Librarian's Choice
အဓိကအကြောင်းအရာ
Description/subject:
Statement by the Myanmar Attorney-General; Council members, Observer States and other observers:
Singapore;
Japan;
Thailand;
Indonesia;
Cuba;
China;
Lao People?s Democratic Republic;
Brunei Darussalam;
India;
Cambodia;
Malaysia...
National Human Rights Institutions and Non-Governmental Organizations:
Human Rights Watch;
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA);
Islamic Human Rights Commission;
Jubilee Campaign;
Worldview International Foundation;
Conectas Direitos Humanos;
Amnesty International;s
Asian Legal Resource Centre;
International Federation for Human Rights Leagues;
Rencontre Africaine pour la defense des droits de l?homme (RADDHO)...
Final remarks by the State under review,Myanmar...
Adoption of the Report on Myanmar.
Source/publisher:
United Nations (Human Rights Council Seventeenth Session)
Date of publication:
2011-06-08
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-15
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Universal Periodic Review 2011: Outcome of the Review of Myanmar - Morning session, 8 June 2011,
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"This book is not a biography of Myainggye:
Ngu Sayadaw U Thu Za-na. In fact it is
a personal record of Sayadaw?s life experiences.
As mortal being Sayadaw has passed through
many ups and downs in his life. This has been
recorded and narrated without any bias. Facts,
even though they may be bitter are being
presented in this book...U Thu Za-na is a young monk with a
few years in monkhood (Vassa). The author has
reached an agreement with U Thu Za-na—not
to write about his biography. Therefore, my
purpose is not to write Sayadaw?s biography,
or for any cause or causes, but merely to
write everything as it was, as I saw and
understand it.
As everybody knows that Myaing-gye:
Ngu Sayadaw U Thu Za-na has become a wellknown
person in the country. Also rumours
have been rife in the country.
Some said Sayadaw stands on this side.
Some accused him that he is from the other side.
Who and What Myaing-gye: Ngu
Sayadaw is? This book will after all answer all
these questions. The readers will, after reading
this book, understand to some extent Who and
What Myaing-gye: Ngu Sayadaw is..."
Myaing Nan Swe; Shin Khay Meinda (trans)
Source/publisher:
Democratic Karen Buddhist Association (DKBA)
Date of publication:
1998-07-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-07
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
646.32 KB
Local URL:
U_Thuzana's_Book-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
It is significant that
"The [13 pages of] recommendations formulated during the interactive dialogue listed below
have been examined by Myanmar and enjoy the support of Myanmar:..." These include reference to "2,200 political prisoners" whose existence, on other occasions, the Government has denied.
Source/publisher:
United Nations (A/HRC/17/9)
Date of publication:
2011-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-05
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Though not originally intended to curb freedom of opinion and expression this law, along with the Electronics Act, the Immigration Act and the Unlawful Associations Act, has been used against video journalists.
Source/publisher:
Government of the Union of Burma via "The Burma Code" Vol. III
Date of publication:
1947-09-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-03
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Laws, decrees, bills and regulations relating to import and export (texts), Laws, decrees, bills and regulations relating to opinion and expression (texts), Burma/Myanmar laws which have been used in political cases and are in need of amendment (texts), "The Burma Code" Vol. III
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
69.71 KB
Local URL:
Import-Export_(Temporary)_Act.pdf
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Description/subject:
"To reduce poverty in Myanmar, it may be useful to give consideration to the following five issues:
First, in order to go forward with poverty reduction, or more generally to go anywhere, we must know where we are at present. Hence, to improve the lot of the poor people in Myanmar we should start by having a clearer idea of who these poor people are, to find out what is their situation at present, and to listen to them about their needs and desires and what they feel should be done to help reduce their state of poverty. In addition, to get a better understanding of the situation of the poor people and to improve their well-being we must draw upon the vast experience of many of our compatriots in civil society organizations and NGOs, government officials, business people, scholars, academics and foreign experts and organizations that have done a lot of work related to poverty alleviation in the country, especially in rural and border areas and also with respect to meeting special needs of disadvantaged ethnic nationalities and other distressed communities in our society.
Second, after finding out where we are at present and where we want to go, the next step will be to think of how to get there..." ....The following paper was presented to the ?Forum on Poverty? sponsored by the Burmese government in Naypyitaw on May 20-21, 2011...
