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BURMA RELATED NEWS - MAY 15,
2002.
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HEADLINES
----------------------------------------------------------------- Toledo Blade - Liberty, maybe, for Suu
Kyi
AFP - Ethnic groups want to join Myanmar
reconciliation talks: statement
Reuters - World's dilemma on Myanmar-drugs
versus democracy
AP - Thailand's Shin Satellite/Myanmar Deal -2:
Rural Services
Dow Jones - Thailand's Shin Satellite Signs Telecoms Deal In Myanmar Reuters - Missing tanker found abandoned in Gulf
of Thailand
Asahi - Asia/ Japan courts ire of allies over
Myanmar
Reuters - Thai military set to attack Myanmar
drug army
Reuters - Myanmar trial of ex-dictator's
relatives to resume
Reuters - Myanmar tourism sees profit from Suu
Kyi release
Asia Times - India plays it both ways with
Myanmar
TI - Myanmar junta
releases 9 members of NLD
TI - Myanmar General in US for drugs
talks
Bkk Post - Mortar hits
motorcade
Xinhuanet - Karen Rebels Kill 10 Myanmar
Soldiers
----------------------------------------------------------------- Toledo Blade
Editorials | Article published Tuesday, May 14, 2002 Liberty, maybe, for Suu Kyi Just what the Myanmar military government means by "free" should become
clear in the near future now that it has released democracy advocate Aung San
Suu Kyi after 19 months of house arrest.
It?s unfortunate that it has taken this long for the military rulers to
yield to the international outcry to free the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize winner. And
although a government spokesman said what the military government believes
observers want to hear - that her release "marks a new page for the people of
Myanmar and the international community" - surely he understands that the
skeptics wait to be convinced.
Ms. Suu Kyi remains immensely popular and is able to easily assemble huge
support. In fact, several years ago, after her release from seven years of
confinement, crowds gathered outside her home to celebrate. The military
government didn?t want that again but once again a crowd gathered and
cheered.
She has paid a high price to see democracy in Myanmar, the former Burma,
which for the last 40 years has been closed and under military rule. Concerned
that the military government would not let her return, she refused to leave
Myanmar to go to England to see her husband before he died of cancer three years
ago. Nor did the military rulers let him visit her while he was ill. Ms. Suu Kyi
- whose father fought for freedom in Myanmar and was assassinated when she was
only 2 years old - has also missed her son?s teenage years.
But now the military government says she?s free to organize the opposition
party and can go where she pleases.
Meanwhile, the military government wants to join the fight against
terrorism and narcotic drugs - Myanmar is a major opium exporter - and the
country wants to build a nuclear power plant. While it has agreed to buy 10 new
fighter jets from Russia, strengthening its military isn?t quite as important at
this point as tending to the country?s infrastructure. Badly needing attention
are social services, education, and health systems.
It?s no surprise that the government wants the country?s foremost spokesman
and most popular opposition leader to keep a low profile. But her quest is to
see an independent Myanmar. She has sacrificed too much to sit on the sidelines
now.
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Wednesday May 15, 4:44 PM
Ethnic groups want to join Myanmar reconciliation talks: statement (AFP) - Five Myanmar pro-democracy ethnic groups have called to be included in national reconciliation talks between the military junta and newly freed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The ethnic groups, led by the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD),
said they welcomed the May 6 release of Aung San Suu Kyi from 19 months of house
arrest.
"We welcome this development and hope that such meaningful dialogue will
commence soon," they said in a statement.
"In this period of the dawning of a new day, we, the political parties of
the national groups, declare that we will take on any responsibilities assigned
to us towards establishing national reconciliation which is inevitably
needed.
"Development of national reconciliation will succeed in as much as the
tri-partite talks are successful."
The SNLD statement represented political parties of the Shan, Mon, Zomi
(Chin), Karen and Arakanese ethnic minorities within the country's borders, it
said.
Several minority groups have waged armed struggles against Myanmar's
four-decade military rule, while many have signed shaky ceasefire agreements
with the junta.
The SNLD's chairman, Khun Tun Oo, said it would not be easy to forge a
common approach among the various minority groups, some of which are accused of
massive drug manufacture and trafficking along the Thai border.
"We national groups intend to meet frequently among ourselves to seek a
common ground," Khun Tun Oo told AFP, adding "we forsee a lot of difficulties in
this process as our political stances are quite diverse."
"Some of the ethnic groups ... with illicit drug backgrounds and who enjoy
special favour and perks by toeing the military line ... have become wealthy
beyond their dreams and will be very difficult to bring into the political
process," he added.
Minority groups have yet to be included in the secret talks which began in
October 2000 between Aung San Suu Kyi and the junta and which were brokered by
United Nations envoy Razali Ismail, the personal envoy of UN chief Kofi
Annan.
