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-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BURMA RELATED NEWS - NOV - 25, 2000. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HEADLINE
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reuters - Myanmar tells Thailand it
will allow back refugees
AP - ASEAN defends Myanmar against EU
criticism
Reuters - Asian leaders dampen hopes
of swift integration
AFP - Singapore defends free-trade
agreements from criticism
Dow Jones - Thailand To Hold
Exhibition In Myanmar To Promote Trade
Dow Jones - Leaders Of Asean Plus
Three Endorse Currency Swap Plan
AP - Asian Leaders Huddle at
Summit
Wall of Sound - U2's Album Banned in
Burma
Dotmusic - U2 ANNOUNCE NEW SINGLE AND
VIDEOS
The Times of India - The Myanmar Matrix
The Ottawa Citizen - The son of the
martyr
Bkk Post - Tensions remain as Burmese
apologise
Bkk Post - Rangoon allays fears of
Chinese domination
Bkk Post - Top brass to visit
Rangoon
The Straits Times - Myanmar inmates' escape: Questions raised
WIRE:11/25/2000 01:53:00 ET
Myanmar tells Thailand it will allow back refugees SINGAPORE, Nov 25 (Reuters) - Myanmar has given assurances that it
will allow refugees living in Thailand to return to their homeland, Thai Foreign
Minister Surin Pituswan said on Saturday.
There are an estimated one million refugees and illegal
immigrants from Myanmar living in Thailand, either seeking political asylum or
work. "In principle it has been reiterated to me by the foreign minister of
Myanmar that Myanmar would welcome these people back. They will not face any
difficulty, or any dangers," Surin told reporters on the fringe of a summit of
13 East Asian leaders in Singapore.
Myanmar"s military regime remains shunned by most of the
international community for its harsh treatment of the country"s pro-democracy
opposition, which won elections in 1990 but has never been allowed to govern,
and its poor human rights record.
Surin said he and Myanmar Foreign Minister Win Aung did
not discuss how many refugees there were or when they would be allowed to
return. The bilateral
talks also covered the problems of drug-running and violence along the border. Burmese tribal armies are waging long-running insurgencies
against the Myanmar government and the heavily jungled border area is infested
with drug traffickers.
Thailand is concerned that the fighting is sometimes
carried into its territory. "Neighbours will always have differences. Therefore
we should contain the differences in order not to allow it to spill over to
other issues, other dimensions of relations," Surin said.
He said Myanmar had promised to give its full cooperation
to counter the narcotics trade, primarily in opium and amphetamines. "Drugs
(are) very, very important. We have been promised full cooperation from Myanmar
will be given," Surin said. "I have also made a suggestion that we should have a
formal bilateral agreement on this along the lines that we have done with China
during the International Drug Congress in Bangkok at the end of last
month."
WIRE:11/25/2000 05:49:00 ET
ASEAN defends Myanmar against EU criticism SINGAPORE (AP) _ Southeast
Asian leaders defended military-ruled Myanmar against criticism from the
European Union Saturday, saying the EU is free to
call off its dialogue with the region if it wants. Ministers from the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations are
scheduled to meet in Laos next month, but some EU ministers have said they won"t
attend because ASEAN is perceived as coddling Myanmar.
On Saturday, as a two-day ASEAN summit ended, Singapore Prime Minister Goh
Chok Tong spoke on behalf of the group when he said its members are united
including Gen. Than Shwe, the head of the military junta in Myanmar. "The point we made was a simple one. Myanmar is a member of ASEAN and we will meet the EU together as an ASEAN group," Goh told a news conference. The statement provided much-needed moral support to Myanmar, whose
suppression of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi"s party has attracted
international criticism.
Myanmar"s military rulers refuse to hand over power to Suu Kyi"s National
League for Democracy, which won the general elections in 1990. Suu Kyi also
faces political harassment and is under virtual house arrest. "If EU wants to
exclude Myanmar and the dialogue is going to be called off, then let it be
called off," Goh said.
"We can"t allow an external organization to dictate who should be in ASEAN
when we have such a dialogue." The reiteration of ASEAN"s long-standing support
for Myanmar became necessary after Thailand failed to defend it during a vote
earlier this month by the International Labor Organization.
The United Nations body voted to impose sanctions on Myanmar for practicing
forced labor. ASEAN"s members are Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia,
Indonesia,
Brunei, the Philippines, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. WIRE:11/25/2000 04:37:00 ET
UPDATE 1-Asian leaders dampen hopes of swift integration SINGAPORE, Nov 25 (Reuters) -
Asian leaders injected a dose of reality on Saturday into their drive for
regional economic integration, cautioning that their vision of an Asia-wide free
trade zone was a project for the long haul. Leaders of the 10 members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ending three days of talks, also
admitted that talk of forging a new political group with Japan, China and South
Korea would not get off the drawing board any time soon.
"All the leaders understand that these are just merely ideas for study and
if they are to be implemented it will be over the long term," Singapore"s prime
minister, Goh Chok Tong, told a closing news conference. Malaysian Prime
Minister Mahathir Mohamad agreed. "We think there is a possibility of a free
trade and investment zone but that is not going to happen any time soon," he
told reporters.
