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Burma Related News - March 16, 2002.



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BURMA RELATED NEWS - March 16, 2002.
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HEADLINES
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AP - European Union team says Myanmar political talks need to pick up speed
Reuters - EU Visit Sheds Little Light on Myanmar Future
BBC - Behind Burma's 'non-coup'
BBC - Analysis: Burma's economic crisis
Kyodo News - Reconciliation in Myanmar goes on: EU
Kyodo News - EU says coup attempt in Myanmar won't affect dialogue
United Nation - Special Envoy Of Secretary-general For Myanmar To Visit Yangon, 19 - 22 March
The Daily Star - Should Myanmar remain our distant neighbour?
Independent - Beximco Pharma holds 'Pediatric Seminar' in Myanmar
The Guardian - Ill omens for Burma's ageing despot
Bkk Post - Agency to set up office at checkpoint
Bkk Post - Burma's Old Man is out
ST - UN worried over Chinese farmers growing opium in Myanmar
AP- U.N. envoy trying to promote reconciliation talks in Myanmar will return next week
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European Union team says Myanmar political talks need to pick up speed
Fri Mar 15,11:22 AM ET
By DAN LOVERING, Associated Press Writer
 
BANGKOK, Thailand - Reconciliation talks between Myanmar's military junta and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi have made some progress but the process needs to pick up speed, an EU official said Friday.
 
"Some things have happened. Evidently the pace is something that can be improved," said Rafael Conde, leader of a four-member European Union (news - web sites) mission, after ending a three-day visit to Myanmar.
 
Conde, director-general of the Asia and Pacific division in the Spanish Foreign Ministry, was speaking to reporters at Bangkok airport after arriving from Yangon, the Myanmar capital.
 
He declined to say anything more about the reconciliation talks, which aim to end a political deadlock caused by the junta's refusal to hand over power to Suu Kyi, whose party won the 1990 general elections.
 
The contents of the closed-door talks have not been revealed and the only tangible outcome thus far has been the release of more than 200 political prisoners, including many members of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party, or NLD.
 
The EU team also met earlier Friday with Suu Kyi, who has been under virtual house arrest since September 2000. "She was in good health. We had a long and fruitful meeting," Conde said, without revealing the contents of the discussion.
 
Conde said junta leaders assured the EU team that recent disclosure of an alleged coup attempt would not affect the reconciliation process. Last week, the government arrested a son-in-law and three grandsons of former dictator Ne Win, accusing them of plotting to overthrow the government.
 
A statement issued by the EU team said the visit's objectives were to encourage progress in the reconciliation talks, urge the release of Suu Kyi and other political prisoners and ask the junta to restore freedom of association, assembly and _expression_.
 
The Myanmar government said it released five NLD members from various prisons Friday. Also freed were 25 female detainees ? either pregnant or with young children ? held on criminal charges, the government said.
 
So far, 272 female detainees have been released in recent weeks.
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EU Visit Sheds Little Light on Myanmar Future
Fri Mar 15,12:36 PM ET
By Aung Hla Tun and Andrew Marshall
 
YANGON/BANGKOK (Reuters) - European diplomats held rare talks with Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Friday to gauge prospects for political change following claims by the ruling junta it had foiled a planned coup.
 
But the delegation of for European Union diplomats ended a three-day visit to Myanmar unable to offer any fresh insights into the country's immediate future after years of repressive military rule.
 
The team of four diplomats met pro-democracy champion Suu Kyi at the Yangon lakeside residence where she has been held under house arrest for the last 18 months.
 
The military government has been holding confidential talks with her since October 2000, saying it wants to end the political deadlock. But no concrete results have emerged, and the EU team shed no light on the progress of the dialogue.
 
"We have to respect the confidentiality of the process," delegation leader Rafel Conde, director general for Asia at the Spanish foreign ministry, told a news conference in Bangkok.
 
"I can confirm that the talks are taking place, and that we sincerely hope that they will mature and prosper in the shortest possible time."
 
The diplomats arrived in Myanmar on Wednesday with the country abuzz with rumors and political gossip after the ruling junta announced it had arrested relatives of elderly former dictator Ne Win for plotting to overthrow the government.
 
The junta says cronies of Ne Win, who ruled the country for more than 25 years until 1988, were conspiring to install a puppet government with help from some senior commanders and an expert in black magic hired to provide astrological advice.
 
But some foreign diplomats are skeptical a coup was planned, saying the allegations and arrests may stem from disagreements in the government over how to deal with Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy (NLD).
 
POWER STRUGGLE
 
Analysts say a faction led by military intelligence head Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt favors dialogue with the opposition, but supporters of army chief General Maung Aye are against making any concessions to Suu Kyi.
 
Ne Win's family is seen as close to Khin Nyunt, and some analysts say the current purge could be a bid by hard-liners to get the upper hand and scupper any easing of military rule.
 
But other observers say the crackdown on Ne Win's family may speed political change, as the former military strongman had tried to use his influence to block progress.
 
The EU diplomats met Myanmar Foreign Minister Win Aung, but a requested meeting with Khin Nyunt was not granted. Officials said Khin Nyunt was too busy. But Conde said he did not read anything into the failure to meet Khin Nyunt.
 
The European team was in Myanmar to assess the human rights and political situation in Myanmar a month before the EU "common position" is reviewed. The diplomats also repeated the EU's demand that Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners be freed.
 
