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FEBRUARY
4, 2000 VOL. 26 NO. 4 Ethnic Breakdown
By ANTHONY DAVIS Bangkok Despite the
military junta's repressive control of Myanmar, a number of minority
groups operate insurgencies in the country. While many have made some sort
of accommodation with the authorities, some continue to fight on. A guide:
• Main groups ranged against
Yangon
Karen National Union (KNU)
and its military wing Karen National Liberation Army
(KNLA). Arguably the most effective opposition force with an
estimated 3,000 to 5,000 guerrillas led by veteran chief Bo Mya, the KNLA
operates along Myanmar's eastern border with Thailand. The KNLA has lost
all its major bases but retains a guerrilla capability that recent reports
suggest is reaching further inland than before. God's Army. Small
breakaway faction of the KNU.
Karenni National Progressive
Party. Based in Myanmar's eastern Kayah State, the KNPP signed a
ceasefire with Rangoon in 1995 which collapsed the following year. Fields
an estimated 1,000 to 1,500 troops and is engaged in operations involving
more running than hitting.
Shan State Army
(South). Composed of ethnic Shan fighters, some of whom were
earlier loyal to retired drug warlord Khun Sa, the SSA (South) is based
along Thailand's northern border with Myanmar.
• Main groups that
have reached a ceasefire with the regime
Kachin Independence Organization and its military
wing Kachin Independence Army. A shadow of its former
self, following the cutting-off of supplies from China and the death of
charismatic leader Bran Seng.
Myanmar National Democratic
Alliance Army. Earlier operated as the Northern Bureau of the now
defunct Communist Party of Burma. First to sign a ceasefire in March 1989.
Today a major heroin producer fielding 1,000 to 1,500 troops.
United Wa State Army (UWSA). Fields up to 20,000
troops and is the most powerful non-government force in Myanmar. Based in
the Wa Hills of northeastern Shan State along the Chinese border, the UWSA
has also established a strong presence on the Thai border to the south.
The U.S.describes the UWSA as the world's largest armed narcotics
producer. The group is heavily engaged in both heroin and methamphetamine
production and trafficking.
The Week Ahead: Hospital Siege This time the
Thais may get tough with rebels from Myanmar By WAYNE MORRISON
January 24, 2000
Web posted at 6:15 p.m. Hong Kong time, 5:15 a.m. EST
Expect a stern
response by the Thai Army to Karen guerrillas' storming and seizing of
Ratchaburi Hospital near the Thai-Myanmar border west of Bangkok on
Monday. The desperate action by 10 armed guerrillas of "God's Army"
followed a recent heavy offensive by Myanmar troops against rebels in the
border area. The guerrillas, demanding medical help for their injured,
took more than 200 patients and staff hostage (some reports said more than
700 hostages were taken). The raid appeared to
have come as a result of Myanmar army action and also attempts by the Thai
army to seal the border to prevent fighting from spilling on to Thai
territory. After the Myanmar Embassy siege in Bangkok last October, Thai
authorities cracked down on Myanmar dissidents and forced tens of
thousands of illegal workers back over the border, at times with
disastrous results (some women were reportedly raped and other workers
were beaten or imprisoned). The Bangkok authorities had been criticized by
the Yangon junta for their soft response in allowing the Bangkok
siege-makers to get away -- and providing them with a helicopter. This
time the Thais have surrounded the hospital with troops and police, and
signaled that they will take a tougher stance. Interior Minister Sanan
Kachornprasart, who dubbed the Bangkok siege-makers "freedom fighters,"
announced that protection of the hospital patients and staff would come
first. God's Army, probably a breakaway group from the Karen National
Union, is said to be giving protection to the Myanmar Embassy
siege-makers. |
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FEBRUARY
4, 2000 VOL. 26 NO. 4
Shootout - and Fallout
In disposing of Myanmar rebels in a siege, the Thais faced up to
some hard questions By ROGER MITTON Bangkok
Call it an
anniversary present. Shortly before dawn on Jan. 25 - Thailand's Armed
Forces Day - elite commandos stormed a provincial hospital and coldly
dispatched 10 Myanmar rebels who had held hundreds of inmates hostage in a
harrowing siege. The assault lasted barely an hour. Soon after, in the
early morning light, the impassive liquidators marched out in formation to
the guarded cheers and clapping of local folk. This had been a risky
maneuver given the high number of hostages and the weaponry their captors
possessed. But this bold Thai action certainly won out. Rather easily, if
eyewitness reports that some of the rebels did not fire back are true.