Goh"s cautious tone contrasted with his upbeat mood a day earlier when he
unveiled the "two big ideas" of a free trade zone and an institutional link with
Northeast Asia that had emerged from the ASEAN leaders" talks with their three
big neighbours. Goh spoke of the complexity of the issues raised. In particular,
he said a headlong rush could undermine ASEAN.
The economies of China, Japan and Korea combined produce more than five
times as much as their poorer Southeast Asian partners. "There is of course the
risk that ASEAN may be eclipsed," Goh said. "If you put ASEAN members together
with the East Asian grouping up north, economically we pale by
comparison."
LEAP OF VISION
Thailand"s foreign minister, Surin Pitsuwan, said the sense of community
born out of Asia"s painful financial crisis in 1997 had given leaders the
confidence to make a "leap of vision" and consider forming an powerful new
regional political grouping. But he said it could take a decade or two before
the time is ripe for either an East Asian Community or free trade links.
"I think both will have to take an evolutionary road until such time that
we are more equal, we are more prepared and on a par with each other," Surin
said. Goh said ASEAN should concentrate for now on integrating its four poorer
members -- Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and Myanmar -- who did not join the
33-year-old body until the 1990s.
"This can"t be forced. When we"re comfortable, the East Asia community will
come about," the prime minister said. "I myself, speaking for Singapore, would
prefer a gradual approach because I think I would emphasise ASEAN solidarity
first." Mahathir echoed Goh. "We need to identify the problems and concerns of
the participants to make sure that such an arrangement should not be bad for
some of the less developed members," he said.
Serious consideration of a free trade area, either with China alone or all
three Northeast Asian partners, will first require ASEAN members to free up
their economies and complete their own free trade zone, Goh said. This is
already a tall order for countries that have still not fully recovered from the
1997 crisis, which plunged much of the region into deep recession.
This week ministers bowed to political realities and gave Malaysia a
two-year reprieve before it has to cut tariffs on its struggling car industry,
part of an ASEAN plan to slash tariffs on 85 percent of goods categories to
below five percent in 2002.
CHINESE COMPETITION
Taking the slow road to an East Asia free trade zone seemingly suits China,
too. Even though it was Premier Zhu Rongji who proposed the idea to the summit,
he carefully avoided calling for rapid progress. "It might be advisable in the
long run for China and ASEAN to explore the establishment of a free trade
relationship between them," he told ASEAN leaders on Saturday.
ASEAN members are on the horns of a dilemma when it comes to trade and
investment ties with Northeast Asia, especially China. Although they fear a
closer embrace will bring even fiercer competition, they worry even more about
being left marooned on the wrong side of a widening economic divide.
In a reversal of the trend in the early 1990s, the lion"s share of foreign
direct investment into less-wealthy parts of Asia now goes to China. By reaching
out to the faster-growing Northeast, ASEAN hopes to siphon off some of this
flood.
ASEAN members are especially worried that China"s low-cost industries such
as textiles and toys will muscle into more markets once Beijing joins the World
Trade Organisation (WTO), a move expected next year.
Saturday, November 25 5:08 PM SGT
Singapore defends free-trade agreements from criticism SINGAPORE, Nov 25 (AFP) -
Singapore Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong on Saturday defended the city-state's
move to forge free trade agreements outside the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN).
Wrapping up the ASEAN summit here, Goh said he was aware of criticism by an
unnamed Malaysian minister that Singapore's launching of bilateral free trade
arrangements (FTA) could divide ASEAN.
He also noted that another Malaysian official, Trade Minister Rafidah Aziz,
had said that Singapore's FTAs were consistent with the World Trade Organisation
(WTO).
Malaysia itself was reportedly considering a similar accord with Japan, the
prime minister said.
"So I do not know which view prevails in Malaysia," Goh told a news
conference.
"But speaking for Singapore, we have bigger reasons than just thinking of
ourselves."
By entering into sub-regional pacts, the small but prosperous island-state
was helping draw attention to the ASEAN region, which includes several members
such as Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam who were unprepared to forge similar
accords.
Singapore, ASEAN's strongest economy, has signed an FTA with New Zealand.
Negotiations were due to start with Japan, Australia and the United States and a
study has been proposed for similar accords with Mexico and Canada.
"Very importantly, these countries are signalling their interest in ASEAN,"
Goh said.
"ASEAN at the moment is not quite ready to do an FTA with other countries
but Singapore is. So I told the leaders in other countries that ASEAN requires
some attention."
Jesus Estanislao, former dean of the Asian Development Bank's research arm,
the ADB Institute, took issue with Singapore for unilaterally entering into a
bundle of agreements outside the region.
"Singapore is going to bed with almost every country but disregarding
ASEAN," Estanislao said.
"This is not a coalition of the willing in ASEAN, it is a coalition with
one economy jumping over the regional fence and dealing with everybody
else.
"That doesn't build a structured relationship ... as a matter of fact that
will marginalise ASEAN."
Goh said however that Singapore's FTAs did not contravene a multilateral
global trading system under the WTO.
"The FTA for Singapore will be WTO consistent. (It) will be open to anybody
who wants to sign on the terms which we have negotiated with the others.
"It is not a closed FTA. Its is meant to be an arrangement which supports
negotiations for freer trade in the fast track so that the others can just
follow later on."