Suu Kyi's NLD won Myanmar's last elections in 1990 by a landslide but the military refused to hand over power. The junta says it is committed to democracy but moving too fast risks unleashing anarchy.
 
Conde said Suu Kyi, 56, awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, had asked that details of her discussion with the EU delegation be kept secret.
 
"I can say she is in good health," he said. "She is an extraordinary lady."
 
The EU currently maintains a visa ban on the junta's leaders, as well as trade and aid sanctions. Conde said the EU planned to offer $4.4 million to help fight Myanmar's HIV (news - web sites) problem, adding more aid might be forthcoming if there was political progress but nothing was currently on the table.
 
Since the dialogue between Suu Kyi and the junta began, more than 200 political prisoners have been released. The government said it had freed another five on Friday. But the opposition says more than 1,000 political prisoners still languish in jail.
 
The EU team will now report back to member states on its assessment of the political situation in Myanmar.
 
Asked about the prospects for progress, Conde said: "One can only wait and see, and hope."
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Saturday, 16 March, 2002, 10:58 GMT
Behind Burma's 'non-coup'
By BBC regional analyst Larry Jagan in Rangoon 
 
As investigations into last week's alleged "coup" attempt in Burma continue, there is increasing scepticism inside the country about the alleged plot to overthrow the government.
 
Instead, diplomats and analysts are asking if the military government's moves against a prominent family may signal a wider willingness for change.
 
More than 20 senior soldiers and police are still being questioned about the alleged coup, according to military sources in Rangoon.
 
These are believed to be the people whose names appeared on a list that was drawn up by Sandar Win, the daughter of the former military leader General Ne Win.
 
Four senior officers have already been sacked, including two regional commanders. Many more arrests and sackings are expected in the next few weeks.
 
Although only Ne Win's son-in-law, Aung Zaw Win, and his three sons have been detained, privately the military have made it clear that they believe that Sandar Win is in fact the ring leader.
 
Brigadier General Kyaw Win told journalists that if evidence was unearthed which implicated her, then she would be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.
 
So far they have not hinted whether they thought General Ne Win, now in his 90s, had been involved.
 
Despite the government's carefully orchestrated show-down with the Ne Win family, there is increasing scepticism in Burma surrounding the allegations of a plot to overthrow the government.
 
There is no doubt that the Ne Win family were trying to re-establish some of the power and influence the family name used to wield in Burmese politics, and that they felt they were not getting the perks and privileges they thought they were due.
 
"Over the past 18 months Sandar Win and her children have been increasingly side-lined," said a western diplomat in Rangoon who did not want to be identified.
 
"They were growing increasingly bitter and often complained that the government had turned against them."
 
Sandar Win even consulted a soothsayer who told her that the Ne Win family empire would never re-emerge. "This seems to have sent her into a mad frenzy," said a source close to the family.
 
There is also no doubt that the Ne Win off-spring then began to canvass support among as many senior ranking soldiers as they could.
 
"But this is a far cry from trying to organise a physical take-over of power," said an Asian diplomat.
 
Car scam
 
So far those who have been sacked have all been connected to the family through business interests. One of them, Brigadier General Chit Than, the regional commander of the Golden Triangle area which borders China and Thailand, was axed because he allowed the family to import cars from Thailand without import licences, according to a senior military source.
 
Observers in Rangoon believe that the top Generals are using the antics of the Ne Win family as a pretext to root out some of the senior officers who are guilty of excessive corruption.
 
This was a process that began last November with the sacking of two top Generals and five government ministers.
 
Burma's south-east Asian neighbours have all been telling the regime it needs to liberalise the economy and curb corruption if the country is to develop.
 
This is one of the key issues the UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail has been stressing to the ruling junta on his frequent visits to Rangoon.
 
Initially the move against the Ne Win family was seen as part of a power struggle within the military, particularly on the issue the confidential talks between the regime and the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
 
But the Generals have been at pains to say that it will not affect the dialogue process.
 
In fact UN officials are encouraged by these developments and believe they may even hasten progress in the talks.
 
"The Generals have now taken a totally unexpected step and done something which most people - inside and outside the country - would never have dreamt they would do," said a UN official who declined to be identified.
 
"It's a step in the direction of reform rather than a retreat to the past," he said.
 
"If they can do that, they can do anything, releasing Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest should be easy now."
 
On the streets of Rangoon, the fall of General Ne Win's family has been met by muted euphoria.
 
Many people now hope that the Generals may act just as decisively on the issue of political reform.
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Friday, 15 March, 2002, 13:47 GMT
Analysis: Burma's economic crisis
By Larry Jagan
BBC Burma analyst in Bangkok  
 
 Burma's economic crisis continues to deepen.
 
Unemployment is rising dramatically every month while prices of consumer goods are spiralling out of control. And the value of the local kyat on the informal market continues to tumble.
 
"People are growing more and more dissatisfied every day," says a Burmese businessman in Rangoon who did not want to be identified.
 
"But if it continues like it is. It could easily reach boiling point in the coming months."
 
In the past few weeks the value of the kyat has fluctuated wildly - dropping by as much as 15% according to a Rangoon money changer. Economists and businessmen in Rangoon predict it will sink further.
 
Mobile phones drive down the currency
 
Economic analysts in Rangoon say the run on the currency is the result of increased domestic demand for dollars.
 
