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-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BURMA RELATED NEWS - February - 19, 2001. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HEADLINE -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- AP - Helicopter Carrying 2 Mins,Top General
Crashes In Myanmar
AP - Army Helicopter Crashes in Myanmar
NYT - Burmese Junta in Talks With Democracy
Leader
BBC - Senior Burmese official killed AP - Top general killed in helicopter crash in
Myanmar
Reuters - Thailand wants dialogue with Myanmar over
clashes
AP - Thai Thaksin Cabinet Meets To Tackle National
Problems
Bkk Post - Thai Thaksin Cabinet Meets To Tackle National
Problems
Bkk Post - Burma visit on
back-burner
New York Times - Burma's Junta
'Loosens Up Around the Edges'
India Abroad - India is a model for
IT development: Myanmar
Monday February 19, 4:30 PM
Helicopter Carrying 2 Mins,Top General
Crashes In Myanmar
YANGON (AP)--An army helicopter
crashed in Myanmar Monday with two Cabinet ministers and a top general in the
ruling military council on board, government officials said.
It wasn't immediately known if there were any injuries in the crash. Two government officials refused in separate interviews to give the names
of the officials on the helicopter, or to say how it had crashed early Monday.
The fate of the officials wasn't immediately known, said the sources, who spoke
on condition of anonymity.
One of the two government officials said the crash occurred in southern
Myanmar near the town of Moulmein, 160 kilometers southeast of Yangon, the
capital.
There was no immediate confirmation from the government.
Myanmar's government usually refuses to answer questions by reporters who
call it on the telephone, and a military spokesman in Yangon didn't immediately
respond to a fax sent to his office Monday with written questions about the
reported crash.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962, and the current junta,
which calls itself the State Peace and Development Council, came to power in
1988, after a crackdown on a pro-democracy movement.
The regime keeps a tight grip on the media in Myanmar, and the public
usually knows very little about the government and its activities.
The junta has faced intense Western criticism for stifling the opposition,
which is led by Aung San Kyi. She won the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts
to bring democracy to this Southeast Asian country.
Monday February 19 3:31 AM ET
Army Helicopter Crashes in Myanmar YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - An army
helicopter crashed in Myanmar on Monday with two Cabinet ministers and a top
general in the ruling military council on board, government officials
said.
It was not immediately known if there were any injuries in the crash.
Two government officials refused in separate interviews to give the names
of the officials on the helicopter, or to say how it had crashed early Monday.
The fate of the officials was not immediately known, said the sources, who spoke
on condition of anonymity.
One of the two government officials who spoke with The Associated Press
said the crash occurred in southern Myanmar near the town of Moulmein, 100 miles
southeast of Yangon, the capital.
There was no immediate confirmation from the government.
Myanmar's government usually refuses to answer questions by reporters who
call it on the telephone, and a military spokesman in Yangon did not immediately
respond to a fax that the AP sent to his office Monday with written questions
about the reported crash.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current junta, which
calls itself the State Peace and Development Council, came to power in 1988,
after a crackdown on a pro-democracy movement. The regime keeps a tight grip on
the media in Myanmar, and the public usually knows very little about the
government and its activities.
The junta has faced intense Western criticism for stifling the opposition,
which is led by Aung San Kyi. She won the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts
to bring democracy to this Southeast Asian country also known as Burma.
The NewYork Times
February 18, 2001 Single-Page Format
Burmese Junta in Talks With Democracy Leader By SETH MYDANS BANGKOK, Feb. 17 — The first sign that something unusual was going on was the disappearance of editorial cartoons pillorying Myanmar's pro-democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as a "democracy princess," a "political stunt actress" and a "Satan of destruction." Then the diatribes against her that have been a staple of the
state-controlled press became more muted and indirect. Soon after that,
newspapers stopped printing periodic announcements of forced "voluntary
resignations" of members of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's political party.
"The papers are even less interesting now than they were, if you can
imagine that," said a Western resident of Myanmar, formerly Burma.
During the last month the reason has emerged, and it has stirred a tremor
of excitement among experts watching the long, sad political standoff in
Myanmar, a police state.
For the first time since 1994, the military junta that runs the country has
begun holding talks with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi. Both sides have suspended their
war of words in a tentative period of what diplomats call confidence
building.