Friday, November 24 8:05 PM SGT
Thailand To Hold Exhibition In Myanmar To Promote Trade YANGON (Dow Jones)--About 150
Thai companies will be showcased in a business fair in Yangon next week to
promote trade relations with neighboring Myanmar, the Thai ambassador said
Friday.
Thai products ranging from cosmetics and plastic items to construction
materials and vehicles will be displayed at Thailand Exhibition 2000, to be held
at the Tatmadaw (Armed Forces) Convention Center in the capital from Nov. 30 to
Dec. 3.
"Apart from the introduction of new Thai products to Myanmar consumers, the
exhibition will provide an opportunity for Thai businessmen to foster their
cooperation with businessmen and importers in Myanmar," Ambassador Pensak
Chalarak told a press conference.
The Thai Commerce Ministry's Department of Export Promotion is organizing
the exhibition, now in its fourth year. More Thai firms are participating than
ever before, he said.
Saturday, November 25 7:23 PM SGT
Leaders Of Asean Plus Three Endorse Currency Swap Plan By Alan Yonan Jr. and James T. Areddy Of Dow Jones Newswires SINGAPORE (Dow Jones)--Leaders
of 13 East Asian governments on Saturday informally endorsed a system designed
to improve their capacity to help each
other counter sudden currency fluctuations. The presidents and prime ministers who discussed the so-called "Chiang Mai
Initiative" didn't build upon the program that has been developed since May by
the finance ministers of Japan, South Korea, China and the 10 Association of
Southeast Asian Nations.
Several leaders expressed support for the plan which was launched at a
meeting of finance ministers in Chiang Mai, Thailand. But they didn't
specifically take any action on the swap agreements, which they say could help a
country combat liquidity or balance of payments problems.
Nevertheless, their meeting in Singapore this week prompted the release of
more details.
"Significant progress has been made since Chiang Mai," said a Japanese
Ministry of Finance official.
The Chiang Mai Initiative has caught the attention of the foreign exchange
market partly due to the sheer size of foreign exchange reserves held among the
East Asian nations writing the arrangement, some $800 billion, by the Japanese
finance ministry's count.
Foreign exchange reserves would be made available to the countries in the
event their currency comes under speculative attack, as happened to Thailand
through the first half of 1997, sparking the Asian financial crisis.
On one track, the program enlarges an existing Asean Swap Arrangement that
has been in place since 1977, but apparently never used. The program's coverage
will be expanded from the six most developed Asean nations to include the
remaining four, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam. Total size of the swap
facility is also being boosted to $1 billion from $200 million.
Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Brunei and the Philippines would
each eligible to request up to $300 million from the others. The limit for four
least developed economies would be $50 million.
More substantially, Asean governments are hoping to establish a network of
bilateral swap and repurchase agreements between themselves and the
region's
power-sized economies, Japan, China and South Korea. In Singapore this week, those governments reiterated their intention to see
the plan implemented - and to see the funds largely tied to programs of the
International Monetary Fund.
The Japanese official said an interest rate formula has been agreed, based
on existing market rates plus a premium that isn't being made public. The size
of the bilateral arrangements with Japan, China and South Korea will be subject
to negotiation.
Although IMF conditionality is important and the program is designed to
supplement IMF bailouts, some money could be made available before a
country
in crisis reaches a support agreement with the Washington-based Fund. If funds are made available before an IMF program is in place, the maximum amount available will be limited to 10% of that country's credit line. Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said he opposes the plan to tie
some of the funding to Washington-based Fund's prescriptions. "After all, the
IMF has not contributed anything to this," he said.
Two or three Asean countries should have concluded their bilateral swap
agreements by the time Asean Plus Three finance ministers gather for the Asian
Development Bank meeting in May.
Analysts had initially dismissed the swap plan as a "paper tiger" unlikely
to make much difference to Asian currency trading. They noted a long-existing
patchwork of agreements has never been used, even despite the massive volatility
in Asian foreign exchange markets during the past few years.
But government officials have started to back up their view that currency
stability efforts in the "Chiang Mai Initiative" amount to more than
pie-in-the-sky dreaming by providing some details of how the cooperation would
work.
Supachai Panitchpakdi, said negotiations among Asean countries are
proceeding well, and "at the end of the day, I'm quite hopeful we would have a
full fledged Asian Monetary Fund."
Although that kind of comment has weakened Western support for the effort,
on concern that Asia is ultimately attempting to circumvent the tough provisions
of the International Monetary Fund, analysts agree that Asian governments seem
intent on improving their ability to help themselves.
And a Japanese official said there is no cause for such concern that the
IMF would be circumvented. "The trigger for implementing swaps will be largely
linked to an IMF program," Takatoshi Ito, deputy vice minister for international
affairs at the Japanese Ministry of Finance, wrote in the Financial Times just
ahead of the Asean meeting.
An official of the Bank of Japan meanwhile suggested that once the
political agreements are in place, the central bank will follow through. "We are
looking for a good result," the international affairs official told Dow Jones
Newswires as the Asean meeting got under way.
At the same time, the official said he is far from ready to dismiss
cooperation efforts by countries with nearly half of the world's foreign
exchange reserves. "It's not complete fantasy," he said.