"Many local people need more dollars at the moment to pay for the new batch of mobile phones that have been released on to the market," says one financial analyst, "while others need dollars to buy gems in the government sponsored auction."
 
The fall in the kyat has also caused the cost of imported goods to rise.
 
Prices of meat, eggs and palm-oil are all up. Analysts in Rangoon estimate that palm oil - essential for cooking and imported from Malaysia - has risen by more than 50% in the last six months.
 
Rice price soars
 
Now even the price of rice is out of control. Local residents complain that market prices have risen by more than 20% in the past month. In some rural areas, residents report a three-fold price increase over the past three months.
 
"This is largely because of the government's obsession with meeting its export target of a million tonnes by the end of next month," says a financial consultant with a foreign investment firm in Rangoon.
 
In the past the ruling generals kept the price of rice relatively stable by controlling the supply. But the last time they released stocks from the government reserves was more than six months ago.
 
Even the price of bribes, such as those necessary to keep a phone line, have risen.
 
Looming food crisis
 
But the real problem is that wages and salaries are not rising as prices increase. Local Burmese economists estimate an average family of five needs more than 80,000 kyat (about $110) a month to live, including food, medicine and transport but excluding luxury goods.
 
The average monthly income of a professional worker - teacher, university professor or government official - is less than 10,000 kyat ($13).
 
"People are really feeling the pinch," says a Western diplomat based in Rangoon.
 
"Comparisons are being drawn with the situation more than a decade ago that led to the events of 1988. The difference though, is then everyone suffered."
 
Many families, especially those living on the outskirts of Rangoon or in the poorer rural districts, can only afford to eat one meal a day.
 
Living standards of many Burmese are declining rapidly and UN officials fear a massive humanitarian crisis is looming.
 
They estimate that one child in three under the age of five is already suffering from malnutrition. If the situation remains unchecked, they fear that this could double within the next 12 months.
 
"People are getting increasingly dissatisfied with the situation," says a Burmese economic analysts close to the military.
 
"They are tolerating it at present, but if the situation continues to deteriorate over the next 12 months then there is a very real risk of massive social unrest."
 
Many in the government seem to understand this, and that is one of the main reasons the generals have started to talk secretly to the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
 
Even the deputy foreign minister Khin Maung Win privately admits that only political reform can save Burma from economic ruin.
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Reconciliation in Myanmar goes on: EU
 
BANGKOK, March 15, Kyodo - European Union officials who concluded a three-day fact-finding mission to Myanmar said Friday last week's coup d'etat attempt in Myanmar would not affect an ongoing dialogue between the military junta and the country's pro-democracy movement.
 
Rafael Conde, director general for Asia and Pacific affairs at the Spanish Foreign Ministry, who led a four-member delegation to Myanmar, told reporters at Bangkok airport that Myanmar officials said the ''matter was well in control.''
 
''It would have no impact on the ongoing process of the national reconciliation,'' Conde added.
 
Aye Zaw Win, former Myanmar leader Ne Win's son-in-law, was arrested Thursday last week along with three of Ne Win's grandsons for allegedly plotting a coup against the military government with the help of some military commanders.
 
Conde said the EU delegation met opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of her National League for Democracy (NLD) as well as Myanmar Foreign Minister Win Aung and ambassadors of member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations during a three-day in Myanmar.
 
Conde said the delegation and Suu Kyi discussed a wide range of issues, including the reported coup attempt, but declined to disclose details of the conversation, saying the meeting was made on the condition that it will be kept confidential.
 
Conde said the EU mission -- comprising senior officials from Spain and Denmark, the present and the next chair of the EU presidency, the EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, and the European Commission -- discussed the issue of political reconciliation in talks with Win Aung.
 
''I can confirm the talks taking place and that we sincerely hope that they will mature and prosper and as soon as possible,'' Conde told the news conference at the airport.
 
Conde declined to comment if the EU delegation was more optimistic after visiting Yangon, but said ''One can only wait and see and hope and expect that the process will fulfill itself in the shortest dealing.''
 
Conde said the EU delegation urged Myanmar authorities to release Suu Kyi from house arrest but Myanmar officials just noted the EU position.
 
''We consider the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the rest of political prisoners (an) objective that we pursue.'' Conde said.
 
Suu Kyi, who met the EU delegation at her lakeside residence in Yangon for about two and a half hours, was in good health, Conde said.
 
The EU mission visited the NLD headquarters Friday morning and met with NLD Chairman Aung Shwe and members of the party's executive committee.
 
The mission had scheduled a meeting with Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt, leader of the ruling State Peace and Development Council, on Friday morning but the session was canceled. Conde said the Eu delegation ''does not read anything negative into that.''
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EU says coup attempt in Myanmar won't affect dialogue
 
BANGKOK, March 15, Kyodo - European Union officials who wound up a fact-finding mission to Myanmar said Friday last week's coup d'etat attempt in Myanmar would not affect talks between the military junta and the country's pro-democracy movement.
 
The officials made the comment upon arriving at the Bangkok airport following a three-day visit to Myanmar to probe the political situation in the country, including talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of her National League for Democracy (NLD).
 
Aye Zaw Win, former Myanmar leader Ne Win's son-in-law, was arrested Thursday last week along with his three sons for allegedly plotting a coup against the military government with the help of some military commanders.
 
