off the
hook.
"BAT are collaborating with military dictatorship. They are
funding a regime that rapes, murders and tortures its own
people."
The campaign against BAT was launched in November
2002.
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Burma's military halts Premier exit
Terry Macalister
Wednesday March 26,
2003
The Guardian
Premier Oil has been
embarrassed again by the Burmese military, which has delayed the handover of the
company's local assets to its partners by withholding
Without such permission, the British oil exploration and
production specialist cannot withdraw, as planned, from the country. The
six-month delay also stalls a huge restructuring of its shareholding which could
transform its stock price.
Premier, which was criticised by human
rights activists over its operations in Burma, insisted yesterday the deal was
not in danger of collapse.
"We are not signalling concern about
the sale. It will go through. We already have verbal approval from Myanmar
[Burma] and we already said the timetable was in the hands of the regulatory
authorities," said the finance director, John van der Welle.
Premier said it expected the switch of its 26.67 per cent holding
in the Yetagun gas project to take place "some time in the second quarter". But
this is the third deadline given by Premier, which originally talked of the "end
of December" and then in January claimed permission would come"some time in the
first quarter".
The Burma assets, plus certain stakes in the
Natuna field in Indonesia, are being switched as part of a $670m (£427m) deal
whereby Amerada Hess of the US and Petronas of Malaysia will both sell their 25
per cent stakes in Premier.
That block of shares was a major drag
on the Premier share price because it left the British firm protected, in
effect, from any takeover bid.
The Indonesian authorities have
already given their written permission for the Natuna field changes. The delays
were attributed by Premier to the Burmese government and to the fact that PTT of
Thailand, Nippon Oil of Japan and MOGE of Burma have been keen to take a slice
of Premier's share under pre-emption rights. Originally it was expected that the
entire Yetagun stake sold by Premier would go to Petronas, which would have been
less complicated.
The latest delay in Burma was announced by
Premier as it announced an increase from £20.3m-£25m in net annual profits -
despite a £13.1m exceptional charge against its British assets. The profit
figure was lower than the £26m to £35m expected by analysts.
Turnover rose 23 per cent to £263.1m, reflecting higher production
levels and a global crude price that increased over the 12 months from $19.30
per barrel to $28.70.
Net debt at Premier will have been brought
down from £500m at its peak in 2001 to around £50m, once the restructuring is
complete.
· Campaigners yesterday called for a moratorium on a
BP-led pipeline consortium from the Caspian to Turkey, claiming human rights
abuses were being perpetuated in the area. BP said that work would begin on
schedule next month, arguing that the Baku-Tbilisi-Cyehan link would bring many
benefits to the region.
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Financial Express
Wednesday, March 26,
2003
Premier Oil Delays Recast Plan, Says Deal Is
Imminent
London, March 25: British oil
firm Premier Oil Plc on Tuesday announced a delay in the restructuring plan
aimed at removing a weight on its share price, though in a statement
accompanying its 2002 results it said a deal was now imminent.
Amerada Hess of the US and Malaysia?s Petronas each own 25 per
cent of the exploration and production company, holdings which have overshadowed
its stock price.
Completion of a deal struck last year, under
which they exit their roles as shareholder in exchange for assets, has been
delayed as the partners finalise details over their Yetagun gas project in
Myanmar, which is part of the deal.
In January, Premier said the
deal would be done ?some time in the first quarter?, which ends this week. On
Tuesday Premier said it now planned to complete the exit of its two biggest
shareholders from its share register ?early in the second quarter? of 2003.
The news was announced along with 2002 results that showed
Premier?s net profit rose to 25.0 million pounds ($39.3 million) from 20.3
million a year ago, despite a 13.1 million pound exceptional charge against UK
assets, on higher production with oil prices averaging similar levels to a year
ago.
The profit was below a range of analysts? expectations of
26-35 million pounds, but analysts said the charge was unexpected. Excluding the
charge, net profit was slightly above forecast, up 90 per cent at 38.1 million
pounds.
?The result is pretty irrelevant really, because after the
restructuring the company will look completely different,? said Peter Hitchens,
an analyst at French broker Cheuvreux. ?The key things are that they still
haven?t done the restructuring. There?s no news on it, which is slightly
worrying,? he said.
Under the restructuring plan Amerada Hess and
Petronas will give up their 25 per cent stakes in the UK firm and the shares
will be cancelled. They will also pay cash to Premier and and assume some debt.
In exchange, the partners will take some of Premier?s key assets in Myanmar,
formerly Burma, and Indonesia.