For Southeast Asian countries in particular, he said, the market should
recognize there could be legitimate times for one central bank to help another.
He noted that the region's currencies these days fluctuate far more against the
U.S. dollar, euro and yen than against each other, which is an intra-Asean
stability they might want to defend.
Further, the $1.0 billion figure on the swaps amounts to five times the
size of the existing arrangements. That's not the kind of money that will be
"swallowed in seconds" in foreign exchange markets that struggle to trade $100
million a day, according to the international agency official.
Indeed, consider that the euro jumped 3.5 cents, or over 4.0%, against the
dollar following intervention by the U.S. Federal Reserve, European Central Bank
and Bank of Japan. The U.S., for its part, only bought EUR1.5 billion, in a
market that probably approaches $1.0 trillion a day.
The 10 Asean members are Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia,
Myanmar, Singapore, Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. The Asean Plus Three
summit also includes participation of China, Japan and South Korea.
Saturday November 25 4:05 AM ET
Asian Leaders Huddle at Summit By DEAN VISSER, Associated Press Writer SINGAPORE (AP) - Gone are the
long faces, dire predictions and talk of economic malaise. Asian leaders meeting
in Singapore this week addressed each other with playful nicknames, swapped puns
and exchanged jovial banter. One leader even said they cuddled.
Problems persist back home: Joseph Estrada (news - web sites)'s presidency
in the Philippines is hanging by a thread, as is Yoshiro Mori's prime
ministership in Japan. Gunmen attacked government buildings in Cambodia this
week, and Indonesia is riddled with violent separatist movements.
And there are disputes. Southeast Asia, its earlier economic boom battered
by the 1997-98 financial crisis, is wary of growing competition from northeast
Asia. And the region is wrangling over rights to oil-rich islands in the South
China Sea.
But the 10 leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and their
counterparts from Japan, China and South Korea put a happy face on their
Singapore summit this weekend.
``We were huddling and cuddling,'' said Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad, a man known for his sarcastic tirades against other countries and their
leaders.
Singapore Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, who also called the summit a
``huddle,'' said ASEAN leaders were ``much more open, more cooperative'' than
before.
The reasons for the newfound friendliness were several: relief over
subsiding economic woes, a desire to show harmony as a way to attract investment
and a growing willingness to be more open.
Signs of bonding and jocularity were everywhere. A new agreement on free
trade over the Internet, called the e-ASEAN, spawned a series of jokes.
Singapore's trade minister, George Yeo, called Myanmar economic minister
David Abel ``e-David'' and addressed Malaysia's trade minister Rafidah Aziz as
``e-bu,'' a play on the traditional Malay language honor title ``Ibu.''
Exuberant leaders tossed around grand plans to build a $2 billion railroad
from Singapore to China and a massive bridge linking Indonesia and Malaysia.
They promised to consider a proposal to expand ASEAN's geographical scope to
include China, Japan and South Korea.
The festive summit was a far cry from other recent ASEAN gatherings, when
the Asian financial crisis cast a pall over spirits.
The region's economies have not yet fully recovered, but leaders are eager
to convince the world their countries are still good investments.
Wall of Sound , Nov 24,
2000.
U2's Album Banned in Burma U2's new album, All That You Can't Leave Behind, was banned in Burma
because of a song dedicated to pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who is
under house arrest for her activities.
Democratic Voice of Burma correspondent Myint Maung Maung told British
music magazine NME, "The album was banned because it includes a song, 'Walk On,'
dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi and the democracy movement in Burma."
The rockers also have a page on their Web site, U2.com, calling attention
to the political situation in Burma, where they say 8 million people have been
consigned to forced labor and half a million people are the target of ethnic
cleansing campaigns.
Kyi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, has spent six of the past 11
years under house arrest and was placed under arrest again last month by the
military government.
The activist's struggle was brought to U2's attention when the band members
and Kyi were awarded the Honorary Freedom of Dublin award last spring. At the
ceremony, where Kyi's son received the award on her behalf, Bono said he was
"really proud" to be linked with her.
The band members, traveling the world to promote the new album, could not
be reached for comment on the ban, but in an interview yesterday in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil, lead singer Bono said his passion for social justice was rooted
in guilt.
"One thing I'm very sure about is that I am a spoiled rock star; I am
overpaid, overnourished, and overdressed," he told The Associated Press. "And
I'm sure the work that I do [for debt relief] at Jubilee 2000 and the work the
band has done for Amnesty International is some kind of Catholic guilt, but it's
working, so we'll continue with it."
Dotmusic - Nov 25,
2000.
U2 ANNOUNCE NEW SINGLE AND VIDEOS U2 have announced that 'Stuck In A Moment You Can't Get Out Of' will be the
follow up to the UK No.1 smash 'Beautiful Day'. No release date has
been
confirmed although reprts suggest it will be availble in January next year. In America are opting for a different approach the 'Walk On' - a song
dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's pro-democracy leader - being released to
US radio at the same time.
On the video front, the band are going to be busy recording videos to
accomapany the release. Swedish Grammy winning director Jonas Akerlund
(Madonna's 'Ray of Light', Prodigy's 'Smack My Bitch Up') is to join the band in
Rio de Janeiro to shoot the video for song 'Walk On' this week.