The four-member EU mission led by Rafael Conde, director general for Asia and Pacific Affairs at the Spanish Foreign Ministry, confirmed that they met with Suu Kyi for two and a half hours at her lakeside residence in Yangon on Friday.
 
The mission visited the NLD headquarters Friday morning for talks with the party's executive committee members led by chairman Aung Shwe.
 
The delegation arrived in the Myanmar capital Wednesday to probe the political situation in Myanmar, the first such EU mission since January 2001.
 
The EU officials also met with Myanmar Foreign Minister Win Aung and ambassadors of member nations of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
 
The mission had scheduled a meeting with Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt, leader of the ruling State Peace and Development Council, on Friday morning but the session was reportedly canceled.
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Special Envoy Of Secretary-general For Myanmar To Visit Yangon, 19 - 22 March
United Nations, Fri 15 Mar 2002
SPECIAL ENVOY OF SECRETARY-GENERAL FOR MYANMAR TO VISIT YANGON, 19 - 22 MARCH
 
The following statement on Myanmar was issued today by the Spokesman for Secretary-General Kofi Annan:
 
Mr. Razali Ismail, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Myanmar, will visit Yangon from 19 to 22 March 2002, to continue his effort to help facilitate the national reconciliation process in Myanmar.
 
During his four-day visit, Mr. Razali is expected to meet with Government leaders, including Senior General Than Shwe, Prime Minister and Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as well as with senior members of the National League for Democracy (NLD), including its General Secretary, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
 
The Secretary-General hopes that Mr. Razali?s mission will provide the process with a fresh momentum to assist the two sides to develop their confidence-building talks into a more substantive dialogue in the near future.  This will be Mr. Razali?s seventh mission since he was appointed as the Special Envoy in April 2000.
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The Daily Star - Sat. March 16, 2002
Should Myanmar remain our distant neighbour?
M Anwarul Haq
 
Bangladesh has a potential for tapping into the consumer market of Myanmar by exporting pharmaceuticals, toiletries, newsprint, fertilizer, ceramic products, bottled juice, leather goods and tobacco. Myanmar too could benefit from export of timber, rice, maize, pulses, gems and precious stones. Besides there are ample opportunities of expanding border trade, reviving old sea links and opening up road communications.
The train was on its way to Bahadurabad. Ambassadors of two European Union countries who were taking a group of reporters to show some of their funded projects more than a year back were chatting with them.
 
At one point, the topic turned to the border clashes that Bangladesh border forces, the BDR had with the Myanmar forces, the Nasaka. Some one asked the ambassadors what would be the position of their countries, if it erupted into a major conflict.
 
Both the envoys said, "There is no doubt we would support Bangladesh in its fight against Burma."
 
One added, "Bangladesh will become a frontline state in a battle for democracy."
 
There is no doubt that both the diplomats, who were known for their love for Bangladesh meant it sincerely.
 
Burma, as many western countries, particularly the US, still prefer to call by its old name, has been in remarkable isolation---first by its own choosing and later by its crackdown on democratic forces after Aung San Suu Kyi won the elections.
 
The ire and concern of western countries, of human rights activists and all democracy loving people including our own over delay in restoration of democracy in Myanmar is understandable.
 
But should internal conditions of a country prevent others from trading or dealing with that nation on the economic plane? One need not go further but look at the record of the United States dealing with countries with minimal human rights record. They know that internal democracy is one thing while bilateral diplomacy is a different ball game altogether.
For Bangladesh, there are only two neighbours. But the fact remains that our people led by the policy planners have been thinking only of India as THE NEIGHBOUR. In the process we are unwittingly pushing our only other neigbbour Myanmar away. By following such a policy we are depriving ourselves the many advantages that we could reap by building a bridge of friendship with neigbouring Myanmar with whom we have a 317 kilometre land boundary.
 
Even our THE NEIGHBOUR-- India -- has long abandoned its policy of speaking openly in support of pro-democracy movement led by the SLORC in Myanmar. At one time Delhi even used to run a regular propaganda service by the All-India Radio lambasting the Burmese military regime, but that too has been disbanded.
 
The fact is that in the realm of foreign affairs, India has been pragmatic enough to follow a policy of better neighbourliness with Myanmar. Today it has many agreements in place with Yangon and is constructing highway networks to connect its north-eastern states. There is definite indication that not only in roads but the two countries are willing to enter into the sector of energy cooperation by building gas pipeline.
 
Why did India decide to woo Myanmar while Bangladesh keeps sitting with its BDR trained across the Naaf river? India could understand that a policy of isolation would drive Myanmar into the Chinese fold completely. China has already connected Myanmar with good surface links and is working on a deep sea port, a likely naval base deep south known as Coco's island. India, perhaps in response, has focussed recently on its Andaman and Nicobar Islands defence establishments and upgraded them into another command. The naval developments pose a peril for neighbours like Bangladesh, as it could become a potential flashpoint.
 
It is the turn of Bangladesh to be bypassed by Myanmar if we fail to act and now. While we have a per capita income of less than 200 dollars, Myanmar's is 1200 dollars. Even in military strength, although exact figures are not available, Myanmar has a large if not larger land force and a much bigger air force than ours.
 
Should we look at the European Union for our Burma policy?
 
Investment of several European Union countries, besides China, Japan, Thailand and Singapore's in Myanmar, despite its lack of democracy, is simply phenomenal.
 