Small convoys of government vehicles have been observed entering and
leaving Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's home, where she has been confined for the last
four months. Diplomats say she has been talking with top leaders of the junta
who in the past refused to deal directly with her.
But beyond this, almost nothing is known: why the military government has
decided to talk, what subjects are being discussed or where this new approach
might lead.
Most experts agree, though, that there is still a clear bottom line. The
military that has ruled Myanmar since 1962 and the current junta — in power
since 1988 — have no intention of giving away or sharing any substantive
power.
"At this point, the most we can expect is some loosening up around the
edges," said Josef Silverstein, an expert on Myanmar who is an emeritus
professor of political science at Rutgers University.
It is still possible that the talks are just a ploy to make the government
appear flexible in the hope that international sanctions will be eased and
foreign aid from countries like Japan will begin to trickle in again.
The United States and Europe have been squeezing Myanmar for years with
political pressure and sanctions. The United States has banned new business
deals there by American companies and refuses visas to Myanmar government
officials. The European Union has scaled back contacts with an Asian regional
grouping that includes Myanmar.
They are responding to the quashing of a democratic movement that swelled
in 1988 with a peaceful nationwide uprising. Thousands of people were killed in
massacres by the military.
Two years later, in a monumental miscalculation, the military held a
parliamentary election in which Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National
League for Democracy, won 88 percent of the seats. The junta quickly annulled
the results and instituted an even more thorough political clampdown.
Late last year, it appeared that the government was determined to eliminate
once and for all the National League for Democracy, jailing its members or
forcing them to resign and isolating Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi from her
supporters.
Now the government seems to have changed tack sharply. In its first
substantive gesture, last month it released 85 members of the party who had been
imprisoned during the last year. It is still believed to be holding as many as
1,700 political prisoners, including 35 people who were elected to Parliament in
1990.
The news has touched off a debate over whether the sanctions have caused
this new softening.
If the talks are more than public relations, several factors may be at
play, and economic pain appears to be chief among them. Myanmar's economy is a
mismanaged shambles and getting worse, with inflation rising and the currency
rapidly losing value, some of the last foreign investors pulling out and
economic growth slowing to a crawl.
Monopolies run by the military and its cronies have skewed and sapped the
economy. The World Bank recently described Myanmar as "trapped in abject
poverty."
A European diplomat in Myanmar who has not supported sanctions said he had
come to believe that they were decisive. One final straw, he said, was a
recommendation last November by the International Labor Organization to its 175
member nations to reconsider doing business with Myanmar.
But other experts disagree.
"The difference in analyses is whether the sanctions were at the heart of
the economic downturn and therefore of the willingness of the government to make
concessions," said David I. Steinberg, director of Asian studies at Georgetown
University, who visited Myanmar last month. "I say the sanctions played a minor
part."
A parallel source of pressure has come from the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations, the regional economic grouping that admitted Myanmar as a member
in 1997 and has mostly pursued a policy of economic and political
engagement.
The Asian financial crisis that same year dashed hopes in Myanmar for a
surge in regional trade and investment. And the continuing political
intransigence of the government has soured some of its neighbors on forging
closer ties.
The push for a more flexible approach to the opposition may have come from
Myanmar's strongest backer in the region, Malaysia, whose prime minister,
Mahathir Mohamad, visited early last month. Myanmar has become a liability to
the 10-member Asean grouping, straining relations with Western nations and
embarrassing the Malaysians who insisted on its admission.
More broadly, it may be that both sides, like a pair of exhausted boxers,
are ready to seek a way out of their futile 12-year standoff.
Despite all its efforts, the military government is still reviled by much
of the population, still struggling for legitimacy, beset by enemies on all
sides, and by reported internal rifts.
It continues a seemingly endless battle against ethnic insurgencies and is
so nervous about dissent that it has kept most universities closed for
years.
The democratic opposition, ground down and unable to function openly, has
won nothing, although it maintains high respect abroad and continues to draw
young recruits into its ranks. It has come under increasing criticism for
promoting sanctions and boycotts that have contributed to the hardships of the
population and failed to force reforms.
A number of experts say that at least some members of the military
government would like to compromise. The junta has said for years that it wants
to shift to civilian government — though these civilians may mostly be military
men in suits.