A few days later Kevin Godley ('The Sweetest Thing') will join the band in
Los Angeles where they will shoot a video for 'Stuck In A Moment You Can't Get
Out Of.'
The Times of India - Nov 25,
2000.
The Myanmar Matrix
Back on the Road to Mandalay By C UDAY BHASKAR
THE recently-concluded visit to Delhi (November 21) of General Maung Aye,
the vice chairman of the State Peace and Development Council - the name for the
ruling military government in Myanmar - is an important punctuation in India's
evolving `national interest policy' and both the form and the content of this
visit have a strategic import.
Myanmar, or Burma as it was called till the name was changed in 1989 by the
military rulers, is a blank in the collective Indian consciousness except for
the persona of a determined Aung San Suu Kyi. It otherwise remains a curious mix
of myth and forgotten memory deeply embedded in receding history, inextricably
linked with the Indian subcontinent from ancient times to the modern period.
Myanmar has had a chequered relationship with India in the literal sense of the
term. Burma after colonisation was part of British India and the imprint of the
Indian freedom struggle was evident in the growth of Burmese nationalism.
Burma was a major theatre during World War II and the leadership of the
period - headed by General Aung San (father of Ms Suu Kyi) - has the unique
distinction of shifting allegiance from Axis to Allied powers during the war. On
attaining independence in January 1948, Burma was the model for the developing
nation in Asia and identified as a state with the highest potential and promise.
However, the political evolution of Burma has been bloody and violent and
in July 1947, General Aung San was assassinated by his opponents and the
leadership devolved upon the first prime minister U Nu. Burma played a major
role in the emerging Asian solidarity and relations between Delhi and Rangoon
(now Yangon) were robust. A large Indian population in Burma provided the
substance to the relationship and considerable trade flourished by way of
Burmese teak, rice and gems between the Indian east coast and Rangapatnam - the
vernacular world for Rangoon. India provided considerable support to U Nu in the
early years when the state had to deal with insurgencies and sub-national
militancy.
However post-1962, Burma's fortunes underwent a radical change. Growing
internal unrest abetted by external forces and the inability of the civilian
leadership to deal with this turbulence saw the military (tatmadaw) in the
driver's seat. Then followed a period of intense xenophobia and insularity that
pushed the country into near isolation with a resultant downturn in ties with
India. Domestic policies including the expulsion of ethnic Indians and later a
closer Sino-Burmese axis soured the relationship with Delhi and for a quarter of
a century till 1988 there was the equivalent of extended stasis.
Democratic zealotry in the Rajiv Gandhi years, the dramatic arrival of Aung
San Suu Kyi on the Myanmarese political landscape and the ruthlessness of the
tatmadaw in the bloody repression of August 8, 1988 led to Delhi distancing
itself visibly and the relationship was strained. But in 1993, India decided to
repair the relationship as part of a larger `look east' policy and seven years
down the road Delhi is able to engage Yangon through a matrix that leavens
pragmatic national interest considerations with regional and global realities.
Despite the opprobrium directed at Myanmar by the global community, it was
admitted into the ASEAN fold in 1997 and this led to a dramatic geo-strategic
transformation for India. ASEAN is no longer distant but now contiguous to the
Indian mainland with four states in the North East bordering Myanmar.
India's geo-strategic interests are defined by the abiding existential
challenge of China and the influence it exerts on the Indian periphery including
Myanmar. While democracy remains a highly desirable goal where it does not
exist, India does not have the option to make that the sole determinant in its
external relations. Thus the present visit of General Maung raises a seeming
contradiction about Delhi doing business with the military leadership in Yangon
while refusing to deal with that in Islamabad. The reality is that the former
has over the last few years provided valuable support to the Indian national
interest in the areas that impinge directly on sovereignty and territoriality.
Myanmarese troops have cooperated with Indian security forces in dealing with
insurgencies in the North East, while in the Pakistani case, the military is
doing the exact opposite. Thus the fidelity is to the core national interest.
Till recently, the relationship with Myanmar was perceived in terms of
negative determinants and anxieties - particularly the growing links between
Beijing and Yangon. There is no denying the fact that China has made
considerable progress in establishing its presence in Myanmar over the last
decade and on a visit to Mandalay a few years ago, the Sinic influence was more
than palpable. Yes, Beijing provides attractive military support to the
350,000-strong Myanmar armed forces and the transport linkages with the Kunming
region of China are a reality.
But in the current visit, General Maung assured his hosts that Yangon will
not allow foreign military bases to be set up on Myanmarese soil and made a
counter offer which is of strategic significance. Currently, India has a $ 196
million two-way trade relationship with Yangon but there is enormous potential
to develop certain sectors such as energy (where it may be the only exporter in
ASEAN), agriculture, light engineering goods and pharmaceuticals. Communication
linkages are a constraint but the opening of the 160 km Tamu-Kalemyo road west
of the Chindwin river will provide a crucial link with Mandalay. General Maung
invited India to develop the Kyaupkyu port in the Ramree Island and this is an
opportunity that must not be lost.