Aung San Suu Kyi said after her release that the talks had completed an
initial "confidence-building" phase designed to put aside years of hatred and
mistrust, and were ready to begin tackling policy issues.
Deputy chief of military intelligence Major General Kyaw Win said last week
the talks would be resuming "very soon," but did not provide a timeframe.
Following Aung San Suu Kyi's release the junta also said it would allow
"all citizens" to freely participate in political development.
Analysts and diplomats have said inclusion of ethnic groups in national
reconciliation will be vital in any transition to democracy, but the process has
yet to include minorities.
"We haven't reached this stage yet," Aung San Suu Kyi said last week
following her release.
The SNLD said the Nobel peace laureate, who heads the National League for
Democracy (NLD) which won a landslide election victory in 1990 but was barred
from assuming power, told them they should address matters pertaining to the
ethnic groups.
"We do need a person like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who can infuse new concepts
and ideas," Khun Tun Oo said.
"We trust her and we respect her intellect. She understands our desire for
justice and equality."
Aung San Suu Kyi said her release was unconditional, but Khun Tun Oo
stressed the SNLD will be watching closely to see how free she is to move around
the country.
"It will not do if 'Big Brother' is hounding us all the time and is
constantly watching our movements," he said.
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Wednesday May 15, 10:22 AM
ANALYSIS-World's dilemma on Myanmar-drugs versus democracy By Andrew Marshall BANGKOK, May 15 (Reuters) - The
international community faces a dilemma in its relations with Myanmar -- is it
more important to oppose dictatorship or combat the drugs trade?
The isolated and impoverished nation has been ruled by the military for
four decades and its human rights record is among the worst in the world. It was
also the world's top producer of opium and heroin in 2001 and is a burgeoning
source of stimulants.
Many anti-narcotics officials say the only way to stop the flow of heroin
flooding Europe and America is to work with Myanmar's ruling junta, providing
equipment, expertise and financial aid in return for co-operation in fighting
drugs.
But this would mean easing the sanctions that many analysts say played a
key role in forcing the military to soften its stance towards the pro-democracy
opposition and to release Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi from house
arrest this month.
The dilemma has hung over U.S. policy for years, pitting the State
Department against the Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA).
The State Department has consistently supported maintaining sanctions on
Myanmar. The DEA says the only way to fight the drugs trade effectively is to
engage Myanmar's government constructively and provide anti-narcotics aid to
Yangon.
Now the issue is back at the centre of attention.
Colonel Kyaw Thein, head of Myanmar's counter-narcotics operations, is in
Washington this week to discuss drug eradication.
The State Department says the visit will be an opportunity to tell the
Myanmar regime what steps it must take to stop drugs trafficking, and that there
are no plans to resume aid.
"We have pushed counter-narcotics cooperation with Burma even as we have
been steadfast in our support for democracy," State Department Spokesman Richard
Boucher told a news conference.
But critics say allowing the visit has sent the wrong signals and suggests
Washington may be preparing to soften its sanctions on Myanmar following Suu
Kyi's release without waiting for real political reform and progress towards
democracy.
HOOKED ON DRUGS
Years of economic mismanagement in Myanmar have been compounded by
sanctions and the economy is in ruins.
The military insists it is combating the drugs trade, and has said it plans
to crack down on elements in the United Wa State Army (UWSA), an ethnic army
which has struck a peace deal with the junta and which is accused of large-scale
drug production.
But analysts say Myanmar's economy needs drugs to survive.
Frank Milne, an analyst with the Canberra-based ASEAN Focus Group, says
economic statistics from Myanmar do not add up unless a hefty contribution from
drug money is assumed.
"One of the mysteries is how Myanmar, with minimal foreign exchange
reserves...manages to run massive annual trade deficits of up to 24 percent of
GDP without a corresponding increase in external debt," he said.
"In the three years up to 2000, the external trade deficit averaged over
$1.4 billion annually while over the same period external debt increased by just
under $1 billion."
Income from foreign investment, informal border trade and remittances from
overseas workers accounted for some of the difference, Milne said. "But a major
part must be made up by the proceeds of the illegal drug trade."
Economic aid would lessen the government's dependence on drug money,
analysts say, but would allow the government to hang on longer without making
concessions to the democracy movement.
The West has to decide which is the lesser of the two evils.
SUU KYI HOLDS VETO
Suu Kyi's release last week was carefully choreographed by the junta to try
to win an easing of sanctions.
On the day she was released, the government issued a statement through a
public relations firm in the U.S.
It made no mention of Suu Kyi but pledged to "work together with countries
near and far in the fight against terrorism, the total eradication of narcotic
drugs and also in the fight against the spread of HIV/AIDS which are threatening
mankind".
Diplomats say the stress on fighting drugs and terrorism was designed
specifically to send a message to Western governments -- help us and we'll help
you.