The trick is to find a way to loosen its grip without losing everything.
The examples of Russia and Eastern Europe are not encouraging. And so the junta
hangs on for dear life.
"Once you begin to pull that thread, the whole sweater can unravel," said
Mr. Silverstein of Rutgers. "That's what the military is worried about."
The NewYork Times
February 18, 2001 Single-Page Format
Burmese Junta in Talks With Democracy Leader By SETH MYDANS BANGKOK, Feb. 17 — The first sign that something unusual was going on was the disappearance of editorial cartoons pillorying Myanmar's pro-democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as a "democracy princess," a "political stunt actress" and a "Satan of destruction." Then the diatribes against her that have been a staple of the
state-controlled press became more muted and indirect. Soon after that,
newspapers stopped printing periodic announcements of forced "voluntary
resignations" of members of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's political party.
"The papers are even less interesting now than they were, if you can
imagine that," said a Western resident of Myanmar, formerly Burma.
During the last month the reason has emerged, and it has stirred a tremor
of excitement among experts watching the long, sad political standoff in
Myanmar, a police state.
For the first time since 1994, the military junta that runs the country has
begun holding talks with Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi. Both sides have suspended their
war of words in a tentative period of what diplomats call confidence
building.
Small convoys of government vehicles have been observed entering and
leaving Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's home, where she has been confined for the last
four months. Diplomats say she has been talking with top leaders of the junta
who in the past refused to deal directly with her.
But beyond this, almost nothing is known: why the military government has
decided to talk, what subjects are being discussed or where this new approach
might lead.
Most experts agree, though, that there is still a clear bottom line. The
military that has ruled Myanmar since 1962 and the current junta — in power
since 1988 — have no intention of giving away or sharing any substantive
power.
"At this point, the most we can expect is some loosening up around the
edges," said Josef Silverstein, an expert on Myanmar who is an emeritus
professor of political science at Rutgers University.
It is still possible that the talks are just a ploy to make the government
appear flexible in the hope that international sanctions will be eased and
foreign aid from countries like Japan will begin to trickle in again.
The United States and Europe have been squeezing Myanmar for years with
political pressure and sanctions. The United States has banned new business
deals there by American companies and refuses visas to Myanmar government
officials. The European Union has scaled back contacts with an Asian regional
grouping that includes Myanmar.
They are responding to the quashing of a democratic movement that swelled
in 1988 with a peaceful nationwide uprising. Thousands of people were killed in
massacres by the military.
Two years later, in a monumental miscalculation, the military held a
parliamentary election in which Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National
League for Democracy, won 88 percent of the seats. The junta quickly annulled
the results and instituted an even more thorough political clampdown.
Late last year, it appeared that the government was determined to eliminate
once and for all the National League for Democracy, jailing its members or
forcing them to resign and isolating Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi from her
supporters.
Now the government seems to have changed tack sharply. In its first
substantive gesture, last month it released 85 members of the party who had been
imprisoned during the last year. It is still believed to be holding as many as
1,700 political prisoners, including 35 people who were elected to Parliament in
1990.
The news has touched off a debate over whether the sanctions have caused
this new softening.
If the talks are more than public relations, several factors may be at
play, and economic pain appears to be chief among them. Myanmar's economy is a
mismanaged shambles and getting worse, with inflation rising and the currency
rapidly losing value, some of the last foreign investors pulling out and
economic growth slowing to a crawl.
Monopolies run by the military and its cronies have skewed and sapped the
economy. The World Bank recently described Myanmar as "trapped in abject
poverty."
A European diplomat in Myanmar who has not supported sanctions said he had
come to believe that they were decisive. One final straw, he said, was a
recommendation last November by the International Labor Organization to its 175
member nations to reconsider doing business with Myanmar.
But other experts disagree.
"The difference in analyses is whether the sanctions were at the heart of
the economic downturn and therefore of the willingness of the government to make
concessions," said David I. Steinberg, director of Asian studies at Georgetown
University, who visited Myanmar last month. "I say the sanctions played a minor
part."
A parallel source of pressure has come from the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations, the regional economic grouping that admitted Myanmar as a member
in 1997 and has mostly pursued a policy of economic and political
engagement.