Myanmar is India's gateway to ASEAN and the recent Ganga-Mekong initiative
testifies to India's determined intent to engage the region. Perhaps this visit
will allow Myanmar to be seen in its own identity and not as part of the Chinese
shadow. The challenge for the Indian professional in the public and private
sector is to strengthen the relationship in a positive manner and counter the
Chinese presence in a confident and competitive manner. The ball is now in
India's court and ONGC amongst others would be well advised to pick up the
gauntlet.
The Ottawa Citizen
Saturday 25 November 2000
The son of the
martyr
Ken Wiwa says he wants to forget Nigeria; his book says something else Paul Gessell Canada seemed ready to crown Justin Trudeau emperor for life last summer
when the young drama teacher assumed the role of a Shakespearean hero and
delivered an unforgettable eulogy at the funeral of his father, former prime
minister Pierre Trudeau.
For a few brief moments, the adoring, weeping disciples of the father saw
their hero reborn in his eldest son. Justin surely had to be the heir, in all
senses, of Pierre. An era had not ended after all.
Toronto writer Ken Wiwa has lived through the same kind of phenomenon
Justin Trudeau experienced. Wiwa's father, Ken Saro-Wiwa, was a popular Nigerian
writer and politician who was executed in 1995 by the military dictatorship
governing the African country at the time because of his struggles to better the
life of the minority Ogoni people.
Even before the father's death, the son felt pressured to become involved
in Nigerian politics, largely because of his father's urgings. Upon his father's
death, those pressures mounted and, five years later, continue.
Wiwa has spent much of his adult life running away, but never too far, from
Nigerian politics. "Politically, I have a total distaste and total disinterest
in Nigeria," Wiwa says, rather forcefully, in an interview over morning coffee.
Wiwa says his plans do not include political involvement in Nigeria. But
that's not the message that comes through in his newly published book, In the
Shadow of a Saint, a frank examination of the pressures and hardships that must
be endured by the families of political martyrs.
Much of the book (published by Alfred A. Knopf Canada) focuses on the often
troubled relationship between Wiwa and his father. As a youth, the son
continuously struggled to escape the father's shadow. At age 23, he even changed
his name to Wiwa from Saro-Wiwa to distance himself from his father. Yet,
throughout his youth, and even today, Wiwa is simultaneously pulled towards the
man casting that long shadow.
Wiwa is currently writer in residence at Massey College in Toronto. For a
man trying to escape the shadow of his father, his choice of subjects for his
first book is, indeed, curious. He could have chosen the Internet (one of his
fields of expertise) or parenting (he has two pre-school sons) or soccer (the
passion of most Nigerian men). But no, he chose the one topic that will link him
more closely than ever to his late father.
Wiwa was once resentful of the sacrifices he and other members of his
family had to make in order to accommodate his father's political agenda. In
fact, Wiwa and his father quarreled about that very issue the last time they met
face to face.
"That we parted on such a bad note is one of my greatest regrets," Wiwa
writes in his book. "But when I stormed out of the house that afternoon in
January, 1994, we were poles apart. I didn't understand him; I just couldn't see
how he could be leading a struggle that he said was for the future, for us, his
children, while he neglected those children's immediate needs and well being.
That afternoon, I only understood that his youngest son was dead and another was
fighting for his life in hospital and that all he seemed to care about was his
political campaign. I saw a pattern developing and I didn't want to sacrifice my
life for his political conscience. So I turned my back on him."
But shortly after, when his father was arrested and convicted of
masterminding the murder of four Ogoni chiefs, Wiwa led an international
campaign to convince political leaders around the world to pressure the Nigerian
military to spare Saro-Wiwa's life.
The efforts failed. While Wiwa was in Auckland, New Zealand, lobbying Jean
Chretien and other Commonwealth leaders, Saro-Wiwa was hanged Nov. 10, 1995.
"Many people assumed I would take on his political mantle and lead the
struggle from abroad. I was his first son, namesake and heir; I was the public
face of the campaign. One Ken Saro-Wiwa was dead and another was primed and
ready to fill the vacuum. But that was the last thing I wanted to do. I was
tired of politics and politicking."
But Wiwa could not seem to move far from political circles. He travelled
the world and met children of South African political heroes Steve Biko, who was
killed in prison, and Nelson Mandela, who managed to emerge from prison to lead
the country.
Wiwa learned that the sons and daughters of those two South Africans had
also resented the hardship imposed on them by their respective father's
imprisonment. But they eventually accepted the necessity for such sacrifices.
And so did Wiwa.
Wiwa also went to Burma to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, the unofficially
imprisoned opposition leader who is trying to continue the work of her martyred
father, Aung San. The diminutive Burmese politician said she has tried to
dissuade her son, Alexander, from getting involved in politics. But she may not
have been successful: "Alexander always refused to believe me whenever I told
him I did not expect him to follow in my or his grandfather's footsteps."
Wiwa sympathizes with Suu Kyi's son.
"You have to feel for him. His grandfather is a martyr and his mother won
the Nobel Peace Prize. How the hell do you follow that? The struggle that your
parents lived and died for has framed your life. It is the family business. It
will always be at the back of your mind that you will, one day, have to make a
firm decision to pick up the mantle or pass up your birthright."
