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-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BURMA RELATED NEWS - NOV - 29, 2000. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HEADLINE
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The Age - Advancing human
rights, the Australian way
Bkk Post -
Burmese shoot into crowded market
IHT - ASEAN Warns EU to Ease Its Burma Boycott
TI - 2 Myanmar editors awarded press freedom prize
Time -
Burmese Democracy Leader Faces New Threat
Bkk Post -
Ten more warders in trouble
Bkk Post -
Get down to solutions
The Age
Advancing human rights, the Australian way By ALEXANDER DOWNER Wednesday 29 November 2000 Australia has a distinctive approach to human rights. This
approach is pragmatic but also rooted in a commitment to liberal democratic
ideals. This blend of the practical and the idealistic reflects the character of
Australia.
Australians care about human rights because they believe
strongly in a fair go and take particular exception to abuses of power. They
also prefer to cut through the rhetoric and do something useful.
There is a tendency in some circles in the developed world
to see human rights as the soft underbelly of foreign policy, something that can
be dispensed with when hard strategic decisions have to be made. And in some
developing countries, human rights are still seen as the soft underbelly of
domestic policies: the luxury that is added on when more important things like
the economy have been attended to. Both these perceptions are
misguided.
Every year we see examples of governments getting into
trouble when they have ignored human rights. They realise too late that if the
institutions are not there to protect human rights, the rest will prove to have
been built on sand.
It is no surprise that countries that try to uphold human
rights do not, on the whole, pose a threat to international peace. Suppression
of human rights is almost always the source and the consequence of serious civil
and international conflicts. So human rights are central to the maintenance of a
peaceful world and our nation's security.
Effectiveness is the litmus test for everything this
government does in the field of human rights.
On the multilateral front, we want the human rights
machinery to function effectively, because the principles it is supposed to
advance are too important for it to do otherwise. The government's review of the
UN treaty body system this year had its origins in our sense that the system was
not only drowning under its own weight, but had moved too far away from its
original vision.
Clearly we are not turning our backs on the United
Nations. The recent election of Australia's Professor Ivan Shearer to the Human
Rights Committee demonstrated our commitment and UN members' recognition of that
commitment.
We acknowledge that the array of UN human rights
standards, the international institutions and emerging body of international law
have contributed to the emergence of a remarkable new human rights culture in
international affairs.
The would-be Pol Pots and Ceaucescus are now on notice.
The Pinochets and Milosevics of the future, still in their prams, are going to
grow up in an international environment that will give them pause. They should
note the lesson from recent history that those who hold on to power by denying
their people the right to participate in government, or by sheer terror, will
have their day of reckoning.
The International Criminal Court will make an enormous
contribution to shaping this environment and I take pride in Australia's role in
its birth. Moreover, the government has worked hard to encourage the
establishment of national human rights institutions, including through funding
for the Secretariat of the Asia Pacific Forum for National Human Rights
Institutions.
On the bilateral front, we have developed many practical
programs of human rights assistance in partnership with other governments. The
government spent more than $72million last financial year on civil society and
human rights activities in the overseas aid budget.
In Indonesia, three provincial workshops on the
international human rights system are being conducted for a total of 450
officials, parliamentarians, police officers and media. We have provided
practical support for the Indonesian human rights commission, Komnas
Ham.
Our bilateral human rights dialogue with China provides a
framework for a range of activities called the Human Rights Technical
Cooperation Program, now running at about $1million annually. It has a strong
emphasis on legal reform, without which a better human rights situation will
remain simply an ideal.
In Burma, we have run three workshops for 51 mid-level
officials, covering international law and human rights treaties. I would be the
last to inflate the prospects of turning around the very poor situation in
Burma, but we had reached the stage when other approaches did not seem to be
having the slightest effect.
The Burmese are under no illusion that Australia is
content only to have conducted the workshops and hear that Burma is setting up a
national human rights institution. They know they will have to follow through
with concrete action if Australia is to take our initiative forward. After 10
years of disappointment, the world is not disposed to give Burma the benefit of
the doubt.
The argument that, because there are still political
prisoners in China, or because Aung San Suu Kyi is still under de facto house
arrest in Burma, the dialogue or the workshops have failed, has surprising
currency. Alas, the world does not work like that. It is simply not in our gift
to work transformations in other countries, to command that their military or
police stop committing human rights abuses. Australian jurisdiction stops at our
borders and other nations guard their sovereignty very zealously.