Premier is to hand its 26.67 per
cent interest in the Yetagun gas project in Myanmar over to Petronas, while the
Malaysian firm will assume debt of $152 million and pay Premier $107 million.
Premier will also transfer to Petronas a 15 per cent holding in
the Natuna gas field off the coast of Indonesia and receive $100 million in
exchange.
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Asian Tribune
Date : 2003-03-26
Has the SPDC Won the ?Dialogue War?
By -
Harn Yawnghwe of the Euro-Burma Office
State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) Chairman Senior General Than Shwe is visiting
Vietnam. He visited China in January and secured a US$ 200 million loan. Foreign
Minister Win Aung also visited Bangladesh and India to strengthen bilateral
ties. Deputy Foreign Minister Khin Maung Win even visited Brussels on 28 January
to attend the EU-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting. This in spite of an earlier
EU visa ban.
High-level visits to Burma in 2002 are too numerous to
list. Since the dawn of the New Year, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and HRH
Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn of Thailand, Vice Premier Li Lanqing of the
State Council of China, Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka of Japan and
Amnesty International have visited the country.
Some Burmese
democracy advocates, viewing these developments, are very uneasy. Combined with
the increased restrictions and seeming determination of Prime Minister Thaksin
to bring 'peace' to the Thai-Burmese border at all costs, some activists are
beginning to question the wisdom of engaging in a dialogue with the SPDC. They
are convinced that the SPDC has won or is winning the 'dialogue
war'.
Many activists were also concerned by the SPDC's charm
offensive in the USA spearheaded by DCI, a Republican lobby firm. The fact that
Colonel Kyaw Thein was invited to Washington last year to discuss SPDC drug
eradication plans in spite of a US visa ban was also viewed with
alarm.
The SPDC seems to remain strong in spite of the economic
crisis and the unease over the toppling of Ne Win. An anti-Aung San Suu Kyi
(ASSK) campaign was started by the SPDC's civilian arm, the Union Solidarity
Development Association (USDA) in 2003, reminiscent of early 2000 when SPDC
moved to 'eliminate' ASSK and the National League for Democracy (NLD). More
people have been arrested after the relaxation last year. Forced relocation,
forced labor and the human rights abuses including rape and summary executions
continue unabated in spite of the presence of the International Labor
Organization (ILO) in Rangoon.
The military seems to have been
emboldened to such an extent that the USDA has said that the SPDC would not talk
to the NLD and would never hand over power to the election winning party.
General Soe Win, the new SPDC Secretary 2, has also said that the SPDC is not
afraid that the US will intervene in Burma as in Iraq because China is a friend
and will protect it.
From the very beginning of the talks between
the SPDC and ASSK in October 2000, many Burmese democracy advocates were
skeptical about the SPDC's intentions. They suspected that the SPDC would use
the talks to buy time to enable it to continue to survive by gaining
international legitimacy and financial assistance. The international community's
dialogue policy as expressed by UN Special Envoy for Burma, the Malaysia
Ambassador Tan Sri Razali Ismail and UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in
Burma Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, was seen as an appeasement
policy.
Given that the talks in Rangoon have stopped since ASSK's
release in May 2002, some activists fear that the SPDC is consolidating its
position. Disillusioned and frustrated, some are beginning to hit out at the UN,
calling the UN representatives clowns, and attacking their personal integrity.
Some are also considering other options.
What are the facts? What
is the reality?
The facts are that the SPDC has not succeeded. It
is in even more trouble than when it started the talks with ASSK in 2000. No
country believes the generals. They have zero credibility. For example
->br>
China - The SPDC claims that China is a friend and will protect
it. The US$ 200 million loan is shown as proof. China is a friend of Burma, not
the SPDC. China is concerned because the SPDC has not been able to solve Burma's
problems. China does not want external forces to interfere in Burma. That was
why China invited Than Shwe and said very clearly that it wants to see national
reconciliation in Burma.
Malaysia - Many Burmese activists were
concerned when Prime Minister Dr Mohammad Mahathir showed an active interest and
exchanged visits with Senior General Than Shwe several times. The SPDC again
played on the fears of the activists by highlighting the 'friendship' and
business deals that were supposedly made. Dr Mahathir is not a fool. The
business deals the Malaysians made are insignificant. The Malaysians can make
much more money elsewhere and that was what Dr Mahathir was about. He saw that
if the Burma problem is not resolved, it will continue to be a black spot for
Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).
This will turn
away serious investors from Malaysia given that the world is now so competitive.