Dr. U Myint
Source/publisher:
National Workshop on Reforms for Economic Development of Myanmar, Naypyitaw, 19?21 August, 2011 via Mizzima
Date of publication:
2011-08-21
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-02
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Executive Summary:
"In the course of cross-border migration from Myanmar, many who are
involved in the migration process such as migrants, their families, money
lenders, brokers, transnational money transferors, etc., intentionally or unintentionally
maintain the status of illegality. However, with the objective to
negotiate their own way into the new livelihood space to secure their share
of development through migration, they see their exercises in maintaining
illegality as licit behavior, which is considered legitimate, given the social
context in which they live. The gap between what is considered illegal by
the state and as illicit by the people gets wider. It is easy for those who are
involved in the migration process to define the thin line between illegal and
illicit behavior – from their own social perception – which can never be identified
or recognized by the existing legal system in any country.
Strong social connections and networks of some ethnic groups that have
been in existence for a long time between Myanmar and its neighboring countries
have fueled cross-border human mobility in both directions, regardless
of legal border restrictions. Migration is often seen by the countries of
destination as a threat to national security and by the country of origin as
a problem to be solved. These negative perceptions got worse when crossborder
migration became more dynamic, taking place in various informal/
illegal forms. Most studies attempted to highlight push and pull factors of
this dynamic cross-border migration from Myanmar, as well as the living
and working conditions of Myanmar migrants living abroad and their remittances.
However, there are very few studies that shed light on the course
of cross-border migration from Myanmar from the view of migrants, their
families and their home community, and its implications on them.
Millions of Myanmar migrants are working under undesirable and vulnerable
conditions in foreign countries far away from their families. Most of
them got into such situations voluntarily, in order to improve the livelihood
of their families, and to provide education and health care for their children at
home. Although most of them are illegal migrant workers, they are far from
being criminals. They are making important sacrifices and live ?borrowed
lives? in order to send money back home to help their families. They are just
ordinary people trying to make ends meet, and for their extraordinary sacrifices,
they are considered heroes by their families.
Most people in the countries of destination normally hear a single story
about illegal migrant workers. There are endless stories of illegal migrants
portraying them as people who are sneaking across the border, stealing
the jobs of local people, committing crimes, etc. Most people have been so
immersed with negative media coverage that migrants have become one
thing in their mind, the bad guys. It may not be fair if the bad behavior of few
unscrupulous illegal migrants is considered representative of the millions
of them working under very hard conditions, simply to provide bread and
butter for their families back home and contributing to increased production
and economic development in the country of destination.
Although the acts of professional traffickers – who are committing serious
crimes of human trafficking across borders that have a series of negative
social impacts, not only on trafficked victims, but also on the families of those
victims – are perceived as illicit, the acts of local brokers who facilitate voluntary
cross-border migration of ordinary people (exploring job opportunities
across the border) at a reasonable fee, and finding appropriate jobs for them
(through their social connections in the country of destination), are not considered
illicit by most local people. Far from being thought of as criminals,
their services create win-win situations and are considered essential, and
their actions – that may have flouted the state?s rules and regulations – cause
no victims.
This paper highlights the perception of each and everyone involved in the
course of cross-border migration from Myanmar in each step they, internationally
or unintentionally, maintain the status of illegality. It also attempts
to identify the implications of cross-border migration on migrants? families
and their community in the country of origin. Interviews and questionnaire
surveys conducted in different projects in 2008 and 2009 in different places in
Myanmar and neighboring countries, coupled with qualitative and quantitative
analyses, attempt to enhance the reliability and representativeness of the
findings in this paper."
Winston Set Aung
Source/publisher:
Institute for Security and Development Policy (Sweden)
Date of publication:
2009-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Migration from Burma: mixed and general articles and reports, Migrant workers from Burma : general and mixed articles and reports
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.22 MB
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Description/subject:
"...If migrants are as productive as Thai workers in each sector, their total
contribution to output should be in the order of $11 billion or about 6.2 per cent
of Thailand?s GDP. If they were less productive (say only 75% of Thai worker
output) their contribution would still be in the order of $8 billion or 5 per cent of
GDP. Migrants contribute anywhere from 7 to 10 per cent of value added in
industry, and 4 to 5 per cent of value added in agriculture...."