I have a clear bottom line on human rights policy: to ask
whether the alternative would be or was any better.
Until I have evidence that confrontation, isolation and
unalloyed criticism work more effectively than dialogue, education and other
assistance programs, I am happy to have a distinctive approach to human
rights.
Alexander Downer is the federal Minister for
Foreign Affairs.
Bangkok Post - Nov
29, 2000.
BORDER - Burmese shoot into crowded market Supamart Kasem Burmese troops yesterday fired shots from across the
border into a Thai market, forcing hundreds of tourists, vendors and locals to
flee for their lives.
No casualties were reported during the brief shooting,
which followed yesterday's raid by a team of 50 Thai border patrol police and
immigration officials on a gambling den located on a disputed islet in the Moei
river.
Six gamblers-a Thai and five Burmese-were arrested. More
than 10 other Burmese gamblers fled across the river to the Burmese border town
of Myawaddy.
Police identified the six arrested as Somjit Khampor,
Maung Suu, Arh Poe, Ta Huat, Thi Oo and Than Aung.
The shooting prompted the Fourth Infantry Regiment task
force to send troops to safeguard the border.
Mae Sot district chief Samart Loy-fa defended the raid on
the disputed islet, saying both Thai and Burmese authorities were allowed access
to the area to suppress illegal activities.
Besides gambling, the islet has served as a rendezvous for
contraband traders and drug dealers, Mr Samart said.
The Local Thai Border Committee has sought an explanation
for the shooting from Burmese authorities.
ASEAN Warns EU to Ease
Its Burma Boycott
Michael Richardson International Herald Tribune Wednesday, November 29, 2000 SINGAPORE Southeast Asian countries have told the European
Union they will abandon high-level talks with the EU if it continues to press
for Burma's exclusion on human rights grounds.
. Diplomats said during the weekend that the warning by the Association of South East Asian Nations would further sour the atmosphere between the two sides before a meeting next month in Vientiane, Laos. . The EU has boycotted ministerial meetings with ASEAN since Burma was admitted to the Southeast Asian group in 1997. . With senior Burmese officials banned from entering EU countries, ASEAN sought to revive the ministerial meetings by offering to hold the next one in Southeast Asia, instead of in Europe as scheduled. . But with Burma's military government under continuing international criticism for violating political and labor rights, four out of the 15 EU countries have reportedly decided not to attend the meeting in Vientiane. . Most of the other countries will send only a deputy minister or an ambassadorial-level representative, rather than a minister. . Among those staying away are Foreign Secretary Robin Cook of Britain and his French counterpart, Hubert Vedrine, diplomats said. . ASEAN leaders discussed the issue at their annual summit meeting, which ended Saturday. . Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong of Singapore, who lead the talks, said afterward that the group would deal only with the EU if it agreed to include Burma, also known as Myanmar. . "We would go so far as to say that if the EU wants to exclude Myanmar and the dialogue is going to be called off, then let it be called off," Mr. Goh said. . "We can't allow an external organization to dictate who should be in ASEAN when we have such a dialogue." Burma's military regime is shunned by many Western countries for its treatment of the opposition, which won elections in 1990 by a landslide but has never been allowed to govern. For Related Topics See: Asia/Pacific < < Back to Start of Article SINGAPORE Southeast
Asian countries have told the European Union they will abandon high-level talks
with the EU if it continues to press for Burma's exclusion on human rights
grounds.