Now, does this sound like the writings of a man who does not plan to follow
in his father's footsteps and, thus, reject his "birthright?"
Wiwa can protest as much as he likes during an interview over morning
coffee. But in the evening, when there is just him, a computer and time for
heartfelt thoughts, different words come pouring out, like those in his book
recounting his departure from Nigeria after his father's funeral.
"As I left Africa, I knew I would have to come back. I can never leave
Africa. It is in my blood, in my face, in my name. I always imagined I would be
free the moment my father's coffin was lowered into his grave, but as Lagos
disappeared beneath the plane, I was conscious that there was still so much to
do, that I was leaving with so much unresolved."
Bangkok Post - Nov 25,
2000.
BORDER - Tensions remain as
Burmese apologise
Force crosses border for quiet tete-a-tete Subin Khuenkaew
An unexpected border foray by 100 Burmese troops bearing apologies for an
armed clash this week almost led to another fight.
On Monday two paramilitary rangers were seriously wounded when a patrol
from the 32nd Rangers Regiment was attacked with rifle and mortar fire by an
armed unit near Ban Pasang Na-ngoen in Mae Fa Luang district.
Yesterday, a command officer of the 3rd Cavalry Division's special task
force ordered Thai soldiers to prepare to open fire as Burmese troops began
approaching the task force's base in Chiang Rai. Calling to his counterpart,
Lt-Col Myo Chit, commander of Burma's 359th battalion who led the Burmese force,
said he came in peace.
In talks with deputy task force commander Lt-Col Santhawat Wongwattana, he
expressed regret for the attack.
"We apologise to the Thai side for the misunderstanding and for our firing
artillery rounds which landed near a Thai military base and caused injuries to
two Thai soldiers," he said.
Lt-Col Myo Chit asked Thai troops to hand over Burmese soldiers who were
caught together with six guns by Shan State Army guerrillas at a Burmese village
on Sunday.
Lt-Col Santhawat said Thailand had nothing to do with any fighting between
Burmese troops and minority groups.
Tensions in the troubled area remain high with both sides sending in
reinforcements.
More arms were being deployed at an area near Thailand's 3304th
paramilitary base while Burmese soldiers from the 526th rapid movement battalion
in Tachilek were deployed to reinforce the 359th rapid movement battalion in
Burma opposite Ban Pasang Na-ngoen.
The 3304th paramilitary company said that the 30 armed men who surrounded
Ban Hin Tun village opposite Mae Fa Luang district on Sunday were not Thai
troops as thought by Burma.
An inspection showed that some 80 Shan guerrillas clashed with 70 Burmese
military volunteers who were escorting a drug trafficking caravan near Ban Hin
Tun, and a fight between Burmese troops and Thai rangers ensued.
Bangkok Post - Nov 25,
2000.
ANALYSIS / INDIA-BURMA RELATIONS
Rangoon allays fears of Chinese
domination
The high profile visit of General Maung Aye has helped Rangoon clear some
of the apprehensions of New Delhi regarding growing Chinese interests in
Burma.
Dinesh C. Sharma in New Delhi
The week-long visit to New Delhi of General Maung Aye, the number two in
the Burmese military junta, has not only helped Burma lessen India's concerns
regarding the increase in Chinese interests in that country; the visit is also
expected to result in greater involvement of India in the ongoing effort of the
military regime to develop infrastructure in Burma.
"I want to tell the Indian public that any island in my country, or
Myanmar's soil, will not be used as a military base by any power against India,"
declared Burmese foreign minister Win Aung, when asked by correspondents to
comment on China's growing naval presence in Burma.
New Delhi has been concerned over reports about Chinese military activity
in the Coco islands off Burma, for some time.
The issue was raised by Indian defence minister George Fernandes during
talks with Burmese home minister Tin Hlaing earlier this month.
The Burmese foreign minister said Mr Fernandes has been given the same
assurance.
The recent warmth seen in Indo-Burmese relations is partly driven by
India's security concerns in the region, particularly fears of growing Chinese
influence in Burma.
In addition to security concerns, China's help to the military junta in
building infrastructure has also been cited as a proof of Chinese
influence.
Now India too has stepped up its efforts to help the Burmese junta in its
drive to improve infrastructure facilities. The visit of Gen Maung Aye saw
several new initiatives in this regard.
A Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (Bipa) is
currently under negotiation with Burma. India anticipates that this would be
brought to fruition in the near future.
Burma has sought India's help in developing a deep water port and other
projects.
Gen Maung Aye sought India's participation in the 750-megawatt Yewa power
project near Mandalay. India is already involved in the 110-megawatt Tamanthi
hydro-electric power project on the banks of Chindwin river.
In order to push trade, India is also likely to participate in developing a
transport corridor along the Kaladan river which leads to the Bay of
Bengal.
One important project that has already been completed is a road linking
border areas of the two countries.
"We share long land and maritime borders. Communities living along both
sides of our border share family, social and religious ties. It is essential
that we make joint efforts to develop these border areas. There are several
cross-border projects, which have the potential of transforming the economies of
these regions," said Indian Vice President Krishna Kant.
"The Tamu-Kalewa highway will form an important link from the India-Myanmar
border to central Myanmar, and the commercial and cultural centre of Mandalay.