"They want the sanctions lifted, and they know they have to offer something
in return," said a Western diplomat based in Bangkok. "They've released Suu Kyi
but that won't be enough. So drugs is an area they can use to try to get some
concessions." But analysts say releasing Suu Kyi may backfire on the junta.
In many Western nations, voters would put a far higher priority on the
domestic battle against drugs than on the fight for democracy in a far-off
nation.
But while countries like Laos -- also a drugs producer with a poor human
rights record -- hold little sway over the national consciousness in the United
States and in European countries, Suu Kyi has ensured that Myanmar keeps making
headlines.
Widely recognised around the world, and holder of the 1991 Nobel Peace
Prize, she is regarded by most Western governments as Myanmar's legitimate
ruler. She has long supported economic sanctions and said this month her stance
had not changed.
Unless she changes her position, it is unlikely Western governments will
agree to any deal easing sanctions on Myanmar in return for co-operation in
eradicating narcotics. The fight for democracy will take precedence over the
fight against drugs.
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Wednesday May 15, 5:32 PM
Thailand's Shin Satellite/Myanmar Deal -2: Rural Services Thailand's Shin Satellite Signs Telecoms Deal In Myanmar BANGKOK (AP)--Thailand's Shin
Satellite said Wednesday that it's signed a deal to provide telecommunications
services to Myanmar villages, many of which have no telephones.
The $12 million deal with the semi-government Bagan Cybertech was signed
Tuesday in Bangkok, said a Shin Satellite spokeswoman who spoke on customary
condition of anonymity.
(MORE) Dow Jones Newswires
15-05-02
DJ Thailand's Shin Satellite/Myanmar Deal -2:
Rural Services
The contract calls for Shin Satellite, which operates three
telecommunications satellites, to provide hardware and satellite links for rural
telephone services throughout Myanmar by the end of this year.
Shin Satellite is a public company affiliated with Shin Corp. PCL (H.SWC),
a telecommunications group controlled by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's
multimillionaire family. Shin Satellite owns and operates three satellites,
Thaicom 1A, 2, and 3.
A company statement said Shin Satellite and Bagan Cybertech will jointly
set up the infrastructure while Bagan Cybertech will be responsible for its
operation and maintenance.
It said 5,000 satellite signal receiving stations would be set up
throughout the country, most of them to serve 3,000 villages that have no
communication services.
The project is being carried out in conjunction with the government's
Myanma Post and Telecom.
The company statement said Bagan Cybertech is a "semi-government full
service telecommunications company," which offers dedicated satellite
communications and high speed Internet and intranet connectivity.
In March, Shin Satellite said that its largest customer, the Indian
government's Department of Space, had renewed a contract to lease transponders
on its satellite for another six months.
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Wednesday May 15, 2:11 PM
Missing tanker found abandoned in Gulf of Thailand BANGKOK, May 15 (Reuters) - An oil tanker believed to have been taken by pirates en route from Singapore to Myanmar two months ago was found abandoned in the Gulf of Thailand, the Thai navy said on Wednesday. The navy said the Belize-registered 1,709 tonne MT Han Wei disappeared two
days after leaving Singapore on March 15. It was found on Tuesday, anchored off
Thailand's eastern town of Siracha, some 80 km (50 miles) from Bangkok.
Marine police with aerial support from a navy helicopter boarded the
vessel, which was originally carrying diesel fuel, but found it empty with no
crew on board.
"We suspect the ship might have been robbed by pirates in the notorious
Straits of Malacca, where ships have been robbed in the past," Aganit Muensri,
head of the naval search operations, told Reuters.
Navy officers said the search team did not find any evidence of violence,
but the ship had been repainted yellow and blue from its original black and
white and had been renamed Phae Tan.
"Our preliminary assumption is all 12 crew members might have been thrown
into the sea. Some of them might have been rescued later," Navy spokesman
Pasukree Vilairak told Reuters.
The navy said the discovery of the ship was based on tipoffs from the
International Maritime Bureau and the ship's owner, Bai Yuh Fishery Co.
Pasukree said Bai Yun told the navy the ship's crew consisted of 10
Indonesians and two Taiwanese.
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Asahi Shimbun - (2002 - 5
-15)
Asia/ Japan courts ire of allies over Myanmar By ATSUSHI YAMADA, The Asahi Shimbun BANGKOK-Now that pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi has been released
from house arrest, Japan is moving to resume official development assistance
(ODA) to Myanmar (Burma).
Among measures contemplated is the lifting of a freeze on providing
financial support for the Baluchaung hydroelectric power station.
But in Washington and other world capitals, officials prefer to defer
making a decision on lifting economic sanctions until the military junta in
Yangon, formerly Rangoon, makes its intentions clearer.
However, Japan is concerned that continued economic sanctions will cause
Myanmar to tilt toward China. For this reason, Tokyo is trying to emphasize
rapprochement.