He also felt responsible for the fact that he brought the SPDC into ASEAN in
1997. He did not succeed because he was trying to persuade Than Shwe that Burma
could prosper as a multi-ethnic federation. The SPDC could have used Dr
Mahathir's experience and leadership within ASEAN and in the non-aligned world
to gain support for any reform program they wanted to launch. They have lost a
potential friend and Dr Mahathir now has no time for the Burmese generals. If
the Burmese democracy movement can come up with a viable solution to the Burma
problem, Dr Mahathir could be a valuable ally.
Japan - The SPDC
makes a great show of its friendship with Japan. Activists get very concerned
every time Japan provides aid to Burma. Once again, it must be remembered that
Japan is a friend of Burma, not the SPDC. The aid given is about US$ 20 million
at a time. This money does not go directly into the hands of the generals and it
is miniscule compared to what Burma needs. For some years now Japan has been
working closely with the SPDC to research what needs to be done to develop Burma
economically. The conclusion is that the SPDC is not capable of implementing the
necessary economic and political reforms that are required. Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi has, therefore, repeatedly told Than Shwe that Burma needs to
democratize and that Japan is willing to help.
The USA - The
SPDC-DCI campaign was unable to convince the Bush Administration that it was
doing enough to eradicate the production of drugs. On 16 February 2003 the US
Government said that it was highly skeptical that Burma's military is serious
about reform, and warned that it was considering further sanctions against the
junta. US Secretary of State Colin Powell on 5 March also designated Burma,
China, Iran, Iraq, North Korea and Sudan as countries of "particular concern" on
freedom of worship, keeping in place the possibility of punitive sanctions
against them.
The European Union (EU) - Burmese activists were
dismayed by the EU's decision to invite the SPDC to the EU-ASEAN meeting in
Brussels. But the EU made it clear that it was not relaxing its position on
Burma. On 18 February, the EU Greek Presidency expressed its concern over the
lack of progress and warned that it will take the situation into close account
in considering the renewal of the Common Position in April 2003. Meanwhile on 13
March, the European Parliament adopted a resolution calling for more
sanctions.
The United Nations (UN) - While the UN Rapporteur did
call for a relaxation of sanctions, the UN was equally frustrated by the lack of
progress in Burma. The UN Burma meeting in Tokyo on 15 February strengthened
Razali's position. All are now aware that the SPDC is not willing and not
capable of implementing change.
Thailand - The new
restrictions on the border are worrisome. But Prime Minister Thaksin's
initiative to mediate between the SPDC and the ethnic nationalities has
potential. It could possibly break the deadlock in Rangoon. But the SPDC's
rejection of the ethnic nationalities offer to talk as a group is a clear
indication that it is not really interested in solving the problem. If the Thais
want to stop the flow of drugs into Thailand, they will need to be prepared to
play hard ball with the SPDC, not with the ethnic nationalities, as called for
by the Defense Minister. The fact that the European Parliament has passed a
resolution recognizing the Thai effort means that the EU will be watching how
Thailand handles the issue of the ethnic nationalities.
India,
Bangladesh & Pakistan - These neighboring countries are trying to improve
ties in order not to be left out should conditions improve but none of them is
in a position to be of real help to the SPDC.
Asian Development
Bank (ADB) - In a rare comment the ADB in its Asian Development Outlook 2002
report said, "There are no clear prospects for the introduction of necessary
widespread economic reforms by the government of Myanmar to correct
macroeconomic imbalances and reduce poverty." It said the military junta "lacked
the necessary policies, and its strategies are ad hoc and respond to a variety
of problems in, at times, contradictory ways. Moreover, the capacity to
implement policies is lacking." Combined with the current banking crisis, this
shows that the SPDC is heading for disaster with no way out and no idea of how
to get out.
Why do Burmese Activists Think the SPDC is
Winning?
First, many activists forget that Senior General Than
Shwe's favorite weapon is psychological warfare. They have fallen into the trap
set up for them by believing exactly what the SPDC wants them to
believe.
Second, some Burmese activists thought that a dialogue
meant the SPDC was going to negotiate a surrender. They did not expect the SPDC
to use the talks to its advantage. That was why they kept saying that they did
not believe in the SPDC's sincerity. When the SPDC did not surrender, they were
outraged and felt betrayed, believing that the international community had also
been misled as they have been.
Third, like the SPDC, some Burmese
activists are very Burma-centric. The world has to revolve around Burma and if
it does not, something is wrong. All foreign interest in Burma is viewed with
suspicion since they believe that only the Burmese are sincere about Burma and
all others are seeking to exploit Burma. In this view, the world must do right
by Burma. For example, the US should be intervening in Burma like in Iraq. It is
not doing so because 'people' want to exploit Burma. Given these perspectives,
the activists feel helpless and angry. They feel they have to do something to
stem the SPDC's advances.