The Asian financial crisis that same year dashed hopes in Myanmar for a
surge in regional trade and investment. And the continuing political
intransigence of the government has soured some of its neighbors on forging
closer ties.
The push for a more flexible approach to the opposition may have come from
Myanmar's strongest backer in the region, Malaysia, whose prime minister,
Mahathir Mohamad, visited early last month. Myanmar has become a liability to
the 10-member Asean grouping, straining relations with Western nations and
embarrassing the Malaysians who insisted on its admission.
More broadly, it may be that both sides, like a pair of exhausted boxers,
are ready to seek a way out of their futile 12-year standoff.
Despite all its efforts, the military government is still reviled by much
of the population, still struggling for legitimacy, beset by enemies on all
sides, and by reported internal rifts.
It continues a seemingly endless battle against ethnic insurgencies and is
so nervous about dissent that it has kept most universities closed for
years.
The democratic opposition, ground down and unable to function openly, has
won nothing, although it maintains high respect abroad and continues to draw
young recruits into its ranks. It has come under increasing criticism for
promoting sanctions and boycotts that have contributed to the hardships of the
population and failed to force reforms.
A number of experts say that at least some members of the military
government would like to compromise. The junta has said for years that it wants
to shift to civilian government — though these civilians may mostly be military
men in suits.
The trick is to find a way to loosen its grip without losing everything.
The examples of Russia and Eastern Europe are not encouraging. And so the junta
hangs on for dear life.
"Once you begin to pull that thread, the whole sweater can unravel," said
Mr. Silverstein of Rutgers. "That's what the military is worried about."
BBC - Monday, 19 February, 2001, 10:36
GMT
Senior Burmese official killed The fourth most powerful member of the ruling military government in Burma
has been killed in a helicopter crash on Monday, sources in Rangoon have said.
The Russian-made army helicopter carrying Lieutenant-General Tin Oo and
about a dozen officials went down due to engine trouble in the south-east of the
country, government officials said on condition of anonymity.
It reportedly fell into the Salween river, in Kayin state, where the
general and his party - which included two Cabinet members - had gone to inspect
a new bridge.
Analysts said the death of General Tin Oo - officially known as Secretary
Two in the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and chief of staff
in the army - would have an impact on the government.
His death has not been officially confirmed yet by the military government.
Also reportedly killed were Colonel Thein Nyunt, minister of progress of
border areas, national races and development affairs, and Brigadier General Lun
Maung, a minister in the prime minister's office.
Parcel bomb
A veteran of campaigns against ethnic and communist insurgents, General Tin
Oo had often publicly threatened to "annihilate opponents of the regime".
General Tin Oo survived two apparent attempts on his life in the 1990s.
In April 1997, a parcel bomb sent from Japan exploded in his house, killing his eldest daughter. The general was at home at the time but was not hurt by the blast.
Although the government blamed dissidents in Japan for the incident,
opposition groups denied responsibility, pinning the attack to a power struggle
among ruling generals.
General Tin Oo also had a narrow escape in December 1996, when two bombs
exploded at a Buddhist shrine on the outskirts of Rangoon just hours after he
visited the area.
The blasts - which the government blamed on ethnic Karen guerrillas -
killed five people and wounded 17.
Split in military
There have been rumours of a split within the military government, which
was dismissed last month by Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, Secretary One of the
SPDC and the country's powerful intelligence chief, in an interview with the
Myanmar Times.
Rumours had circulated that part of the Burmese military was unhappy about
the secret talks with Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy
(NLD), which began late last year.
The recent meetings between Suu Kyi and the military were the first direct
talks between the two sides in six years, and prompted a recent visit to the
country by a European Union delegation.
WIRE: 02/19/2001 9:13 am ET
Top general killed in helicopter crash
in Myanmar
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) A Myanmar
army helicopter crashed into a river Monday, killing the No. 4 general in the
ruling military council, government officials said.
Fourteen other people on board the MI-17 Russian-made helicopter were
missing, including a Cabinet minister and an army commander, they said.
The helicopter carrying 22 people and seven crew members was flying from
the southeastern town of Moulmein to nearby Pa-an when it went through "a sudden
patch of bad weather," Myanmar Television said quoting a government statement.