. Diplomats said during the weekend that the warning by the Association of South East Asian Nations would further sour the atmosphere between the two sides before a meeting next month in Vientiane, Laos. . The EU has boycotted ministerial meetings with ASEAN since Burma was admitted to the Southeast Asian group in 1997. . With senior Burmese officials banned from entering EU countries, ASEAN sought to revive the ministerial meetings by offering to hold the next one in Southeast Asia, instead of in Europe as scheduled. . But with Burma's military government under continuing international criticism for violating political and labor rights, four out of the 15 EU countries have reportedly decided not to attend the meeting in Vientiane. . Most of the other countries will send only a deputy minister or an ambassadorial-level representative, rather than a minister. . Among those staying away are Foreign Secretary Robin Cook of Britain and his French counterpart, Hubert Vedrine, diplomats said. . ASEAN leaders discussed the issue at their annual summit meeting, which ended Saturday. . Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong of Singapore, who lead the talks, said afterward that the group would deal only with the EU if it agreed to include Burma, also known as Myanmar. . "We would go so far as to say that if the EU wants to exclude Myanmar and the dialogue is going to be called off, then let it be called off," Mr. Goh said. . "We can't allow an external organization to dictate who should be in ASEAN when we have such a dialogue." Burma's military regime is shunned by many Western countries for its treatment of the opposition, which won elections in 1990 by a landslide but has never been allowed to govern. SINGAPORE Southeast Asian countries have told the European Union they will abandon high-level talks with the EU if it continues to press for Burma's exclusion on human rights grounds. . Diplomats said during the weekend that the warning by the Association of South East Asian Nations would further sour the atmosphere between the two sides before a meeting next month in Vientiane, Laos. . The EU has boycotted ministerial meetings with ASEAN since Burma was admitted to the Southeast Asian group in 1997. . With senior Burmese officials banned from entering EU countries, ASEAN sought to revive the ministerial meetings by offering to hold the next one in Southeast Asia, instead of in Europe as scheduled. . But with Burma's military government under continuing international criticism for violating political and labor rights, four out of the 15 EU countries have reportedly decided not to attend the meeting in Vientiane. . Most of the other countries will send only a deputy minister or an ambassadorial-level representative, rather than a minister. . Among those staying away are Foreign Secretary Robin Cook of Britain and his French counterpart, Hubert Vedrine, diplomats said. . ASEAN leaders discussed the issue at their annual summit meeting, which ended Saturday. . Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong of Singapore, who lead the talks, said afterward that the group would deal only with the EU if it agreed to include Burma, also known as Myanmar. . "We would go so far as to say that if the EU wants to exclude Myanmar and the dialogue is going to be called off, then let it be called off," Mr. Goh said. . "We can't allow an external organization to dictate who should be in ASEAN when we have such a dialogue." Burma's military regime is shunned by many Western countries for its treatment of the opposition, which won elections in 1990 by a landslide but has never been allowed to govern. SINGAPORE Southeast Asian countries have told the European Union they will abandon high-level talks with the EU if it continues to press for Burma's exclusion on human rights grounds. . Diplomats said during the weekend that the warning by the Association of South East Asian Nations would further sour the atmosphere between the two sides before a meeting next month in Vientiane, Laos. . The EU has boycotted ministerial meetings with ASEAN since Burma was admitted to the Southeast Asian group in 1997. . With senior Burmese officials banned from entering EU countries, ASEAN sought to revive the ministerial meetings by offering to hold the next one in Southeast Asia, instead of in Europe as scheduled. . But with Burma's military government under continuing international criticism for violating political and labor rights, four out of the 15 EU countries have reportedly decided not to attend the meeting in Vientiane. . Most of the other countries will send only a deputy minister or an ambassadorial-level representative, rather than a minister. . Among those staying away are Foreign Secretary Robin Cook of Britain and his French counterpart, Hubert Vedrine, diplomats said. . ASEAN leaders discussed the issue at their annual summit meeting, which ended Saturday. . Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong of Singapore, who lead the talks, said afterward that the group would deal only with the EU if it agreed to include Burma, also known as Myanmar. . "We would go so far as to say that if the EU wants to exclude Myanmar and the dialogue is going to be called off, then let it be called off," Mr. Goh said. The Times of India - Nov
29, 2000.
2 Myanmar editors awarded press freedom prize PARIS: Two imprisoned Myanmar editors were awarded Tuesday
the Golden Pen of Freedom award for their devotion to press freedom and
democracy.
The Paris-based World Association of Newspapers (WAN),
which hands out the award annually, said San San Nweh and U Win Tin had been
recognised for their "outstanding contribution to the cause of press
freedom".
The editors, who are serving long prison sentences, "have
suffered unspeakable hardships and both are in poor health," WAN said in a
statement.
It said authorities in military-ruled Myanmar had offered
to release them if they renounce all political activity but both had
refused.
"We honour their sacrifice and hope their dreams of
Burmese democracy will soon be fulfilled," WAN said. "Their imprisonment is a
deep blemish on the international standing of Burma which can only be erased by
their release."
San San was arrested in Yangon in August 1994 and
sentenced two months later to 10 years in prison for "publishing information
harmful to the state."
Prior to her arrest she edited several woman's magazines
and was politically active in the National League for Democracy, led by Nobel
Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi.
The 56-year-old reporter, who has also published 12 novels
as well as short stories and poems, has struggled against illness and isolation
since her imprisonment.
U Win Tin was arrested in 1989 and sentenced by a military
court to 14 years in prison for allegedly being a member of the banned Communist
Party in Myanmar.