Philip Martin
Source/publisher:
ILO Bangkok
Date of publication:
2007-12-18
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"This paper highlights the contributions of migrant workers to Thailand and recommends policies to promote economic development and decent work in both receiving and sending countries. The ILO views labour migration as a positive force that can stimulate economic growth and development in both labour-sending and labour– receiving countries, and has developed a framework of principles, guidelines and examples to ensure that labour migration contributes to decent work for all (ILO, 2004, 2006)...In 2007, migrant workers in Thailand totaled 1.8 million, comprising 5 per cent of the Thai labour force. They are mainly from Myanmar, Cambodia and Lao PDR, and are employed mostly in agriculture and fisheries, construction, manufacturing, and services such as domestic workers. They are primarily young workers, in the age group that typically pays taxes rather than receives tax-supported services. The report estimates that, in recent years, migrants have made a net contribution of about US$53 million annually to the Thai economy. The report proposes changing migration policy to make it more flexible, with separate registration procedures for different economic sectors, and placing recruitment and deployment under Memoranda of Understanding with migrant sending countries. Labour migration is a process to be managed and not a problem to be solved, argues the report. By recognizing the contributions of migrant workers to the economy and following the proposed adjustments to migration policy, the Thai government could better manage labour migration while protecting migrants."
Philip Martin
Source/publisher:
International Labour Organisation (ILO)
Date of publication:
2006-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
This paper highlights the contributions of migrant workers to Thailand and recommends policies to promote economic development and decent work in both receiving and sending countries. The ILO views labour migration as a positive force that can stimulate economic growth and development in both labour-sending and labour– receiving countries, and has developed a framework of principles, guidelines and examples to ensure that labour migration contributes to decent work for all (ILO, 2004, 2006)...In 2007, migrant workers in Thailand totaled 1.8 million, comprising 5 per cent of the Thai labour force. They are mainly from Myanmar, Cambodia and Lao PDR, and are employed mostly in agriculture and fisheries, construction, manufacturing, and services such as domestic workers. They are primarily young workers, in the age group that typically pays taxes rather than receives tax-supported services. The report estimates that, in recent years, migrants have made a net contribution of about US$53 million annually to the Thai economy. The report proposes changing migration policy to make it more flexible, with separate registration procedures for different economic sectors, and placing recruitment and deployment under Memoranda of Understanding with migrant sending countries. Labour migration is a process to be managed and not a problem to be solved, argues the report. By recognizing the contributions of migrant workers to the economy and following the proposed adjustments to migration policy, the Thai government could better manage labour migration while protecting migrants.
Philip Martin
Source/publisher:
International Labour Organisation (ILO)
Date of publication:
2006-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Thai
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Text and chart outlining the registration process
Source/publisher:
Agencies
Date of publication:
2011-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
Burmese
Format :
pdf
Size:
174.35 KB
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Source/publisher:
Royal Thai Government
Date of publication:
2011-04-26
Date of entry/update:
2011-06-01
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
Thai
Format :
pdf
Size:
69.19 KB
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Source/publisher:
Thai Ministry of Labour
Date of publication:
2011-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
Thai, English
Format :
pdf
Size:
331.61 KB
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Description/subject:
Text and chart outlining the registration process
Source/publisher:
Agencies
Date of publication:
2011-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
Thai
Format :
pdf
Size:
419.84 KB
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Description/subject:
About 2,420 resultsresults (June 2017)
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" via Google
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-30
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
China-Burma relations
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Conclusions and Recommendations:
* An inclusive endgame has long been
needed to achieve national reconciliation.
But political and ethnic exclusions
are continuing in national politics. If
divisions persist, Burma?s legacy of state
failure and national under-achievement
will continue...
* The moment of opportunity of a new
government should not be lost. It is vital
that the new government pursues
policies that support dialogue and
participation for all peoples in the new
political and economic system. Policies
that favour the armed forces and military
solutions will perpetuate divisions
and instability...
* Opposition groups must face how their
diversity and disunity have contributed
to Burma?s history of state failure. If they
are to support democratic and ethnic
reforms, national participation and unity
over goals and tactics are essential. All
sides must transcend the divisions of the
past...
* As the new political era begins, the
international community should
prioritise policies that promote conflict
resolution, political rights and equitable
opportunity for all ethnic groups in
national life, including the economy,
health and education. Continued
repression and exclusion will deepen
grievances ? not resolve them.
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 5, February 2011
Date of publication:
2011-01-31
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
7-Step Roadmap (Step 7): Building a modern, developed and democratic nation by the state leaders elected by the Hluttaw; and the government and other central organs formed by the Hluttaw (commentary), Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, Ethnic groups in Burma: general studies and articles, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
461.56 KB
Local URL:
TNI-BCN_Burma_policy_briefing_no.5-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
Conclusions and Recommendations:
* Two months after a new government took
over the reins of power in Burma, it is too
early to make any definitive assessment of
the prospects for improved governance
and peace in ethnic areas. Initial signs
give some reason for optimism, but the
difficulty of overcoming sixty years of
conflict and strongly-felt grievances and
deep suspicions should not be underestimated...