The area is about 100 miles southeast of Yangon, the capital.
Lt. Gen. Tin Oo, who has the title of Secretary 2 in the ruling State Peace
and Development Council, was killed along with a military officer who was not
identified, according to the television report.
Thirteen people were rescued. Among the 14 missing were nine government
officials, it said, without identifying them further.
However, government officials told The Associated Press that among those
missing and presumed dead were Brig. Gen. Lun Maung, a minister in the premier's
office, and Maj. Gen. Sit Maung, the commander of the southeastern forces.
The officials had earlier erroneously reported that another government
minister, Col. Thein Nyunt, was among those killed. They later said he was not
on board the helicopter.
One official told The Associated Press that the aircraft crashed in Salween
river near Pa-an, where Tin Oo and his party had reportedly gone to inspect a
new bridge.
In Yangon, well-wishers and friends thronged the home of Tin Oo to comfort
his wife.
Tin Oo, 67, was the chief of staff of the army and the fourth-ranking
general in the regime that came to power in a bloodless coup in 1988. He was no
relation to Tin Oo, the vice chairman of the opposition National League for
Democracy.
Tin Oo had survived at least one assassination attempt in April 1997 when a
parcel bomb airmailed from Japan exploded in his house, killing his 32-year-old
daughter, Cho Lei Oo, a university lecturer. Tin Oo was in the house but escaped
unharmed.
The government blamed anti-government dissidents, but rebel groups denied
responsibility and said the bombing was the result of a power struggle in the
ruling junta.
A veteran of campaigns against ethnic and communist insurgents, Lt. Gen.
Tin Oo had often threatened in public to "annihilate opponents of the regime."
But he rarely spoke publicly of politics and was a popular commander with the
troops.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962, and the current junta
came to power in 1988 after a crackdown on a pro-democracy movement. The regime
keeps a tight grip on the media in Myanmar, and the public usually knows very
little about the government and its activities.
The junta has faced intense Western criticism for stifling the opposition,
which is led by Aung San Suu Kyi. She won the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her
efforts to bring democracy to this Southeast Asian country also known as
Burma.
WIRE: 02/19/2001 5:38 am ET
Thailand wants dialogue with Myanmar
over clashes
BANGKOK, Feb 19 (Reuters) -
Thailand's new government on Monday backed away from an early visit to Myanmar
to patch up relations after bloody border clashes, but said it would seek to
restore friendly ties through dialogue.
Tensions flared between the two countries earlier this month, with dozens
reported killed in clashes between soldiers.
Thailand says Myanmar soldiers sized one of its border outposts and then
hit the Thai frontier town of Mae Sai with stray shells during a battle against
ethnic guerrillas.
But Myanmar has denied it shelled Mae Sai, and has accused the Thai
military of backing ethnic Shan rebels, who Yangon says are the major drug
producers and traffickers in the region.
New Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his defence minister, former
premier Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, are expected to take a softer line on Myanmar
than the previous government.
But the border clashes have handed the new administration an early
diplomatic dilemma. Thaksin said last week he would visit Myanmar soon to try to
soothe tensions. But new Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai told reporters
on Monday there were no plans for an early visit, although dialogue was needed.
"If the first negotiations do not produce results, you just have to try
again. It is unrealistic to expect results from one single meeting," he said.
Military talks at the border to calm tensions have not so far produced any
results.
THAILAND SAYS WON'T INTERFERE
Surakiart said Thailand would not interfere in clashes between ethnic
groups in Myanmar, but would take strong action if Thai territory or citizens
were affected.
"Conflict with ethnic minority groups are Myanmar's internal affair and
Thailand would not intervene. But there would be an exception if Thais are
injured or killed in such incidents, in which case the armed forces would have
to step in to safeguard our sovereignty," he told reporters.
He said good relations were in the interests of both countries: "Close and
peaceful ties ... would be conducive to border trade which is beneficial to the
people of both countries."
Since the clashes, each side has accused the other of supporting the drugs
trade.
Thailand says the United Wa State Army, an ethnic army allied with Yangon,
is the main player in narcotics production and trafficking and is flooding
Thailand with amphetamine pills. It says Yangon is turning a blind eye to the
drugs trade.