He was later sentenced to five years in prison and kept
for nearly a year in solitary confinement on charges of allegedly smuggling
letters out of his prison cell.
Wan said the writer, who was editor of the daily
Hanthawati newspaper, has reportedly been crippled by prison guards and is near
death. (AFP)
Time
WEB-ONLY EXCLUSIVE Burmese Democracy Leader Faces New Threat Aung San Suu Kyi has been a prisoner in her own home for years. Now she may lose it after a legal suit brought by her U.S.-based brother By ROBERT HORN November 27, 2000
Web posted at 3:05 p.m. Hong Kong time, 2:05 a.m. EDT Talk about spite. First, Burma's military government told
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi that she couldn't leave Rangoon. Then they
told her that she couldn't leave her house. Now, they want the house.
According to Burmese exiles and observers in Rangoon,
that's the real story behind a lawsuit filed by Suu Kyi's estranged older
brother, Aung San Oo, demanding half of the house where Suu Kyi has lived since
1988. She has been detained there since Sept. 2, when troops forcibly dragged
her back home after she tried to leave the capital to meet supporters
up-country. A government spokesman said Suu Kyi would be allowed out to plead
her case, but she didn't show up in the Rangoon court where the suit was being
heard last Tuesday morning. It isn't known whether she chose not to attend, or
was prevented from doing so. The judge postponed opening arguments until Nov.
27, and said if Suu Kyi didn't appear then, the case would proceed without her.
Suu Kyi's two-story, monsoon-stained mansion has been her
jail, her de facto political headquarters, and her fragile sanctuary from the
military. Between 1989 and 1995, Suu Kyi was kept under arrest inside the
creaky, lakeside house for leading a campaign to end military rule. In 1990,
while confined to her home, her political party, the National League for
Democracy, won a landslide victory in national elections. The military, however,
refused to honor the result. In 1991, while still under house arrest, she won
the Nobel Peace Prize. After her release, she gave speeches to thousands of
followers who gathered every weekend at her blue metal gate. So the military
threw up barbed wire barricades and blocked the street. And government personnel
occupy the house across the road from where they monitor Suu Kyi and her
visitors.
Now it seems that's not quite enough. "This is not just
bad for Aung San Suu Kyi personally, it's bad for our country's politics," says
Khin Maung Win, a member of the Burma Lawyers' Council, a group of exiled
Burmese jurists in Bangkok. He says that if Aung San Oo wins the case, he'll
probably donate or sell his share of the house to the military government. "Then
they can go in there anytime they want."
Et tu, brother? Why would Aung San Oo turn against his
sister and side with the one of the world's most reviled regimes? Legally, if
Aung San Oo wins the case, he can't even keep the house. He's a U.S. citizen, an
engineer who lives in San Diego, California, and under Burmese law foreigners
are not allowed to own land or houses. But relations between the two surviving
children of General Aung San, Burma's independence hero who was assassinated in
1947, have been frosty at best for years. According to some observers in
Rangoon, neither approved of the other's choice of a spouse. Maybe it's just
sibling rivalry.
In any case, the house in question was originally the
property of their mother, Daw Khin Kyi. After she suffered a stroke in early
1988, Suu Kyi, who had never relinquished her Burmese citizenship despite
marrying an Oxford professor and living in England, returned to Rangoon to care
for her. It was while she was in Burma that the nation erupted in revolt against
the military, which had abolished democracy in a 1962 coup and driven the
resource-rich country into economic ruin. Aung San is still revered in Burma,
and many protesters hoped that his son Aung San Oo would return to lead them.
But he had no interest in assuming that role, and instead, it was Aung San Suu
Kyi who took up their cause.
When Daw Khin Kyi died in December 1988, her will left the
house to both her children, with the provision that if they sold, it must go to
a charity. It would be simple enough for Aung San Oo to sell his share to a
government-run charity, giving the military the access it apparently wants. In
the 12 years since Daw Khin Kyi's death, Aung San Oo never showed any interest
in the property, until a few weeks ago. His sudden desire to take possession of
the house may have more to do with his wife, who in recent years has made
frequent trips to Burma. "We believe his wife is influencing him," Khin Maung
Win says. "She has been doing business and is seeking business opportunities
from the junta." Burmese exiles and Rangoon residents who have had contact with
Aung San Oo and his wife, support that view.