* The economic and geostrategic realities
are changing fast, and they will have a
fundamental impact ? positive and
negative ? on Burma?s borderlands. But
unless ethnic communities are able to
have much greater say in the governance
of their affairs, and begin to see tangible
benefits from the massive development
projects in their areas, peace and broadbased
development will remain elusive...
* The new decentralized governance structures
have the potential to make a positive
contribution in this regard, but it is
unclear if they can evolve into sufficiently
powerful and genuinely representative
bodies quickly enough to satisfy ethnic
* There has been renewed fighting in Shan
State, and there are warning signs that
more ethnic ceasefires could break down.
Negotiations with armed groups and an
improved future for long-marginalized
ethnic populations is the only way that
peace can be achieved.
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 6, May 2011
Date of publication:
2011-05-29
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
7-Step Roadmap (Step 7): Building a modern, developed and democratic nation by the state leaders elected by the Hluttaw; and the government and other central organs formed by the Hluttaw (commentary), Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements, Ethnic groups in Burma: general studies and articles, Peace processes, ceasefires and ceasefire talks (websites, documents, reports and studies), TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
352.53 KB
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Description/subject:
Renting Land for Cultivation Law
The Union of Burma Revolutionary Council Law 8, 1963
[Reprint 1963]....THE TENANCY LAW AMENDING LAW, 1965.
(THE UNION OF BURMA REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL LAW NO. 2 OF 1965)
Source/publisher:
Union of Burma Revolutionary Council
Date of publication:
1964-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Laws, decrees, bills and regulations relating to land, property and planning (texts), Tenure (national legislation and policies)
Language:
English, Burmese (ျမန္မာဘာသာ)
Format :
pdf
Size:
996.15 KB
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Description/subject:
Text of the open letter sent to Chinese President Hu Jintao, in which the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) asks China to stop the planned Mali Nmai Concluence (Myitsone) Dam Project to be built in Burma?s northern Kachin state, warning that the controversial project could lead to civil war
Source/publisher:
Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)
Date of publication:
2011-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Dams and other projects on rivers in Burma/Myanmar (countrywide), Armed conflict in Kachin State - economic factors associated with the conflict, Dams and other projects on the Irrawaddy and its tributories
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
877.53 KB
Local URL:
KIO-Letter_to_China-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
"Press freedom and online freedom of information are still being flouted in Burma, three months after Thein Sein?s election as a civilian president. He promised to ?respect the role of the media” but heavy jail sentences for journalists, suspension of newspapers and police raids on Internet cafés show that there has been no let-up in controls and intimidation. And now a string of new measures have just tightened control over Internet use...".....
Renforcement de la surveillance des médias et d?Internet sous l?ère Thein Sein ..."Trois mois après l?élection de Thein Sein à la tête de la Birmanie, la liberté de la presse et la liberté de l?information sur Internet sont toujours bafoués. Alors que le Président a déclaré qu?il respectait "le rôle des médias en tant que quatrième pouvoir", les condamnations de journalistes à de lourdes peines, les suspensions de journaux et les descentes de police dans les cybercafés illustrent l?inflexibilité du régime qui reste constant dans sa politique d?intimidation et de contrôle. Surtout, tout un train de mesures vient durcir le contrôle de la junte dans l?utilisation du Net..."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders, Reporters Sans Frontieres
Date of publication:
2011-05-17
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-18
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Media - control of media in Burma
Language:
Francais, French, English
Format :
pdf
Size:
399.18 KB
Local URL:
Surveillance_of_media_and_Internet.pdf
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Description/subject:
Conclusion: "It is expected that the Yatanarpon Myanmar National Web Portal will provide faster bandwidth and improved Web services to Burmese Internet users. However, according to the current setup, only users from the government ministries, especially those from the Ministry of Defence, will enjoy faster Internet connection and consequently better Web services.
The FTTH high-tech communication system is an impressive development compared with the previous system. It can also be assumed that the new system will cost more. However, given the low per capita income in Burma, only a tiny fraction of the public will be able to enjoy the FTTH system.
The segregated nature of the new ISP system would also allow the authorities to shut down the civilian ISP without affecting the two other ISPs that serve the government and the military. The authorities are likely to use that opportunity to stifle freedom of press and expression.
The new system also grants the military exclusive control over the Hantharwaddy National Gateway. The military is therefore now in a position to spy on all Burmese citizens – civilians, soldiers and government service personnel."
Source/publisher:
Reporters Without Borders, Burma Media Association
Date of publication:
2010-10-31
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-17
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Media - control of media in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
643.64 KB
Local URL:
National_Web_Portal-rsf-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
"Chinese companies are funding a multi-billion dollar project to dam the Irrawaddy river in Myanmar.