I do not have the latest figures of foreign investment in Myanmar, nor does our Ministry of Foreign Affairs. But what I learnt from Myanmar foreign minister U Win Aung during an exclusive interview two years back in Dhaka, I am stating:
 
"We tried to build the economy without foreign participation. This policy has now been abandoned.
 
"Presently we have foreign investments of over seven billion US dollars, most of those in the oil and gas sector and the rest in hotel and tourism industry. Earlier we had one hotel; now we have 700 hotel rooms.
 
"Myanmar," the foreign minister said, "never received one cent of international assistance. (Now) we would like to get international assistance but without any strings attached."
 
What is even more significant is that the western countries as well as China and India since some time now are re-inventing the strategic importance of Myanmar.
 
Myanmar's geographic location is most strategic. Whoever controls Myanmar, controls the gateway to Asia. It has long borders with China, Thailand, India and of course Bangladesh. Due to its geo-strategic location it is essential that Myanmar is kept non-aligned with any single power. This perhaps the western countries are now realizing quickly.
 
Bangladesh, as anyone knows, has a major irritant with Myanmar. We had been swamped by the influx of Rohingya refugees. However, protracted negotiations have almost solved this problem. Myanmar has taken back 2,30,000 Rohingyas out of some 2,51,000 since the refugees began crossing the border way back in December, 1991. According to last week's figure there are some 21,627 Myanmar refugees, taking into account new born babies and split families. The trickle back is slow for these residual numbers but Myanmar watchers feel that this problem would have been solved long back had the visit of Senior General Than Shwe, who is the prime minister, materialised, more than a year back. Not only the problem of refugees would have been solved but also the entire trade regime of Bangladesh and Myanmar opened up on a grand scale.
 
Although, Than Shwe's illness was attributed to a last minute cancellation of the visit, it is time now to send a fresh invitation for the visit to Bangladesh of a neighbouring Prime Minister. This could be preceded by trips of our Foreign Secretary and Foreign Minister besides having the stalled BDR-Nasaka talks completed at the earliest.
 
Cross border problems with neighbours are not uncommon. What is uncommon is not to have any irritants among neighbours. Problems of border demarcation and refugees no longer stand in the way of developing bilateral ties, particularly on an economic plane. China and India despite their long dispute over border demarcation are going ahead in building economic relations. Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji recently went on a lengthy trip of India after touring Bangladesh.
 
What is interesting to note is that another neighbour of Yangon -- Thailand -- has more than one hundred thousand illegal Myanmarese refugees living in camps in its country. Despite the problem, the two neighbours maintain harmonious economic relationship.
 
Myanmar, contrary to the old school of thought is no longer living in isolation. Thousands of western visitors flock to the country. It has succeeded in becoming a part of the South East Asian economy by successfully joining the ASEAN bandwagon. Even it decided to join what started as BISTEC -- comprising of Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka and Thailand -- the four-nation forum for economic cooperation. Mooted primarily by Dhaka, Yangon through its insistence became the fifth member to join the grouping now called BIMSTEC with the M for Myanmar added.
 
Bangladesh has a potential for tapping into the consumer market of Myanmar by exporting pharmaceuticals, toiletries, newsprint, fertilizer, ceramic products, bottled juice, leather goods and tobacco.
 
Myanmar too could benefit from the export of timber, rice, maize, pulses, gems and precious stones. Besides there are ample opportunities of expanding border trade, reviving old sea links and opening up road communications.
 
Bangladesh has worked out a weeklong marketing extravaganza in Yangon beginning March 26 where it will promote its culture and cuisine and also parade its traditional and non-traditional wares. During the promotional blitz, visiting members from Bangladesh delegation will play golf with locals while a team from the defence services will play hockey.
 
A new beginning in Bangladesh-Myanmar relationship is being attempted. But the two countries will have to engage themselves in more constructive diplomacy, golf wise and business wise for their mutual benefit. Otherwise they would continue to remain distant and remote neighbours.
 
Let Bangladesh Tee off by putting the ball in Myanmar's court.
 
M Anwarul Haq is Diplomatic and Defence Correspondent of The Daily Star
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The Independent (Bangladesh)
15 March 2002.
Beximco Pharma holds 'Pediatric Seminar' in Myanmar
by Economic Reporter
 
Beximco Pharmaceuticals Ltd, the leading pharmaceutical manufacturer of Bangladesh has been continuing its efforts to extend the business activities in the international arena, says a press release.
 
As a part of its ongoing quest to reinforce its overseas presence, Beximco Pharma organised an impressive 'Pediatric Seminar' at Yangon, capital of Myanmar recently. The programme was inaugurated by Professor Myo Myint, President of Myanmar Medical Association. Nazmul Hassan, Director, Marketing and Commercial of Beximco Pharmaceuticals Ltd, delivered the address of welcome in the programme. He also gave a 'Corporate Presentation on Beximco Pharma' by colourful multimedia projection. In his presentation, Nazmul Hassan informed the house that apart from its existing product portfolio, Beximco Pharma is going to introduce another 20 exciting new products in
 
Myanmar which will also include five new pediatric formulations.
 
Professor Thein Thein Myint, Head of Yangon Children Hospital was the chairperson of the scientific seminar. Renowned pediatrician of Bangladesh Professor Salim Shakur, Academic Director and Senior Consultant of Bangladesh Institute of Child Health, Dhaka Shishu Hospital presented his paper on "ARI associated with low zinc status in malnourished children'. Professor San San Myint, noted consultant Neonatologist, Central Women Hospital, Yangon presented her paper on "Feeding issues of Preterm Infants".
 