The SPDC?s Strategy
The
SPDC never wanted a dialogue. ASSK had asked for a dialogue as early as 1988.
The SPDC believes that engaging in a dialogue is a sign of weakness. It started
the talks with ASSK because it had no other option. Since then, it has been
trying to get out of the talks without appearing to do so. The idea is to make
ASSK so frustrated that she will break off the talks.
In order to
survive, the SPDC also needs to convince the people of Burma, especially the
Army, that it is invincible. It is even more crucial now that the SPDC has
discredited Ne Win. The Army's belief in the rightful role of the military to
rule, which was embodied in Ne Win, has been shaken. If the Army loses faith in
Than Shwe, a coup by a younger generation of generals is not
impossibility.
In the SPDC's view, the ideal scenario is to
convince everyone that it is winning. ASSK then will break off the talks in
frustration, and Burmese democracy activists will resort to acts of violence. If
this happens, ASSK will be blamed for the failure of the dialogue and the
democracy movement can be cast as international terrorists. This will then allow
the SPDC to get into the good books of the Bush administration. Military aid
would then flow into the SPDC's coffers (Note - SPDC does not want humanitarian
aid which does not directly benefit the military. If it cannot get military aid,
it wants aid for drug eradication, which has to go through the SPDC's
infrastructure for implementation).
Is There a Future for Dialogue?
The SPDC in spite of the brave face it is trying to show is in
deep crisis. SPDC Chairman Senior General Than Shwe is 70 years old and becoming
increasingly erratic. He is micro-managing everything without having the
slightest concept of the magnitude of the problems facing
Burma.
Vice Senior General Maung Aye, Vice-Chairman and Army
Commander-in-Chief, is 65 years old and undergoing emergency treatment for
prostate cancer in Singapore. He may not have long to live.
General
Khin Nyunt, SPDC Secretary-1 and Intelligence Chief is 64 years old and
increasingly unsure of his grip on the new generation of rising
generals.
The new generals led by Lieutenant-General Shwe Mahn are
in their late 50s and early 60s. None of them has been abroad and they have no
idea how the world works.
Burma needs billions of dollars to
reverse the 40 years of economic decline. No government will bail the SPDC out
or bank roll the much needed reforms without a credible plan. Both the Asian
Development Bank and Japan have said that the SPDC is not capable of
implementing the major reforms needed. The SPDC has no way out except to engage
ASSK in a dialogue. But given the Burmese concept of dialogue as a losing
proposition, a strong mediation effort by the international community is
needed.
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Asian Tribune
Date : 2003-03-26
Burma: Failure to fill rice quota sends farmers to the
can
More than 30 farmers who had fled from a
township near Taunggyi told some 50 people from their own village had recently
been imprisoned due to their failure to fulfill their quota of rice to be sold
to the official procurement agencies.
"Every household, whether or
not it made a living by growing rice, were required to sell 80 tang (1 tang = 54
liters) to the government", said a Pa-O farmer from Wan Pong, Nawngwawn Tract,
Hsihseng Township (60 miles south of Taunggyi). "As a result, many of our fellow
villagers have gone to jail. About 20 of them still remain in custody because
their families were unable to pay the fines."
The refugees included
Shan, Yanglai (Striped Karen) and Pa-O.
Two years earlier, on 15
January 2001, the farmers in the same township staged a rally protesting what
they termed as the exorbitant rice demands from the military authorities
resulting in the arrest of 30 of their leaders. A few days afterwards, an
officer from Taunggyi visited the township where the farmers were told: "You
don't own the land. You are only using the land owned by the State with its
permission. Those who fail to sell according to the quota are liable to go to
jail under Section 406 and 420."
Sai Panlu, a prominent member of
the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy was a casualty of the incident, said
a source from the area. "He had been forced to quit the party since," he
explained.
The market prices vary from one township to another,
ranging between 1,000 - 2,200 kyat per tang (tin in Burmese). "This is the worst
year for every farmer," said a Shan. "It has particularly become hell for us
since the year 2000, when they began boosting up their rice export figures."
More than a million acres of paddy fields in central Burma went
under water during last year's flood, according to reports from other news
agencies.
In addition to the rice quota, farmers are also required
to work in the army-owned paddy fields that were confiscated from them, they
said. "We were forced to grow dry-season rice for the army," said a farmer from
Hpakhay, Mongton Township, just across the border from Chiangmai, where Infantry
Battalion 225 seized 5 acres of land. "In 2001, the yield fell short of that of
the rainy-season crop, and each household had to pool in 220 kyat to make up for
the gap."
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