Apparently, not a single hostage was harmed, and just eight officers
injured. No prisoners were taken; indeed, the bloodied corpses of the
young gunmen were bizarrely displayed as in a museum of horrors. No
apologies were made either. Said Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai: "No one
will blame Thailand for what we had to do, because these were clearly
terrorists."
Chuan's decision to put the army in charge, under its
commander-in-chief Gen. Surayud Chulanont, was the key to this lethal
outcome. In a similar incident last October, when five gunmen seized the
Myanmar embassy in Bangkok, the police acting under Interior Minister
Sanan Kachornprasart were in charge. Then, the hostages were also released
unharmed, but the gunmen were allowed to go free, much to the chagrin of
diplomats and the military regime in Yangon. The junta was enraged and
promptly closed its border with Thailand and shut out Thai fishing boats
from its waters. It was two months before the border reopened and
relations are still somewhat cool. But the brutal resolution of the
hospital siege should help warm ties - and perhaps help reassure
Thailand's own citizens against being caught up in future sieges. Says
former diplomat Pracha Guna-Kasem, now with the opposition Thai Rak Thai
party: "People were saying if we can allow this to happen, first an
embassy, then a hospital, next time they will take over Government House.
So we had to go for the jugular."
The genesis of the incident lies in
a dry-season push by the Myanmar military against Karen insurgents in the
hills along the southeastern border with Thailand. Yangon has negotiated a
truce with most of its ethnic minorities, but not the Karen, and it now
seeks to neutralize this recalcitrant group. Among the insurgents under
fire was a Karen fringe group known as "God's Army" (many Karen are
Christian, unlike most Myanmar citizens who are Buddhist). Likely
numbering barely 100 armed men, they were hunkered down at a border spot
called Kamerplaw. They reputedly draw inspiration from a pair of
12-year-old twin boys, though this is likely a fanciful ruse to win
attention. It is rumored that the hospital hijackers came from this God's
Army group, but no one knows for sure and one of their number rebutted
this (he's now dead). Either way, the main Karen National Union (KNU)
denied any link with them.
What seems clear is that the five
gunmen who took over the Myanmar embassy last October were later given
sanctuary by the God's Army group. Since then, they - along with other
Karen in the area - have been under sustained attack by the Myanmar
military. As if that were not enough, the Thai army is also shelling them.
Says Chayachoke Chulasiriwongs of Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University: "The
Thais were shelling the Karen positions because after the embassy siege
they needed to prove they are taking a stand against these people." And so
perhaps repair relations with Yangon. The Thais say they only fired
warning shots at Kamerplaw; the Myanmar military says they detected no
shelling from the Thais; the Karen say they were being pounded to
oblivion.
Believe who you like, the upshot was that many Karen
fighters, women and children tried to flee into Thailand, only to be
forced back to face the wrath of the Myanmar troops, and thus to turn back
once again to try to seek refuge in hostile Thailand. As they watched
their kinfolk being battered inhumanely from both sides, the patience of
young Karen warriors broke. A dozen or so of them (again the exact number
is a matter of speculation), commandeered a bus at 6 a.m. on Jan. 24 close
to the frontier and forced the driver to go to Ratchaburi, capital of the
Thai border province, 70 km away. The bus traveled unhindered through this
sensitive area, even picking up additional passengers.
During the
hour-long drive, the young rebels, who clearly had no set plan, made the
provincial hospital their target. Says Maung Maung Aye of the exiled
National Council of the Union of Burma: "The hospital was a bad decision;
it is not a war zone and not in a military area. If they want to do this
kind of thing they should do it against an embassy or hospital in Burma,
not here." Whatever the reason, almost without exception, Thais were livid
that a place used to treat the sick and suffering was occupied by foreign
gunmen. Any sympathy Thais harbored for the rebels' cause - as was evident
during the earlier embassy siege - evaporated.
At the hospital's
main gate, a security guard who tried to stop the bus backed off when he
saw the rebels in their combat fatigues waving automatic rifles and
holding grenades. The gunmen stormed the main entrance with guns blazing,
and took several hundred shocked staff, visitors and patients hostage.