The river, the longest one left undammed in southeast Asia, is important to the Kachin people, and millions of people up and down its length would be affected by the changes, experts say.
When it is dammed, it will leave an area the size of New York City submerged.
There are now concerns over who is to benefit from the river?s riches.
Our special correspondent in Myanmar, who we cannot name for security reasons, filed this report."
Source/publisher:
Al Jazeera
Date of publication:
2011-04-22
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-16
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Dams and other projects on rivers in Burma/Myanmar (countrywide), Dams and other projects on the Irrawaddy and its tributories
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"Authorities yesterday announced a "final chance" for immigration workers
to register from June 15 onwards. The registration period is expected to
last about a month. Estimates put the number of workers at 2 million,
employed by about 200,000 Thai or foreign employers..."
Source/publisher:
"The Nation"
Date of publication:
2011-05-12
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-13
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
80.09 KB
Local URL:
last_chance_for_migrants.pdf
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Description/subject:
Part (A)- Special Features:
- Freedom Address calls for cooperation and democracy.
- Accountability and the Future: A Commission of Inquiry into
War Crimes in Burma.
- Demand for the Unconditional Release of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
- Suu Kyi says she is seeking: A Non-Violent Revolution
- Part 3 and Final: Excerpt from paper on the
National Convention?s Principles of a Constitution.
- SPDC?S 2010 Election Result ...
Part (B)- Judiciary:
- The Issue on the Stability of Society in Thailand:
Judicial Review and the Role of Courts...
Part (C)- Rule of Law:
- The ICJ Decision on the Struggle for Self-Determination:
The Landmark Verdict of the International Court of
Justic on Separatism.
- Supreme Court Rejects NLD Appeal to be Reinstated...
Part D - Burmese Migrant Workers Issues:
- The Thai Ministry of Labour vows to control alien migrants:
no pregnancy or they will be sent back.
Source/publisher:
Burma Lawyers? Council
Date of publication:
2010-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-12
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
661.54 KB
Local URL:
LIOB_37-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
Introduction: "While the Burmese military junta is interested in expanding and exploiting information and
communication technologies (ICTs) for business and propaganda purposes, it makes
aggressive attempts to regulate access to the internet and digital media, control content, and
punish citizens for any online activity that is seen as detrimental to regime security. The
government uses a wide range of means to restrict internet freedom, including legal and
regulatory barriers, infrastructural and technical constraints, and coercive measures such as
intimidation and lengthy prison sentences. Although the authorities lack the capacity to
pervasively enforce all restrictions, the impact of sporadic implementation and the ensuing
chilling effect is profound.
There has been gradual improvement in access to ICTs over the past three years, but
the junta has also aggressively targeted users who are involved in antigovernment activities
or have contact with foreign news media. Since its crackdown on a wave of September 2007
protests led by Buddhist monks, the military regime has more strictly enforced licensing
rules that require the owners of cybercafes, where most Burmese users obtain access, to
monitor users? screens and cooperate with criminal investigations. Both online and offline
censorship and information controls were increased surrounding the November 7, 2010
national elections,
which secured a sweeping victory for the military-backed party and were
widely condemned as flawed.
The state-owned Myanmar Post and Telecommunications (MPT) company launched
the first official e-mail service in November 1997. The 2002 establishment of the first
private internet-service provider (ISP), Bagan Cybertech, helped to increase the number of
users in the country, though the company was later taken over by the junta. By 2010, there
were over 520 registered cybercafes in Burma, located mainly in a few major cities.
Censorship was further reinforced after the release of prodemocracy
leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest on November 13.
The
government?s first attempt to restrict internet freedom was the 1996 Myanmar Computer
Science Development Law, which made possession of an unregistered computer modem
and connection to unauthorized computer networks punishable by up to 15 years in prison.
Other laws and actions since then have furthered the government?s efforts to clamp down
on unsupervised internet use."
Source/publisher:
Freedom House
Date of publication:
2011-04-18
Date of entry/update:
2011-05-03
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Media - control of media in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf pdf
Size:
263.88 KB 4.09 MB
Local URL:
FOTN2011-Burma.pdf,
FOTN2011-red.pdf
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Description/subject:
Text and chart outlining the registration process
Source/publisher:
Agencies
Date of publication:
2011-04-30
Date of entry/update:
2011-04-30
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
188.14 KB
more
Description/subject:
USCIRF Annual reports from 2006; Congressional Testimony; Government Correspondence; Hearings & Press Conferences, Press releases etc.