It is believed Myanmar's generals compromised on the issue of Suu Kyi
because they feared further domestic impoverishment would trigger unrest caused
by a shortage of foreign investment and aid flowing into the country.
Myanmar exports little to the outside world and it lacks foreign reserves
to import significant amounts of consumer goods.
The generals had no alternative but to release Suu Kyi to turn the
situation around, say analysts.
And thus, it placed its hopes on Japan.
Although Tokyo stopped giving ODA to Myanmar in 1988, it quietly continued
to provide humanitarian aid to the tune of about 6 billion yen a year. Since
most of the aid was switched to debt relief to assist Myanmar with its repayment
obligations, little new aid has been utilized for grass-roots projects such
digging wells to ensure water supplies and for medical assistance.
The Foreign Ministry maintained that Japan's hands were tied as far as aid
is concerned while the military junta cracked down on the democratic process.
Even so, officials worried that sanctions would only help China expand its
influence.
Beijing, which did not impose sanctions, has vigorously promoted financial
assistance to Myanmar.
Last year, Chinese President Jiang Zemin visited Yangon and promised 80
million yuan in aid without discussing how the money would be spent.
China is keen on promoting infrastructure projects that have military uses,
such as roads in border areas, electric power stations, bridges and water
supplies.
In this context, the release of Suu Kyi presents an opportunity for Japan
to resume full-scale financial assistance.
Having said that, it is difficult for Japan to expand its assistance in a
single stroke. But if democratization progresses, Tokyo will increase its
financial aid to help the military regime change its policy.
Tokyo wants to quickly resume full-scale aid so it can help Japanese
companies that operate in Myanmar.
Japan is particularly interested in finishing repairs on the Baluchaung
hydroelectric power station, which was completed with Japanese aid in 1960.
The Baluchaung station supplies one-quarter of Myanmar's electricity needs,
including the military's. In this context, the repair work does not really
constitute new aid since it would be a continuation of an earlier project, say
analysts.
Tokyo also seeks good relations with Myanmar, which has abundant supplies
of natural gas and scarce minerals.
However, the United States and ASEAN countries have been scathing about
Japan's move for closer ties, saying Tokyo is acting purely out of
self-interest.
For this reason, Japanese officials should clearly enunciate this country's
basic diplomatic policy toward Myanmar.(IHT/Asahi: May 15,2002)
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Thai military set to attack
Myanmar drug army
Wed May 15, 7:37 AM ET By Nopporn Wong-Anan BANGKOK (Reuters) - Thai troops
plan to strike across the Myanmar border against one of the world's most
powerful drug militias, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), after approval by
Yangon, military sources said.
Myanmar gave permission for an attack on the UWSA, an ethnic army which has signed a ceasefire deal with Yangon, in a bid to smooth relations with Thailand and try to persuade the world it is cracking down on drugs, the sources said. The Thai army deployed hundreds of tanks and thousands of troops this month
to northern Thailand along the Myanmar border in a series of "drills" close to
positions held by the UWSA.
"The drills were a preparation for a fully-fledged battle in cooperation
with Myanmar against the drug-running UWSA," a general in the Thai Third Army
Region told Reuters.
"It will be a major blow against the ethnic groups that are involved in
drug making, which will run in parallel with the Yangon forces," said the
general, who declined to be identified.
The strike could come as early as next week, the sources said.
The Thai army described its troop deployment last week as a revolving
exercise designed to boost the efficiency of the Third Army Command's
operations.
But Deputy Defence Minister Yutthasak Sasiprapha said on Tuesday the Thai
troops might do more than patrol the border and could engage the UWSA.
"If the Wa troops happen to run away from the suppression by Myanmar troops
to Thai soil, we won't yield to them. If we have to fight, we will," Yutthasak
told reporters.
Myanmar army chief General Maung Aye, who paid a four-day visit to Thailand
last month, approved the joint strike against the UWSA, the sources said.
Myanmar signed a formal peace treaty with the UWSA in 1989.
The UWSA has some 20,000 troops and an arsenal that includes surface-to-air
missiles, according to Jane's Defence Weekly.
Yangon is on a serious charm offensive to improve its image and stave off
tougher international sanctions. Last week, it released opposition leader Aung
San Suu Kyi from 19 months of house arrest. The government is also under
pressure to crack down on the production of opium and methamphetamines.
Thailand, which expects to be flooded with over 900 million methamphetamine
stimulant pills this year, says the UWSA is a major producer and supplier of the
drug.
Thailand has sought to strengthen diplomatic and military ties with Myanmar
over the last year to get cooperation on drugs eradication.
Thai troops have clashed with the UWSA sporadically in recent years along
the Thai-Myanmar border, which stretches some 2,400 km (1,490 miles) from Laos
to the Andaman Sea.