But Myanmar says the Shan guerrillas are the culprits, and insists it is
trying to stamp out drug trafficking.
MYANMAR MEDIA CRITICAL
Myanmar's official media has been heavily critical of the Thai military,
with a commentary in official newspapers on Monday saying Thai troops had been
helping Shan guerrillas attack targets in Myanmar.
But in an apparent olive branch to the new government in Bangkok, it
suggested their political enemies may have been behind the clashes.
"In the internal political tricks of Thailand, a group of some deficient
politicians tried to use the Thai army to make the new government lose
confidence. They did so since the new government seemed to pay high regard to
Myanmar-Thai relations," the commentary said.
Another commentary on Saturday accused the Thai army of trying to promote a
"Greater Thailand Policy" and push the country's borders outwards.
Accusing the military of helping Shan drug trafficking, it said: "A
poisonous viper should be dealt with accordingly."
Tensions at the border remained high, with the crossing between Mae Sai and
the Myanmar town of Tachilek remaining closed. Both sides have reinforced their
troops in the area.
Monday February 19, 12:45 PM
Thai Thaksin Cabinet Meets To
Tackle National Problems
BANGKOK (AP)--New Prime
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's Cabinet met for the first time Monday, confronted
with a range of national problems including an economic mess and insecurity on
the border with Myanmar.
The Cabinet was sworn in Sunday in a ceremony presided by King Bhumibol
Adulyadej, who made a rare speech to warn Thaksin and his 35 ministers against
bad governance.
Before entering the Cabinet meeting at the Government House, Thaksin said,
"My government will strictly abide by his majesty's advise and will not
disappoint the people."
The king's comments on the government is a departure from tradition he has
generally followed during swearing-in ceremonies. In the past, he has only
congratulated the new Cabinet.
Thailand's economy is still suffering from the fallout of the 1997 Asian
financial crisis, which began with financial mismanagement in Thai banks. It
wiped out several banks and private companies, saddling them with millions of
dollars in debt.
Thaksin has promised to set up a national asset management company that
would take over all the debts, but many economists have warned against such a
radical step.
The other major problem confronting the government is border tension with
Myanmar. Troops from both sides clashed along a northern section of the border
Feb. 11-12 after fighting between Myanmar soldiers and separatist guerrillas
spilled into Thailand. At least 19 people were killed on both sides.
Defense Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh told reporters before joining the
Cabinet meeting that he would launch an investigation into the border clash and
call a meeting of army commanders soon.
He said "straight forward talk" is needed with Myanmar on the issue, but
added that a proposed visit by Thaksin to Myanmar is not on the cards
immediately.
Chavalit also blamed the previous administration of Prime Minister Chuan
Leekpai for ignoring the border issue for too long.
Thailand and Myanmar have had uneasy relations over several disputes,
including an unmarked frontier, drug smuggling from Myanmar to Thailand, and
rebel activities. Myanmar accuses Thailand of giving sanctuary to
anti-government rebels based at the border, a charge Thailand denies.
Bangkok Post - February 19,
2001.
Burma visit on
back-burner
Border conflict to be settled at local level The government is back-pedalling on Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's
plan to visit Burma for talks on the border dispute as his first official
foreign trip.
Surakiat Sathirathai, the foreign minister, and Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, the defence minister, both said yesterday there was no urgency to go to Rangoon. "There is no necessity to go and negotiate with Burmese leaders right now
because the conflict is a border matter that is already being looked after by
the security agencies and the armed forces," Mr Surakiat said.
"The prime minister's statement about Burma being the first country he
would visit was a general line of thinking that was formed even before the
conflict occurred."
Gen Chavalit said the government should not rush to solve the border
problem. It was a sensitive issue which needed to be carefully studied.
He denied having said he would have talks on the border problem with the
Burmese junta as soon as he took the defence post, as reported by the
media.
"I never said that, but if the prime minister wants to go it is up to him.
I never said it. So take it easy."
However, he would accompany the prime minister to Burma if Mr Thaksin went
there.
The two ministers spoke before going to Hua Hin yesterday to be sworn into
office before His Majesty the King.
When the border conflict erupted a week ago, Mr Thaksin-eager to project
decisive leadership-immediately announced that he and Gen Chavalit would visit
Burma after they took office for talks on the border and other problems
including drugs and illegal immigrants.