Source/publisher:
US Commission on International Religious Freedom
Date of entry/update:
2011-04-29
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
more
Description/subject:
"Burma, with an estimated population of 56 million, is ruled by a highly
authoritarian military regime dominated by the majority ethnic Burman group. The
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), led by Senior General Than Shwe,
was the country?s de facto government. Military officers wielded the ultimate
authority at each level of government. In 1990 prodemocracy parties won more
than 80 percent of the seats in a general parliamentary election, but the regime
continued to ignore the results. In 2008 the regime held a referendum on its draft
constitution and declared the constitution had been approved by 92.48 percent of
voters, a figure no independent observers believed was valid. The government held
parliamentary elections on November 7, the first elections since 1990. The
government-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) claimed an
overwhelming majority of seats in the national parliament and state/regional
assemblies. Democracy activists and the international community widely criticized
both the constitutional referendum and the elections process as seriously flawed.
Parliament was scheduled to convene on January 31, 2011, with a special joint
session of the upper and lower houses to follow within 15 days. The constitution
was to go into effect when that joint session was convened. The constitution
specifies that the SPDC will continue to rule until a new government is formed.
The regime continued to abridge the right of citizens to change their government
and committed other severe human rights abuses. Government security forces were
responsible for extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, disappearances, rape, and
torture. The government detained civic activists indefinitely and without charges.
In addition regime-sponsored mass-member organizations engaged in harassment
and abuse of human rights and prodemocracy activists. The government abused
prisoners and detainees, held persons in harsh and life-threatening conditions,
routinely used incommunicado detention, and imprisoned citizens arbitrarily for
political motives. The army continued its attacks on ethnic minority villagers,
resulting in deaths, forced relocation, and other serious abuses. The government
routinely infringed on citizens? privacy and restricted freedom of speech, press,
assembly, association, religion, and movement. The government did not allow
domestic human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to function
independently, and international NGOs encountered a difficult environment.
Violence and societal discrimination against women continued, as did recruitment
of child soldiers, discrimination against ethnic minorities, and trafficking in
persons, particularly of women and girls. Workers? rights remained restricted.
Forced labor, including that of children, also persisted. The government took no
significant actions to prosecute or punish those responsible for human rights
abuses.
Ethnic armed groups and some cease-fire groups (armed ethnic guerillas) allegedly
committed human rights abuses, including forced labor and recruitment of child
soldiers.
The government released Aung San Suu Kyi--general secretary of the National
League for Democracy (NLD)--from house arrest on November 13, the date her
sentence (for allegedly having violated the terms of her confinement) expired..."
Source/publisher:
US State Dept, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Date of publication:
2011-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2011-04-28
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
228.87 KB
Local URL:
USDOS-Country-rep2010-Burma.pdf
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Description/subject:
"For over sixty years the Karens have been fighting the longest civil war in recent history. The struggle, which has seen demands for an autonomous state changed to equal recognition within a federal union, has been bloody and characterized by a number of splits within the movement.
While all splinter groups ostensibly split to further ethnic Karen aspirations; recent decisions by some to join the Burmese government?s Border Guard Force (BGF) is seen as an end to such aspirations. Although a number of Karen political parties were formed to contest the November elections, the likelihood of such parties seriously securing appropriate ethnic representation without regime capitulation is doubtful.
While some have argued, perhaps correctly, that the only legitimate option was to contest the elections, the closeness of some Karen representatives to the current regime can only prolong the status quo. This papers examines the problems currently affecting Karen State after the 7 November elections..."
Source/publisher:
Euro-Burma Office (EBO Analysis Paper No. 1/2011)
Date of publication:
2011-03-31
Date of entry/update:
2011-04-21
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Conclusion:
"The 2010 elections were designed as a step along the military regime?s roadmap
to ?disciplined democracy,? following the referendum on the 2008
constitution. The elections were held not to provide the citizens of Burma
with a government of their choice, but to gain international legitimacy for the
regime?s extended rule in Burma. The people of Burma as well as the international
community expected that the elections results would be a sham and not free and
fair. ND-Burma?s fi ndings confi rm expectations showing that actions taken in the
pre-elections period were consistent with ongoing violations committed by the
military regime, to legitimize and perpetuate its power.
The elections in Burma, the fi rst in 20 years, were not free and fair and did not
meet even basic international standards. ND-Burma collected hundreds of cases
of violations related to the elections. This report includes a number of key selected
accounts that illustrate the human rights violations and irregularities that occurred
in the lead up to the elections, and the experience of repression and fear lived in
Burma. Perpetrators of those violations were authorities and USDP members. The
victims of those threats were the people of Burma. Due to the numerous threats
people faced diffi culties, disappointment, frustration and fear during the elections
process and had to vote against their will.