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Myanmar trial of ex-dictator's
relatives to resume
YANGON, May 15 (Reuters) ? The
trial of four relatives of elderly former dictator Ne Win, accused of plotting
to overthrow Myanmar's ruling junta, will restart next week after lawyers were
found to represent the defendants, officials said on Wednesday.
The son-in-law and three grandsons of the former strongman were arrested in
a Yangon restaurant in March and charged with planning a coup in league with a
group of military officers and an expert in black magic hired to provide
astrological advice.
They could face the death penalty if found guilty.
Their trial began earlier this month but was adjourned because the
defendants could not find a lawyer to represent them. But on Wednesday two
lawyers were appointed to plead their case.
''Since the two defence lawyers have now been appointed, we are now in a
position for the trial to start,'' said presiding judge U Aung Ngwe. ''As the
defence lawyers have requested some time to prepare their defence, the trial
will be conducted three days a week starting May 20.''
Ne Win seized power in 1962, heralding the start of four decades of
military rule in the country, then known as Burma.
Establishing himself at the head of a military dictatorship, Ne Win
embarked on what he called ''The Burmese Way to Socialism,'' running the country
according to a mixture of communist central planning and Buddhist mysticism.
Under his rule, Burma went from being one of the richest countries in Asia
to one of the poorest and most isolated.
Simmering resentment against the military regime exploded in mass protests
in 1988. The demonstrations were bloodily suppressed by the military, but Ne Win
stepped down, handing over power to a new generation of generals.
Increasingly reclusive, he was rarely seen in public, but was rumoured to
still pull the strings behind the scenes.
But in March this year he was placed under house arrest after the arrest of
his relatives.
Diplomats have said they doubt whether a coup had ever been seriously
planned, and that the arrests may be an attempt by Myanmar's current leaders to
erase Ne Win's influence and purge the government of those loyal to him.
The junta says it is committed to building democracy in Myanmar but that
moving too fast could unleash anarchy. Last month it released pro-democracy
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from 19 months of house arrest.
The international community welcomed the release but said the ruling
generals should take concrete steps towards eventually handing power to a
democratically elected government.
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Myanmar tourism sees profit from
Suu Kyi release
Tue May 14,11:08 AM ET By Dominic Whiting YANGON (Reuters) - Chants of
"long live Aung San Suu Kyi" met Myanmar's pro-democracy icon as she emerged
from 19 months of house arrest last week.
It was music to the ears of tour operators and hoteliers, desperate to make
money by bringing tourists to beautiful, and military-ruled, Myanmar -- formerly
known as Burma.
For years they have fretted over how to persuade potential tourists to toss
away reports on forced labour, torture and political repression, and pick up a
guide book picturing snaking sandy beaches and sunsets over ancient temple
ruins.
But Suu Kyi, who won the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize and has spent eight of the
last 12 years under house arrest, was the tourism industry's biggest obstacle.
Not only was her plight well publicised, so were her views on tourism -- don't
come now, the country will still be here when the ruling generals are gone.
Tourism operators know that could be a long wait, so they cling to the hope
Suu Kyi's release will boost visitor numbers.
"Tour operators are extremely optimistic, some are predicting a 30 percent
rise in business next year," said Jonathan Hopfner, editor of Bangkok-based
Thailand and Indochina Traveller magazine.
Suu Kyi's endorsement of tourism would be the icing on the cake, and could
tempt wary Europeans and Americans to the impoverished country in their hundreds
of thousands.
But freedom has not changed Suu Kyi's mind.
"The party's position has not changed, but we haven't had time to discuss
it properly," Suu Kyi told a news conference inside the ramshackle offices of
her National League for Democracy (NLD), which won 1990 elections by a landslide
but was barred from ruling by the military.
HOTELS HURTING
Suu Kyi's message is carried by rights activists in a "boycott Burma"
campaign, which has been very effective in northern Europe and Myanmar's former
colonial ruler, Britain, where several tour operators stay clear for ethical
reasons.
"If the NLD thinks it's the right decision as part of a strategy to gain
democracy, to disagree is an arrogant position to take," said Sue Wheat,
spokeswoman for London-based Tourism Concern, which campaigns for ethical
tourism around the world but only advocates a total ban for Myanmar.
"The point is it's not up to us to decide," she said.
According to the Myanmar government, 440,000 foreigners visited Myanmar
last year, up on the 416,000 in 2000 but still way short of its target of one
million a year by 2004. Occupancy rates in Yangon hotels are only around 20
percent.
Tourism industry sources say less than half of all visitors are tourists,
the rest are businessmen or cross-border traders. Neighbouring Thailand receives
10 million tourists a year.
"Hotels are hurting. They're hoping Suu Kyi's release will boost numbers,
but I think they'll be disappointed," said Hopfner.