The programme was attended by about 150 renowned pediatricians of Myanmar, comprising of professors, associate professors, senior consultants, consultants etc. Among others, the Bangladesh ambassador in Myanmar, Defence Attaché of Bangladesh in Myanmar, First Secretary of Bangladesh Embassy, representatives from UNICEF, high officials and people from Media were also present in the seminar. The programme as well as the quality and aesthetic packaging of the products of Beximco Pharma was highly appreciated by the distinguished doctors who attended the programme.
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The Guardian
Ill omens for Burma's ageing despot
General Ne Win and his coterie, including his astrologer, may be under detention but it does not mean the coming of democracy, writes John Aglionby
Friday March 15, 2002
 
Tantalising whiffs of change have begun circulating in military-controlled Burma, but with the boundaries between fact, fiction, desire and desperation extremely difficult to determine in this nation that defines the term "closed society", it is still anybody's guess in which direction they are blowing.
The only thing that can be said with any degree of certainty is that General Ne Win's four-decades long grip on power appears to be declining as rapidly as his 92-year-old, bed-ridden frame.
 
Last Thursday the junta, of which the strongman who led the first army coup in 1962 is now not officially a part but until last week was thought to exert tremendous influence over, arrested Ne Win's son-in-law, Aye Zaw Win, and his three sons, four senior generals - including the heads of the air force and police - and a bevy of other officers and associates. Ne Win himself is now under effective house arrest along with his daughter, Aye Zaw Win's wife, Sandar Win.
 
They are accused of plotting a coup. The triumvirate at the apex of the State Peace and Development Council - a more Orwellian euphemism for a brutal regime is unlikely to be invented - General Than Shwe, the army chief, Maung Aye, and the intelligence boss, Lieut. Gen. Khin Nyunt, were allegedly to be summoned to Ne Win's house and incarcerated until they agreed to a new leadership.
 
Among the most interesting of the alleged evidence condemning the plotters were voodoo-like dolls of the three senior generals found at Ne Win's house. Ne Win's astrologer, Aung Pwint Khang, was reportedly also arrested.
 
Superstition has also played a prominent role in Ne Win's life - soon after being told his lucky number was nine he cannibalised the currency and made the Kyat divisible by nine rather than 10 - and striking at this aspect of his life shows how serious the generals are.
 
But at present it is almost irrelevant whether the allegations - a) that the coup attempt was genuine and b) that the family acted out of desperation over the erosion of their economic privileges - are true or not.
 
What is significant is that the generals acted against the "first family", a clan whose business interests are almost on a par with those of the Suhartos in Indonesia. Even six months ago such action would have been considered unthinkable
 
Fathoming why they did it is where one enters the realm of tea-leaf reading. If everything is as the army describes then their action is understandable.
 
But that is highly doubtful. Much more likely is that the long-time fissure between the junta hardliners, led by Maung Aye, and the moderates (a relative term in Burma), led by Khin Nyunt, can no longer be papered over.
 
A growing body of opinion is tending towards the view that Maung Aye is gaining the upper hand over Khin Nyunt. Evidence for this is admittedly circumstantial but there is nothing to suggest the opposite.
 
For starters Khin Nyunt is Ne Win's protege and analysts find it hard to explain why he approved the strike against his mentor unless he had to shore up his own position within the junta. Then, yesterday, he failed to attend an arranged meeting with a delegation of four senior visiting European diplomats who are in the capital, Rangoon, to assess the state of the country ahead of an EU meeting to decide whether to extend the sanctions on the regime.
 
However, it is interesting that the visitors did get to see Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's opposition, the National League for Democracy - which overwhelmingly won the last general election, in 1990, but was never allowed to take office. Ms Suu Kyi has been under house arrest since October 2000. No details of their meeting earlier today were released.
 
Ms Suu Kyi has been in closed-door talks with Khin Nyunt for well over a year about the future of the increasingly destitute country but little concrete progress has been made. A few hundred political prisoners have been released but well over 1,000 remain behind bars. A fresh general election still remains a distant dream.
 
The legions of Burma activists who have predicted for years that Ne Win's demise would be the catalyst required for change are almost certain to be proved correct. But the signs are not encouraging that developments will follow the course they had hoped.
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Bangkok Post - Saturday 16 March 2002
Agency to set up office at checkpoint
Suspected vehicles to face X-ray checks
Wassayos Ngamkham and Manop Thip-osod
 
The Narcotics Suppression Bureau plans to set up an office at the Mae Sai checkpoint to intercept vehicles suspected of smuggling illicit drugs from Burma.
 
The setting up of the anti-narcotics suppression office has been necessitated by information that large quantities of illicit drugs were being smuggled into the country via the Mae Sai checkpoint in Chiang Rai.
 
Pol Lt-Gen Priewpan Damapong, the NSB commissioner, said around 4,000 vehicles, mostly pick-up trucks, were making their way through the checkpoint every month, adding there were only immigration and customs officials manning the checkpoint at the moment.
 
The NSB chief said he has already discussed its establishment with Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
 
Under the plan, officers manning the office would be carrying special X-ray equipment to run detection checks on suspected vehicles.
 