The regime?s proxy party, USDP, employed cunning tactics and intimidation to
win the elections. The elections law announced by the UEC breached a number
of democratic standards and human rights by putting in place restrictions to
party registration, limiting freedom of expression, assembly and association and
denying the right to vote to many, through ways of intimidation, threat, fraud, vote
buying and vote rigging. The UEC laws set the background for an uneven contest.
The extensive use of threats, coercion and intimidation throughout the elections
period constitutes one of the main violations committed and reinforced the uneven
playfi eld in which the elections took place.
Restrictions to freedom of movement, freedom of expression, assembly and
association, imposed by the elections laws and unclear laws adopted over the past
30 years, seriously limited opposition candidates? capacity to campaign freely, fairly
and effectively. Restrictions of travel prevented opposition political parties and their
supporters from traveling; and curfews were implemented to crack down on public
demonstrations against the elections and reduce movement of people.
Opposition candidates and representatives, voters and villagers were pressured by
authorities, military offi cials and USDP to support the USDP and forced to vote;
and, on occasions, were denied the right to vote. On 16 September and 2 November
2010, the UEC announced that voting would not be held in some areas of Kachin,
Karenni, Karen, Shan and Mon States. Irregularities with voter lists and the cast
of votes without voter consent and/or knowledge violated their right to vote. It is
believed that the denial of the right to vote and misuse of voter lists was deliberately
used to exclude opponents to the regime from ballots.
Many irregularities linked to vote count were registered, which seriously
undermines the credibility of the results announced and published in the State
media. Advance votes played a key role in determining the outcomes of the elections
and irregularities observed are considered to have seriously undermined the
credibility of the elections.
The restrictions on freedom of expression imposed during the elections period
continue to be felt by current members of the parliament. Clashes with armed
groups, which broke straight after the elections results were announced, and the
building of tensions over the Border Guard force are likely to deteriorate the human
rights situation in Burma rather than improve.
This report highlights SPDC and the proxy party?s reality. The elections did not bring
any positive hopes and changes to Burma. Many high ranking perpetrators from the
military regime, who have committed a series of human rights violations, are in the
newly formed cabinet. Thus, the new government will consist of old perpetrators of
human rights violations. They will take offi ce and will implement what is stated in
the 2008 constitution, ensuring the continuation of military rule, the impunity for
perpetrators and the mandate to commit more human rights violations.
The elections did not represent a signifi cant change in the human rights situation
in Burma and impunity remains entrenched. ND-Burma will continue to monitor
human rights violations to give a voice to the people of Burma and to expose unjust
policies and practices of the military and their proxies."
Source/publisher:
ND-Burma
Date of publication:
2011-04-08
Date of entry/update:
2011-04-08
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
700.77 KB
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Description/subject:
?Burma Soldier? features a former Burmese army soldier who reminisces about life as a soldier and describes the atrocities he witnessed during his service in Kachin and Karen states. The Tatmadaw is recognized as the most brutal and repressive army in Southeast Asia, responsible for brutally suppressing pro-democracy demonstrations and clamping down on ethnic groups.
The ex-soldier, Myo Myint, who now lives in the United States, offers a rare insight into the workings of the 400,000-strong Burmese Army. ...Secretly made copies of the documentary are being left in Internet shops and surreptitiously handed on to customers, according to one of the film?s directors, writer-photographer Nic Dunlop.
Nic Dunlop et al
Source/publisher:
Vimeo
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-31
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Burmese
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
1,733 search results for "Burma" (January 2012), some more than an hour long, including "Burma Soldier". 1280 for "Myanmar". Not all were specifically on Burma, but those which are cover a wide variety of subjects -- footage of the WWII Burma Theatre, Burmese breakdancing, tourist travelogues, The Burma Army, humanitarian assistance, Karen human rights victims...
Source/publisher:
Vimeo
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-31
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Language:
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"...This briefer focuses on the impacts of two of Burma?s largest energy projects, led
by Chinese, South Korean, and Indian multinational corporations in partnership with the
state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), Burmese companies, and Burmese
state security forces. The projects are the Shwe Natural Gas Project and the Burma-China
oil transport project, collectively referred to here as the ?Burma-China pipelines.? The
pipelines will transport gas from Burma and oil from the Middle East and Africa across
Burma to China. The massive pipelines will pass through two states, Arakan (Rakhine) and
Shan, and two divisions in Burma, Magway and Mandalay, over dense mountain ranges
and arid plains, rivers, jungle, and villages and towns populated by ethnic Burmans and
several ethnic nationalities. The pipelines are currently under construction and will feed
industry and consumers primarily in Yunnan and other western provinces in China, while
producing multi-billion dollar revenues for
the Burmese regime.