"People who have travelled to Burma before, will do it again and now
they'll feel less guilty about it. But those who haven't, won't until Suu Kyi
changes her mind," he said.
Tour operators say many people stay away from Myanmar because they think
military rule means it is an austere destination.
Many visitors to Yangon are surprised to find the typical bustling street
life of a Southeast Asian capital, and not a dour city overwhelmed by military
presence.
"INTERNATIONAL WITNESSES"
Unless you run into one of the ruling junta, who are escorted by dozens of
machinegun-wielding soldiers hanging off the back of pick-up trucks, contact
with the military could be limited to the immigration and foreign exchange
counters at Yangon airport.
Plain-clothes military intelligence agents, armed with sunglasses and
mobile phones, hang around street corners and cafes, unnoticed by most tourists.
"It's more developed than people expect, and visitors are pleasantly
surprised by the friendliness of the people and their willingness to interact,"
said Raymond Bragg, managing director of the 22-floor Traders Hotel in Yangon,
which has 500 employees.
"Speak to my staff, the man on the street, and you'll see they're pretty
happy," he said.
But tourists do not visit Myanmar's harsh prisons or witness burnt-out
villages in the "restricted" areas where the military government is carrying out
its fight against ethnic minority separatist armies, human rights groups say.
They argue that by visiting Myanmar, tourists are endorsing a regime that
has routinely used forced labour -- including on infrastructure projects linked
to tourism -- often torturing, raping or killing those who refuse to work.
But a counter argument that contact with foreigners brings welcome relief
to Myanmar's long-suffering, isolated population is gaining countenance. And
some guidebooks say they show tourists how to avoid military-related companies
and channel their money to the grass roots of society.
"Many Burmese citizens eke out a living from tourism, however small," the
Lonely Planet guidebook said a statement.
"In fact, keeping the Burmese isolated from international witnesses to
internal oppression may only cement the government's ability to rule."
Suu Kyi's position on tourism could change in coming months.
Diplomats say the next step in negotiations between Suu Kyi and the ruling
generals is likely to be the establishment of a joint committee of NLD and
government officials to tackle humanitarian and social issues, and perhaps even
the economy.
Tourist dollars would be a welcome shot in the arm for an economy hit by
Western sanctions and on its knees because of a slumping currency, near
hyperinflation and daily power cuts.
Although Suu Kyi will want to deny the junta legitimacy, she may be
reluctant to be seen opposing an important money spinner.
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Asia Times - May 15, 2002
India plays it both ways with Myanmar By Sudha Ramachandran BANGALORE - A longtime supporter of Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San
Suu Kyi, India has welcomed her release from detention as a concrete step by the
Myanmar government toward achieving lasting peace and tranquility in the
country. India has consistently advocated reconciliation and moves toward
restoration of democracy, a spokesperson from the Indian Ministry of External
Affairs said last week.
Indeed, India has extended moral support and more to the pro-democracy
movement in Myanmar. Especially in the 1988-92 period, New Delhi was vocal in
its backing of Suu Kyi, calling on the junta to recognize the people's
unambiguous mandate in the 1990 election in favor of her National League for
Democracy (NLD). Signaling its support for Suu Kyi, the Indian government even
awarded her the prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International
Understanding in 1995.
Several pro-democracy Myanmar activists have taken refuge in India and the
exiles are known to be in close touch with its defense minister, George
Fernandes. For several years, the government-controlled All India Radio's
Myanmar service relayed pro-democracy propaganda.
India has traditionally supported pro-democracy movements in its
neighborhood - its backing of the Nepalese Congress in its struggle against the
monarchy is an example. Besides, the close relationship between the leaders of
the two newly independent countries - India's first prime minister Jawaharlal
Nehru and Myanmar's independence hero Aung San (father of Suu Kyi) and Suu Kyi's
ties with India (she received her university education in New Delhi) - are still
recalled here with fondness.
However, India, which has supported Suu Kyi largely on a matter of
principle and for sentimental reasons, has found that the policy is not
pragmatic and did not serve India's security interests. Around 1992-93, New
Delhi realized that its policy of backing Suu Kyi against the generals was
proving counter-productive as it had left the door open for the blossoming of
ties between Myanmar's junta and the Chinese government.
Incidentally, relations between Myanmar and China had been steadily
improving from the late 1970s. Bilateral visits at the highest level, China's
distancing itself from the Burmese Communist Party and Yangon's (then Rangoon)
endorsement of China's policy toward Kampuchea (support to the Khmer Rouge),
among other things, brought the two countries closer.
China's ties were on a firm footing by the mid-1980s. When the rest of the
world ostracized the junta for the brutal crackdown in 1988, Beijing extended a
supportive hand to the generals. When the rest of the world criticized the
generals for human-rights violations and were reluctant to trade with Myanmar,
China was ready to engage in diverse forms of cooperation, including sale and
supply of military equipment, trade in consumer goods, building Myanmar's
infrastructure and so on.