Such infrastructure projects would promote travel, tourism and commerce between
people living along the border as well as in the interior," observerd Mr Kant at
an official dinner in honour of Gen Maung Aye.
Providing some details on India-Burma economic relations, a spokesman of
the Indian Ministry of External Affairs said India is Burma's largest market
mainly for beans, pulses and accounts for 25% of their overall exports.
The bilateral trade has increased from US$13 million in 1980-81 to $196.6
million in 1999-2000. Indian exports are of the order of $69 million and imports
$128 million.
Bangkok Post - Nov 25,
2000.
BORDER - Top brass to visit
Rangoon
Wassana Nanuam Supreme Commander Gen Sampao Chusri would lead a military delegation to
Rangoon next month, a source said.
He would be accompanied by air force commander ACM Pong Maneesilp and navy
chief Adm Prasert Boonsong. Army chief Gen Surayud Chulanont had not said
whether he would go, but was unlikely to join the delegation, the source
said.
"Gen Surayud has no policy to visit Burma or boost military ties. He feels
the matter should be handled by the Foreign Affairs Ministry," the source
said.
It would be the first top-level military visit in two years.
Former army commander Gen Chettha Thanajaro visited Burma in 1998, before
his retirement.
Former supreme commander Gen Mongkol Ampornpisit visited Rangoon in
1997.
The trip, which took a month of planning, had been tentatively scheduled
for Dec 12-13, the source said.
Gen Sampao expected to secure Burmese co-operation in curbing drug
trafficking, the source said.
"He believes strong military ties will make it easier to solve problems
such as border disputes and drug smuggling," he said.
Gen Chettha, who is running for election on the Thai Rak Thai party list,
is reportedly also planning a visit to Burma next month.
He has maintained ties with Burmese military leaders including Lt-Gen Khin
Nyunt.
Tension has run high along the Thai-Burmese border, with soldiers from both
sides wounded in recent clashes. Gen Boonrawd Somthas, army chief-of-staff, said
ceasefire talks were under way at the local level.
The army would retaliate if Burmese forces encroached on Thai sovereignty,
Gen Boonrawd said.
"If a shell lands on Thai soil again, we will hit back at them," he
said.
The Straits Times - Nov 25,
2000.
Myanmar inmates' escape: Questions
raised
As Thai probe gets under way after security forces kill nine Myanmar
convicts, questions are being asked about illegals and role of the media
By Edward Tang
THAILAND CORRESPONDENT BANGKOK - Questions and more questions. A day after Thai security forces
mowed down nine Myanmar jail escapees and defused a hostage crisis, an inquest
is under way in Thailand.
From short-term glitches to more fundamental problems, tough questions are
being asked in the aftermath of Thursday's incident.
What to do with over a million illegal foreign workers? Illegal aliens in Thailand, like its politics, have always been a contentious subject. Failure by the government to address the problem, which has reached endemic
proportions in recent years, has been blamed for the recent acts of terrorism
committed by Myanmar residents here.
There are more than a million illegal foreigners in Thailand, mostly
Myanmar refugees, who have slipped into the country almost at will with the
alleged connivance of immigration officials.
A few thousand Cambodians and Laotians and an increasing number of Chinese
from southern China are also living in the country thanks to the lax border
controls.
The visitors earn a meagre salary of 50 baht (S$2) a day working in jobs
shunned by Thais such as labourers, fishermen and construction workers. Many
women are believed to be prostituting in the cities.
Inevitably, they get involved in drugs and crimes, posing major social
problems to this country.
Most of the nine dead convicts in Thursday's shoot-out were serving murder
sentences, and had connection with the local mafias.
Meanwhile, neighbouring countries have accused Thailand of harbouring
dissidents in the border areas.
Relations with Myanmar and Laos, in particular, have been strained by the
activities of student rebels and ethnic Hmong dissidents, respectively, who
reside in Thailand.
Mr Khachadpai Burussapad, a senior national security official, said the
problem of illegal migrants will worsen because of the poor regional economy.
Cannot distribute vertically Has the media overstepped its boundary? The Thai media has come under fire in the aftermath of Thursday's incident. In particular, radio talk show host Thanom Onkedphol, who negotiated with
one of the hostage-takers on air, was blasted for exceeding his role.
Mr Thanom had managed to establish a connection with the escapee on the
phone and carried on a conversation which was broadcast nationwide until hours
before the raid.
Police officials said he could have sabotaged their rescue mission and
endangered the hostages' lives.
The same radio station was involved in negotiations with terrorists who
seized the Myanmar Embassy in Bangkok last October, and again in January during
the takeover of a hospital in Ratchaburi province.
The police also complained that reporters defied instructions and raced
ahead of them during the chase of the fugitives.
Local network Channel 9, which televised the dramatic gun battle, was
criticised by a columnist for turning the whole incident into an entertainment
programme.
Was it an inside job? Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai believed so. So do the police, who found four guns, a home-made bomb, several grenades, and knives in the escapees' possession. They suspected prison officials of smuggling the weapons for the
jail-breakers.
Visitor records showed that several cars, including the getaway pickup, had
entered the prison compound without being searched.
Mr Chuan was also concerned that overcrowded jails had caused the security
lapse in prisons. |