The prime minister made no mention of his foreign minister in his remarks,
made after Burmese troops seized Ban Pang Noon paramilitary outpost in Chiang
Rai's Mae Fah Luang district for use as a springboard to attack the Shan State
Army.
Mr Thaksin was accused of shooting unwisely from the hip.
Critics, including Sqn Ldr Prasong Soonsiri, a former National Security
Council chief, said such an approach overrode the authority of the border
committees which were negotiating with Burma.
He put blame for the failure of talks between Thai and Burmese negotiators
at the border level directly on Mr Thaksin's statement.
The Burmese were now waiting to talk to the prime minister and the defence
minister directly, he said.
Gen Chavalit has also upset many military generals by publicly agreeing
with the Burmese claim that the clash stemmed directly from the lack of a
properly demarcated border.
The generals have accused Burma of intentionally trespassing on Thai soil,
knowing full well where the border was.
Mr Surakiat said the prime minister would have discussions on the border
situation today.
"In general, the problem originates with conflicts inside Burma. Those
conflicts are affecting the lives and properties of Thai people," the foreign
minister said.
Problems arising from unclear border lines would be taken care of by the
border demarcation committees.
He would consult the defence minister on whether any of the committees
needed changes.
"The policy of the government is to give importance to neighbouring
countries, particularly those we have not been close to in the recent
past.
"It must be our priority to revive relations with them," Mr Surakiat
said.
Burma's Junta 'Loosens Up Around the
Edges'
Seth Mydans New York Times Service Monday, February 19, 2001 BANGKOK The first sign that something unusual was going on was the
disappearance in Burma of editorial cartoons pillorying the country's
pro-democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as a "democracy princess," a
"political stunt actress" and a "Satan of destruction."
. Then the diatribes against her that have been a staple of the state-controlled press became more muted and indirect. Soon after that, newspapers stopped printing periodic announcements of forced "voluntary resignations" of members of her political party. . "The papers are even less interesting now than they were, if you can imagine that," said a Western resident. . Over the past month, the reason has emerged, and it has stirred a tremor of excitement among experts watching the long, sad political standoff in the police state. For the first time since 1994, the military junta that runs the country has begun holding talks with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Both sides have suspended their war of words in a tentative period of what diplomats call "confidence building." . Small convoys of government vehicles have been observed entering and leaving her home, where she has been confined for the past four months. Diplomats say she has been talking with top leaders of the junta who in the past refused to deal directly with her. . But beyond this, almost nothing is known of why the military government has decided to talk, what subjects are being discussed or where this new approach might lead. . Most experts agree, though, that there is still a clear bottom line. The military that has ruled Burma since 1962 and the current junta, in power since 1988, have no intention of giving away or sharing any substantive power. . "At this point, the most we can expect is some loosening up around the edges," said Josef Silverstein, an expert on Burma who is an emeritus professor at Rutgers University. . It is still possible that the talks are nothing more than a ploy to make the government appear more flexible in the hope that international sanctions will be eased and foreign aid from countries like Japan will begin to trickle in again. . The United States and Europe have been squeezing Burma for years with political pressure and sanctions. The United States has banned new business deals there by U.S. companies and refuses visas to Burmese government officials. The European Union has scaled back contacts with an Asian regional grouping that includes Burma. . They are responding to the quashing of a democratic movement that swelled in 1988 with a peaceful nationwide uprising that was crushed by military massacres in which thousands of people were killed. . Two years later, in a monumental miscalculation, the military held a parliamentary election in which Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won 88 percent of the seats. The junta quickly annulled the results and instituted an even more thorough political clampdown. Late last year, it appeared that the government was determined once and for all to eliminate the National League for Democracy, jailing its members or forcing them to resign and isolating Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from her supporters. . Now the government seems to have changed tack sharply. In its first substantive gesture, last month it released 85 members of the party who had been imprisoned during the past year. It is still believed to be still holding as many as 1,700 political prisoners, including 35 people who were elected to Parliament in 1990. . The news has touched off a debate over whether the sanctions have caused this new softening. . If the talks are more than public relations, several factors may be at play, and economic pain appears