This prompted India to re-evaluate its strategy of vocal and open support
for the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar. Several factors have contributed to a
change in strategy from one of criticizing the generals for their refusal to
heed the democratic mandate to that of doing business with them.
The most important has been the significant and growing military
cooperation between Myanmar and China, with grave implications for India's
security. The most worrying for India has been growing Chinese naval presence in
the Bay of Bengal. According to Indian intelligence reports, the Chinese-built
radar facility on Myanmar's Coco Islands (near India's Andaman and Nicobar
Islands) provides Beijing with input on India's missile-testing facilities in
its east-coast state of Orissa.
Then, several insurgent groups active in India's strife-torn northeastern
states operate from sanctuaries in Myanmar. India has realized it needs
Myanmar's cooperation to crack down on the insurgents and break their supply
lines. There is also the booming drug trade that India cannot tackle without
support from Myanmar's military.
India is also keen to reap the considerable potential that exists in
cooperation in the economic and energy fields. Besides, Myanmar is India's
stepping stone to Southeast Asia. India's "Look East" policy "could not have
acquired momentum if we continued to ignore the junta in Myanmar", a Ministry of
External Affairs official pointed out to Asia Times Online. India's heart might
beat for the pro-democracy movement, but its head has directed it to improve
ties with the generals.
In the guise of non-interference in the internal affairs of Myanmar, India
changed tack in the early 1990s. Vocal support for the democratic aspirations of
the people of Myanmar was toned down.
Strategic calculations prompted India to initiate a policy of "strategic
Engagement" with the generals in 1991. At the Jakarta summit of the Non-Aligned
Movement (NAM) in 1992, India did not block Myanmar's re-admission into the
grouping. High-level visits between diplomats of the two countries followed.
In 1994, a memorandum of understanding (MoU) was signed to increase
cooperation between the civilian border authorities of the two countries to
prevent "illegal and insurgent activities". Another bilateral agreement was
signed to regularize and promote border trade.
It was only post-1998 that India's ties with the generals received a
significant boost. India under a government that was pursuing a "muscular
foreign policy" aimed at beefing up its defense and security interests went all
out to woo Yangon.
In November 2000, the vice chairman of Myanmar's ruling State Peace and
Development Council, General Maung Aye, visited India. Indian Foreign Minister
Jaswant Singh has visited Yangon twice since then. India now supplies military
equipment to Myanmar and is said to have leased helicopters to its army.
However, it is a road project that is the most visible and positive
evidence of India-Myanmar cooperation. The road linking Moreh in India's
northeastern state of Manipur with Kalewa on the Chindwin River in Myanmar is
expected to transform trade between the two countries radically. Last month,
India, Myanmar and Thailand reached agreement on a road connecting the three
countries. The stepping-stone provided by improving ties with Myanmar is helping
India reach out to Southeast Asia.
How successful has India been in deepening engagement with Myanmar? In the
early 1990s, India's castigation of the generals did adversely affect relations.
Today, however, while New Delhi has not completely succeeded in wiping out the
perception that it empathizes with Suu Kyi's struggle, it avoids commenting on
the situation in Myanmar beyond mouthing such terms as reconciliation and peace.
That is something the generals are willing to live with. Doing business with
each other is in the mutual interest of India and the generals. Their
interaction might not be close but it is correct. "Unlike the general to our
west [President General Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan], the generals to our east
[the junta in Myanmar] do not undermine our security interests and are willing
to cooperate on an array of issues," says the External Affairs Ministry
official.
The time-tested ties that the junta has with China stand in the way of
India's closer cooperation with Myanmar. But there are issues with regard to
China that trouble Yangon - the growing influx of Chinese into Myanmar that has
in the past triggered violent clashes between the immigrants and locals, is one
- and should these differences deepen, New Delhi can expect an improved
relationship with Myanmar.
The junta is said to be uncomfortable with its overwhelming dependence on
China and there is a possibility that India could gain should it decide to
reduce that reliance.
Last week's statement on Suu Kyi's release is yet another example of
India's tightrope walk in Myanmar. It made clear its position of support to
restoration of democracy in Myanmar - a tilt in favor of Suu Kyi. It corrected
that tilt by giving the generals a pat on the back for their "concrete steps"
toward lasting peace.
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The Times of India -WEDNESDAY, MAY 15,
2002
Myanmar junta releases 9 members of NLD
AFP [ TUESDAY, MAY 14, 2002 3:06:38 PM ]
YANGON: The Myanmar junta said on Tuesday that it had freed nine members of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), eight days after the party's leader herself was released from 19 months under house arrest. "Today nine NLD members were being released from the various correctional
facilities," a government spokesman said in a statement.