Pol Lt-Gen Priewpan admitted that drug gangs were using more sophisticated ways these days to conceal their shipments. He will seek some 200 million baht from the Royal Thai Police Office to purchase the X-ray equipment for the job.
 
Meanwhile, five people were arrested in two separate raids in which more than 400,000 methamphetamine pills were seized yesterday.
 
In the first raid, anti-narcotics police arrested two men at a petrol station in Mae Sai district, Chiang Rai after they found 446,000 speed pills hidden in their car.
 
The suspects were identified as Yapa Yaeso, 24, and Somsak Napacharee, 41, both Chiang Rai natives.
 
In the second raid, two men and a woman were taken into custody after police found 16,000 speed pills hidden in their car at a parking lot of Tesco Lotus superstore in Samut Sakhon.
 
The trio were Yuthana Narongsak, 36, a native of Lampang ; Miss Thongsawan Chumnum, 21, of Mukdahan; and Joy Thanomsak, 27, of Chiang Rai.
 
On Thursday night, two Chinese Haw men were shot dead during a brief gunfight with city police and some 16,000 speed pills were seized from them in the Thung Khru area.
 
The two were about to deliver pills to a dealer when they were spotted by police.
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Bangkok Post - Saturday 16 March 2002
Burma's Old Man is out
Is Rangoon ready for a post-Ne Win era?
AUNG ZAW
 
Burma's military leaders have again stunned the world, not by massacring thousands of innocent democracy protesters as was the case in 1988, but by arresting Burma's untouchable elite: the family of former Burmese strongman, General Ne Win.
 
Rangoon authorities arrested four members of the ex-dictator's family on March 7, including Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win and three of his grandsons, after the military allegedly uncovered a plan designed by the group to overthrow the government.
 
Since the country's ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) began arresting members of Burma's most powerful family, it has been like watching a puzzling magic show. The puppets who were once controlled by the magician have suddenly turned on their former boss, Ne Win.
 
Paradoxically, the junta's latest press briefings have even contained some credible information, although many continue to be sceptical.
 
Ne Win, who ruled Burma for 26 years, has yet to be charged but as authorities continue to pry information out of his arrested kin, the future may not be so bright for Burma's most feared dictator.
 
Nevertheless, it is too early to predict what will happen to the Old Man _ as he is known in Burma _ but surely it is safe to say that the Ne Win era is over.
 
It is quite ironic, however, that almost 40 years to the day after Ne Win himself staged a coup in Burma, his inner circle has found themselves behind bars for the same action.
 
The real question here is how an ailing, bed-ridden 92-year-old could engineer such a plan? Numerous questions remain unanswered. If Ne Win's family members were serious about taking state power, they grossly miscalculated the strength of Burma's pervasive intelligence system as well as the power of Burma's armed forces.
 
Did Ne Win not give them the proper consultation? Or were these individuals simply in denial regarding the power of these bodies?
 
It is safe to say that Ne Win and his cronies are getting what they deserve after guiding Burma into an absolutely dire economic and humanitarian state. Ne Win, after all, gave the shoot-to-kill orders in August 1988 that brought many to an early and unnecessary grave. The former dictator also sent thousands of people to prison during his reign for opposing his totalitarian ideals.
 
These new developments have been a boon for Burma's military leaders. Not only have they foiled outside speculation that Ne Win continued to exert tremendous strength on the government, but they also squashed an attempted coup while strengthening their own grip on power.
 
Moreover, this move has won the hearts and minds of many ordinary Burmese in Rangoon, as Ne Win's grandsons committed a long list of offences while holding court in the capital _ much like the family of former Indonesian dictator General Suharto who have been accused of murder, drug abuse, cronyism and widespread corruption. These same charges have been the hallmark of Ne Win's family in Rangoon. For years the authorities turned a blind eye until they felt their own power was at stake, as the Ne Win camp tried to establish a state within the state _ a state where they not only called the shots but lived above the law.
 
It was widely known that Ne Win's family had recently become displeased with their situation in Burma. They had not been receiving the privileges and economic concessions that were once guaranteed them. This was, of course, the impetus for the planned coup.
 
The bottom line here is that there are new kids in town. There are now dozens of Sandar Wins in Rangoon. (Sandar Win is Ne Win's favoured daughter and wife of Aye Zaw Win. They are the parents of Ne Win's three arrested grandsons.)
 
With a growing military elite, SPDC members have been looking to get their piece of the pie. Collision and conflict was inevitable in a society built on nepotism, as families looked to expand their own business empires.
 
As the new era of economic elite came to roost in Rangoon, the Ne Win clan began boiling with jealousy and greed as they saw their silver spoon being taken away. With Burma's remaining resources being tapped at an alarming rate, Sandar and company wanted a continued stake after being rewarded with special business concessions for so long. There is no doubt that Ne Win's family came to resent the new blood of Burma.
 
The last straw perhaps was the conflict over a US$144 million cellular phone deal in Burma that was initially acquired by Sandar Win's family, but for unknown reasons has never been launched.
 
It can be said that the crackdown on Ne Win's clan has more to do with business conflict than politics. Critics in Rangoon said the crushing of Ne Win's empire was a necessary step for these new syndicates if they were to ever truly control the country's business sector. Rangoon has also used this occasion to reassert its commitment to the ongoing reconciliation talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, in hopes of gaining favour with other international governments.
 