Suu Kyi may not be out on the street, yet. According to
various experts in Burmese law, should the court decide in favor of Aung San Oo,
by rights she should still have the first opportunity to buy her brother's half.
"But the courts in Burma are not independent," Khin Maung Win says. In fact,
Burma's courts are a farce. Their record leaves little doubt they are under the
complete control of the military. Even if Suu Kyi is given the chance to buy her
brother's share, it's not clear what the value of the house is, and if she has
enough money to keep it. While under house arrest she was forced to sell her
furniture to buy food. And the million dollars that came along with the Nobel
Prize has reportedly gone to families of political prisoners.
Word around Rangoon last week was that Suu Kyi was seeking
to hire a lawyer. Not many lawyers in Rangoon would probably want the
government's chief nemesis as their client. "They even arrested her dentist,"
said Kyi Maung, the former vice chairman of Suu Kyi's party, during a wave of
mass arrests of democracy activists in 1996. "If she had a dog, they would
arrest her veterinarian." But as one Rangoon-based diplomat said, "She may never
show up in court at all. She might just ignore the whole thing and dare them to
come into her home and take it."
Late last year, former Japanese Prime Minister Ryutaro
Hashimoto visited Burma and met with the generals. Burma's military is anxious
for Japan to resume aid to their country, which it cut off when soldiers gunned
down thousands of democracy demonstrators in 1988. Hashimoto gave the generals
this advice when it came to dealing with Suu Kyi and her followers: Don't back
her into a corner.
The generals, it appears, aren't listening.
Bangkok Post - Nov 29,
2000.
JAILBREAK
Ten more warders in
trouble
Weapons smuggled into prison in parcels Ten more staff at Samut Sakhon prison have been implicated
in last week's Burmese jailbreak and will be transferred to facilitate a strict
disciplinary investigation.
Siva Saengmanee, the Corrections Department chief, said
Thinnakorn Pojprasart, a C-6 trainer, was also transferred.
All were believed to have smuggled in weapons that enabled
the Burmese inmates to take hostages and escape. The convicts were killed by
commandos while trying to flee to Burma.
Speaking at the funeral of Udom Chidthongpan, the Buddhist
lecturer shot during the escape, Mr Siva said Mr Thinnakorn could be subject to
criminal action.
It was thought the weapons were brought into the facility
in parcels.
Investigators were considering if prison staff were aware
of the contents of the parcels and if they were party to the escape, Mr Siva
said.
The department was also investigating the whereabouts of
one inmate, who vanished during the escape.
Because of overcrowding, some inmates were transferred to
nearby Samut Songkhram and a floor plan was ordered for all prisons for use in
emergencies.
Metal and weapon detectors would also be used to screen
visitors, he said.
Cabinet has allocated 50.27 million baht to the Interior
Ministry to tighten security at prisons.
Minister Banyat Bantadtan said part-time prison staff
would be hired so warders could concentrate on inmate supervision.
Vatana Asavahame, deputy interior minister in charge of
the Corrections Department, said the inquiry would be done quickly but prison
reforms were difficult because of crowding and a lack of staff and
funds.
Bangkok Post - Nov 29,
2000.
Dateline Bangkok Get down to solutions The breakout at the Samut Sakhon jail that ended with the
death of all nine Burmese hostage-takers highlights the problem of illegal
workers in this country.
The nine Burmese prisoners had entered Thailand as illegal
workers and were later convicted of serious crimes. They shot dead a lecturer in
Buddhist at the jail and took the prison governor and other staff hostage. They
were shot dead in Kanchanaburi province in a hijacked vehicle just short of the
Burmese border.
An investigation must be held into how the prisoners were
able to arm themselves with guns and grenades for use against the prison staff.
Was this due to laxity on the part of prison staff, or did a warder(s) turn a
blind eye or furnish the prisoners with their arms?The investigation must get to
the truth behind this daring escape, and anyone found to have been involved must
be severely punished.
It is equally important to look into the problem of
illegal Burmese workers in our country. Many of these illegal workers already
are criminals or stoop to crime to make ends meet.
The government has tried to solve this problem
systematically, but its best efforts have been undermined by local business
operators who exploit the cheap labour. They are aided and abetted by corrupt
civil servants who turn a blind eye or even help to transport the Burmese
factory fodder across the border.
Our national security is being placed at risk. The
government must do something. Business operators must stop using illegal staff.
Many of their workers have engaged in crime and have brought infectious diseases
to our country.
It is time we all put the national interest first and help
address this problem.
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