"They are in good health and reunited with their respective families," he
said.
Those released were identified as Zaw Win, Kyaw Nyein, Chan I Ila, Kyin
Swan Khan, Paw Tun, Khin Maung Yin, Sein Hlaing, Phone Myint and Aung Soe.
Aung San Suu Kyi called on the junta to speed up the pace of prisoner
releases immediately following her release.
"We have been disappointed at the slow pace of release of political
prisoners. The releases are important, not only in humanitarian terms but
political terms as well," the Nobel peace laureate said in her first public
appearance on May 6.
The government said in a statement the same day that it would take a series
of steps to "celebrate this day of national unity".
"We have released nearly 600 detainees in recent months and shall continue
to release those who will cause no harm to the community, nor threaten the
existing peace, stability and unity of the nation," it said, referring to both
political and humanitarian releases of women and children.
More than 270 political prisoners have been released from the nation's
jails since the military embarked on secret talks aimed at national
reconciliation with Aung San Suu Kyi in October 2000, one month after confining
her to her lakeside home.
A total of 52 NLD members have been freed since mid-February, when current
UN human rights envoy Paulo Sergio Pinheiro visited Myanmar late last month and
renewed calls for the junta to "release all political prisoners."
The NLD won elections in 1990 that were never recognised by the
military.
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The Times of India - WEDNESDAY, MAY
15, 2002
Myanmar General in US for drugs
talks
AFP [ TUESDAY, MAY 14, 2002 1:34:35 AM
]
WASHINGTON: A senior member of Myanmar's ruling military embarked on a
contentious four-day visit to Washington on Monday to discuss drug eradication
in his country, which is branded by the United States as the world's number one
source of opium.
Colonel Kyaw Thein, who coordinates Yangon's counter-narcotics operation
arrived only a week after Myanmar's junta released opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi from her latest period of house arrest.
Myanmar's embassy in Washington declined to give details of Kyaw Thein's
programme. But diplomatic and official sources said he had meetings planned at
the State Department, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the Justice
Department and the Central Intelligence Agency -- which has conducted heroin
crop surveys in Myanmar.
Officials stress that Kyaw Thein's visit has been planned for some time --
and was in no way related to Aung San Suu Kyi's release.
But it is still being vigorously opposed by some in Congress, where
Myanmar, the former Burma, has a long list of critics.
Tom Lantos, a veteran member of the House of Representatives and a human
rights campaigner, reacted furiously to the invitation, in a letter to Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, James Kelly.
"The administration's decision to grant Colonel Kyaw Thein a visa to the US
and to engage in a dialogue about greater cooperation with the Burmese
government is a profound mistake," Lantos wrote.
"The decision sends the signal to the international community that the US
is softening its stance towards Burma in response to the release of Aung San Suu
Kyi instead of waiting for far reaching political reform."
State Department officials say that the visit was cleared after Myanmar
indicated it wanted to do more to cut down on the narcotics trade in the
country, which critics claim bankrolls the military government.
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Bangkok Post - Wednesday 15 May 2002
BORDER VIOLENCE
Mortar hits motorcade
Supamart Kasem
A mortar shell exploded alongside a motorcade carrying medical staff on an
anti-malaria project in Mae Ramat district yesterday, causing shrapnel damage
but no casualties.
The shell landed about three metres from one of two cars carrying seven
doctors and medical staff about 11am.
The body and windows of the vehicle carrying Dr Jirapong Uthaisilp,
director of Mae Ramat hospital, were damaged.
The shot was believed to have come from across the border in Burma.
Troops from the 213th Cavalry Battalion checked out the area and escorted
the medical team for the rest of the trip.
Dr Jirapong said the team was on its way to the Karen border village, Ban
Huay Pla Kong.
A border source said units of Burma's 97th Light Infantry Battalion and the
pro-Rangoon Democratic Karen Buddhist Army were camped over the border opposite
the scene of the incident.
A protest letter would be sent to Myawaddy authorities via the local border
committee, the source said.
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Karen Rebels Kill 10 Myanmar
Soldiers
Xinhuanet 2002-05-15 16:48:36 BANGKOK, May 15 (Xinhua) -- The
Karen National Union (KNU), a group of armed minority rebels in Myanmar,
attacked two villages controlled by government and killed at least 10 soldiers
Wednesday morning, reports from Thai-Myanmar border said.
According to the reports, the KNU claimed that about 100 of its fighters
raided the two villages named Phatugyee and Minnletpan this morning.
The fire exchange lasted 90 minutes before the Myanmar soldiers and a group
of Karen militia allied with the government fled the area.
A leader of the KNU who did not want to reveal his name said at least four
Myanmar soldiers and six pro-government Karen fighters were killed.
He also said that his soldiers captured 18 million methamphetamine tablets
and burned them after fight.
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