to be chief among them. Burma's economy is a mismanaged shambles and getting worse, with inflation rising, the currency rapidly losing value, some of the last few foreign investors pulling out, and economic growth slowing to a crawl. . Monopolies run by the military and its cronies have skewed and sapped the economy. The World Bank recently described Burma, also known as Myanmar, as "trapped in abject poverty." A European diplomat who has not supported sanctions said he had come to believe that they were decisive. One final straw, he said, was a recommendation last year by the International Labor Organization to its 175 members to reconsider doing business with Burma. . But other experts disagree. . "The difference in analyses is whether the sanctions were at the heart of the economic downturn and therefore of the willingness of the government to make concessions," said David Steinberg, director of Asian studies at Georgetown University, who visited the country last month. "I say the sanctions played a minor part." . A parallel source of pressure has come from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the regional economic grouping that admitted Burma as a member in 1997 and has mostly pursued a policy of economic and political engagement. . More broadly, it may be that both sides in the country, like a pair of exhausted boxers, are ready to seek a way out of their futile 12-year standoff. . Despite all its efforts, the military government is still reviled by much of the population, still struggling for legitimacy, facing enemies on all sides and reported internal rifts. It is beset by ethnic insurgencies and is so nervous about dissent that it has kept most universities closed for years. . The democratic opposition, ground down and unable to function openly, has won nothing, although it maintains high respect abroad and continues to draw young recruits into its ranks. . A number of experts say that at least some members of the military government would like to compromise. The junta has said for years that its goal is to shift to civilian government - though these civilians may mostly be military men in suits and ties. . The trick is to find a way to loosen its grip without losing everything. The examples of Russia and Eastern Europe are not encouraging. So the junta hangs on. . "Once you begin to pull that thread, the whole sweater can unravel," Mr. Silverstein said. "That's what the military is worried about." Monday February 19, 2:24 PM
India is a model for IT development:
Myanmar
By Deepshikha Ghosh, India Abroad News Service New Delhi, Feb 19 - Terming India a model for development of Information
Technology (IT), the Myanmar Computer Federation Monday signed a memorandum of
understanding (MoU) and established a joint task force for bilateral cooperation
in IT initiatives with the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII).
"We are taking India as a model for IT development. If we can tap our
potential for human resource development in IT, we have a good chance to copy
India's tremendous success in this sector", Myanmar Computer Federation vice
president U Thein Oo stated at a meeting between the Myanmar IT delegation and
the CII, organized as part of the ongoing Indian Engineering Trade Fair here.
Myanmar is seeking Indian investments in developing its IT master plan. The
country intends to set up a software development park with the help of Indian
industry and has sought Indian expertise in establishing IT training
institutions in Myanmar.
Through the MoU, both parties agreed to cooperate and collaborate on joint
initiatives, promote institutional cooperation between government bodies,
research institutes and the private sector, share information on developments in
the new economy sectors and organize seminars and exhibitions in the field.
These activities will be reviewed by the joint task force set up by the
Myanmar Computer Federation and the CII. Oo said the partnership could provide
an opportunity for exponential growth in companies, markets, technologies and
more importantly, economic linkages between India and Myanmar.
Myanmar's deputy minister for science and technology Hlaing Win said, "With
a population of 50 million and a similar educational structure as India, Myanmar
has a good potential of developing an IT-enabled workforce".
The Myanmar Computer Federation was established in 1998 to develop computer
science and promote IT education, Win said. The country continues to face the
problem of poor tele-density, low Internet connectivity and limited bandwidth,
which it hopes to remedy with the establishment of a software technology park
and the laying of optical fiber cables for greater bandwidth.
Vijai Kapur, chairman of CII's communications committee, said India could
assist Myanmar in building an IT infrastructure and developing IT education.
"This is a two-tier measure which can be implemented and thereafter new areas
could be explored for further enhancement of IT in Myanmar," he remarked.
The 15-member Myanmar delegation, comprising representatives from the
government and private sector, is scheduled to visit Hyderabad Tuesday to
inspect the software technology parks and e-governance initiatives taken up in
Andhra Pradesh.
The visit follows the path-breaking visit to Myanmar by External Affairs
Minister Jaswant Singh during which the two countries discussed cooperation in
economic and infrastructural fields, including IT.
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