Policemen and army reinforcements arrived soon after, surrounding the
hospital complex and evacuating nearby buildings. Inside, the rebels cut
phone lines and laid explosives to deter a police raid. Given the size of
the hospital complex, it was impossible for the gunmen to secure it all,
and there was a steady leakage of hostages from outlying buildings and
side doorways. There was also, it seems, an ingress of disguised Thai
security men - in effect, the advance guard of the assault. Meantime, the
terrorists issued several demands: shelling of their Kamerplaw base by the
Thai miliary should stop and that the general who ordered it should be
prosecuted; medical aid be sent to their injured people; cooperation
between the Thai and Myanmar armies against the Karen should cease; and
that the border should be opened to allow their harried folk to seek
refuge in Thailand, without the usual "fines" being levied by the
notorious Thai 9th Division soldiers who patrol that region.
As
talks dragged on through the day, Thai special forces continued preparing
for an onslaught. A decision had been taken by Chuan, Surayud and Sanan
that there was to be no repeat of the embassy denouement when the gunmen
were allowed to go free. In this case, they had committed a violent
terrorist act on Thai soil and that was not going to be tolerated. The
mood was superficially amicable, with the gunmen chatting to police
negotiators right up to shortly before the storming. They were lulled into
thinking this would be resolved like the embassy incident and that they
would be flown by helicopter back to the border area.
Almost
exactly 24 hours after they had hijacked the bus, the rebels were suddenly
and massively attacked from within and without. From outside, Thai special
forces stormed the hospital firing profusely; inside, special agents who
had entered the complex disguised as staff or patients, took decisive
action. Within minutes, the young terrorists all met a violent death - and
one that was graphically displayed as a deterrent to others when the
bloody trussed cadavers were later put on macabre display. A hospital
official told the Bangkok Post she saw the commandos hold the rebels at
gunpoint. "They were shot in the head after they had been told to undress
and kneel down," the newspaper quoted her saying. Of the dead Karen
gunmen, Sanan said: "They all deserved it since they've brought much
trauma and suffering to Thai people." Killing the rebels meant the Thais
did not have to deal with the difficult questions of trying them, freeing
them or packing them off either to Karen country or to Yangon. Myanmar
exiles, for their part, quickly issued statements distancing themselves
from the terrorists. The KNU said it "condemns their deplorable act" and
made it clear God's Army "is not under the control of the KNU."
The regime in Yangon is obviously happy. Says spokesman Col. Hla
Min: "We're pleased to see terrorists treated as terrorists." The lenient
treatment of the embassy hijackers had enraged Myanmar and led to the
border closure. This time, bouquets rather than brickbats may fly from
Yangon. Within Thailand, reactions are more equivocal, especially over the
manner in which the hijackers were killed and also over the seemingly lax
security. Says oppositionist Pracha: "We must strengthen vigilance along
the border."
As well as upgrading security, there may be a further
crackdown on Myanmar exiles in Thailand. Already many thousands of illegal
workers have been forced back, while students and other activists have
come under increased pressure. Many Thais, who dislike the Burmese and yet
back the pro-democracy movement and its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, are
already talking about how their hospitality has been abused. The fact that
the embassy and hospital hijackers were from rogue groups tends to be lost
in the general mood of anger. The climate may also prove unfavorable for
the Burmese refugees. The message to the resistance movement appears to
be: It is your struggle, do it on your own soil. If you venture over here,
expect to be whacked hard. Remember, too, that this is an election year in
Thailand and appearing decisive, especially against terrorists, is sure to
win extra support for PM Chuan.
Exiled pro-democracy advocates and
NGO groups argue that the root cause of both sieges is the despotic regime
in Yangon. They blame the incidents on the violence they say the Myanmar
military inflicts on innocent civilians. A statement from the NGO groups
concludes: "The possibility of spill-over problems will continue to
threaten Thailand until there is a long-term, peaceful political solution
to Burma's problems. We need to break the cycle of violence." The fearsome
resolution of the hospital siege is unlikely to do that. Nor will it occur
if another school of thought proves to be correct. First mooted after the
embassy siege, it suggests that these events mark the turning to arms by
some elements of the Myanmar resistance movement. After a decade of
non-violence led by Suu Kyi, the cause is foundering and many young
activists are getting frustrated. But the lethal signal sent by the Thai
commandos will make those contemplating armed struggle pause. For if they
try it, they will be inviting a bullet in the head.
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