Maj-Gen Kyaw Win, the deputy chief of intelligence, told reporters that Ne Win's family was not happy with the government's political and economic reforms. If that is the case, many Burmese would agree with Ne Win _ not because they are against reform but because there has been a lack of it.
 
Ne Win is known to hold a grudge against Suu Kyi, who criticised him in public when she entered politics 12 years ago. Many Burmese felt that change would come only after the Old Man bites the dust.
 
Now that the Ne Win era is over, the question becomes: Is Burma ready for a post-Ne Win era? Analysts have noted that the economic crisis in Burma is deepening and the country could face serious social unrest in the months ahead, as high inflation and skyrocketing prices could spark looting and protests in Burma.
 
In the political arena, UN special envoy to Burma, Razali Ismail, is returning to Burma for the seventh time. Though Razali maintains his optimism, many at home and abroad are showing increased impatience and scepticism, as the reconciliation talks have now hit their 18th month with no tangible results, while nearly 2,000 political prisoners remain incarcerated in Burma.
 
Burma needs leaders who can feel the country's sense of urgency. Now that Ne Win's reign has ended, the ball is in the junta's court. Courageous decisions are urgently needed in Burma if it is ever to get back on track. We will all know in a few months if Maj-Gen Kyaw Win and the regime are telling the truth.
 
- Aung Zaw is the editor of Irrawaddy magazine.
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The Straits Times - MARCH 16, 2002 SAT
UN worried over Chinese farmers growing opium in Myanmar
 
Migrants from Yunnan province have sown fields after crossing the border, says a UN drug official, who fears it will tempt the locals
 
MONG PAWK (Myanmar) - A new trend of Chinese farmers crossing the border into eastern Myanmar to grow opium poppies is alarming anti-drug officials, a UN official said.
 
In the past year, 20 migrants from China's Yunnan province have sown fields in the Mong Pawk area, said the official, Mr Xavier Bouan.
 
He said officials feared it would tempt local people to go back to poppy cultivation, endangering a United Nations-sponsored project to persuade the tribal peasants to give up drug farming.
 
'It sends the wrong signal to the local farmers,' said Mr Bouan, a UN Drug Control Programme (UNDCP) coordinator of a project to replace poppy fields with legal crops in the Mong Pawk area of the Shan state.
 
'They say 'See, it isn't forbidden to grow poppies, these people are doing it'. It has set the alarm bells ringing,' he said during a government-arranged trip to the remote area for diplomats and journalists this week.
 
With the help of the UNDCP, Myanmar is trying to implement crop-substitution schemes to eliminate opium production in parts of Shan state rife with poppy fields and make it a drug-free zone by 2005.
 
The UN claims a 30 per cent reduction in poppy cultivation area in the last four years in Mong Pawk, where one of the projects covers a 2,000-sq-km area.
 
It is not known whether the trend of Chinese farmers coming to Myanmar is being repeated elsewhere along the 2,185-km China-Myanmar border where Chinese influence is pervasive.
 
Many areas use Chinese currency and Chinese language is widely spoken.
 
UNDCP officials have met Chinese officials from Yunnan province and the Chinese ambassador to Myanmar to voice their concern.
 
They say the response was 'positive'.
 
The Myanmar government says it is powerless to take action against the migrants.
 
The area is a Special Region, an autonomous zone run entirely by the Wa ethnic group under a peace agreement with the government that ended years of fighting in 1989.
 
'There's nothing we can do. The Wa have to sort it out themselves,' said police Colonel Hkam Awng of the Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control.
 
According to a recent US State Department report, Myanmar is the world's largest producer of illicit opium, and most of it comes from Shan state.
 
China, Myanmar's northern neighbour, is a major transit point for smuggling the drug, and southern China itself has a huge drug-addiction problem. --AP
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U.N. envoy trying to promote reconciliation talks in Myanmar will return next week 
ASSOCIATED PRESS
 
UNITED NATIONS, March 15 ? A U.N. envoy trying to promote reconciliation talks between the ruling military regime and the pro-democracy opposition in Myanmar will return to the southeast Asian nation next week for a new round of meetings, the United Nations announced Friday. 
 
After a weeklong visit in late November, Razali Ismail said he was hopeful that ''significant progress'' could be made in the near future on reconciliation talks.
 
During his four day visit from March 19-22, Razali is scheduled to hold talks with Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the chairman of the State Peace and Development Council as the ruling junta calls itself, and detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and senior members of her National League for Democracy.
 
Secretary-General Kofi Annan hopes Razali's upcoming mission ''will provide the process with a fresh momentum to assist the two sides to develop their confidence-building talks into a more substantive dialogue in the near future,'' U.N. spokeswoman Marie Okabe said.
 
Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current group of generals came to power in 1988 after leading a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrations.
 
The junta called elections in 1990 but refused to honor the results when the National League for Democracy won an overwhelming victory. Instead hundreds of National League activists were jailed. Suu Kyi has been under house detention for over a year.
 
Razali, a former Malaysian diplomat, facilitated face-to-face talks between the junta and Suu Kyi, which started in October 2000. The contents of the talks have been kept secret.
 
This will be his seventh visit to Myanmar since his appointment in April 2000.
 
When Razali left in late November he also urged the government to release political prisoners.
 
At the end of a 10-day visit to Myanmar last month, the U.N. investigator on human rights in the country, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, urged the military to release all political prisoners and allow Suu Kyi to resume ''normal political activities.'' 
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