This briefer provides original research
documenting adverse human rights impacts
of the pipelines, drawing on investigations
inside Burma and leaked documents
obtained by EarthRights and its partners.
EarthRights has found extensive land
confiscation related to the projects, and a
pervasive lack of meaningful consultation
and consent among affected communities,
along with cases of forced labor and other
serious human rights abuses in violation of
international and national law. EarthRights
has uncovered evidence to support claims
of corporate complicity in those abuses.
In addition, companies involved have
breached key international standards and
research shows they have failed to gain a
social license to operate in the country.
New evidence suggests communities
in the project area are overwhelmingly
opposed to the pipeline projects. While
EarthRights has not found evidence directly
linking the projects to armed conflict,
the pipelines may increase tensions as
construction reaches Shan State, where
there is a possibility of renewed armed
conflict between the Burmese Army and
specific ethnic armed groups. The Army is
currently forcibly recruiting and training
villagers in project areas to fight.
EarthRights has obtained confidential
Production Sharing Contracts detailing
the structure of multi-million dollar
signing and production bonuses that China
National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC)
is required to pay to MOGE officials
regarding its involvement in two offshore
oil and gas development projects that,
at present, are unrelated to the Burma-
China pipelines. EarthRights believes the
amount and structure of these payments are
in-line with previously disclosed resource
development contracts in Burma, and are
likely representative of contracts signed
for the Burma-China pipelines; contracts
that remain guarded from public scrutiny.
Accordingly, the operators of the Burma-
China pipeline projects would have already
made several tranche cash payments to
MOGE, totaling in the tens of millions of
dollars..."
Source/publisher:
EarthRights International (ERI)
Date of publication:
2011-03-29
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Business and Human Rights (Burma/Myanmar-related), Agricultural land confiscation/grabbing
Language:
English, Korean
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"Political grievances among Karen and other ethnic nationality communities, which have driven over half a century of armed conflict in Burma/Myanmar, remain unresolved. As the country enters a period of transition following the November 2010 elections and formation of a new government, the Karen political landscape is undergoing its most significant changes in a generation. There is a pressing need for Karen social and political actors to demonstrate their relevance to the new political and economic agendas in Burma, and in particular to articulate positions regarding the major economic and infrastructure development projects to be implemented in the coming years.
The country?s best-known insurgent organisation, the Karen National Union (KNU), is in crisis, having lost control of its once extensive ?liberated zones?, and lacks a political agenda relevant to all Karen communities. Meanwhile the government?s demand that ceasefire groups, such as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, transform into Border Guard Forces under direct Burma Army control throws into question the future of various armed groups that have split from the KNU since the 1990s. In this context, Thailand-Burma border areas have seen an upsurge in fighting since late 2010. Nevertheless, the long-term prospect is one of the decline of insurgency as a viable political or military strategy.
Equitable solutions to Burma?s social, political and economic problems must involve settling long-standing conflicts between ethnic communities and the state. While Aung San Suu Kyi, the popular leader of the country?s democracy movement, seems to recognise this fact, the military government, which holds most real power in the country, has sought to suppress and assimilate minority communities. It is yet to be seen whether Karen and other ethnic nationality representatives elected in November 2010 will be able to find the political space within which to exercise some influence on local or national politics. In the meantime, civil society networks operating within and between Karen and other ethnic nationality communities represent vehicles for positive, incremental change, at least at local levels."
Ashley South
Source/publisher:
Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland
Date of publication:
2011-03-28
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-29
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Karen (cultural, historical, political), Non-Ceasefire Groups, TNI-BCN Project on Ethnic Conflict in Burma
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
1.99 MB
Local URL:
TNI-BurmasLongestWar-AshleySouth-red.pdf
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Source/publisher:
Karen Information Center (KIC)
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-28
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
"Karen Newsletter"
Language:
Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Substantialsite...
News, photos, articles, links, "Karen Newsletter" - archive
Source/publisher:
Karen Information Center (KIC)
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-28
Type:
Websites/Multiple Documents
Category:
Karen National Union (KNU)
Language:
Burmese
Local URL:
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Title: Human Rights Council - 16th Session: Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar -- draft resolution
Description/subject:
Resolution adopted by consensus (without a vote) 25 March 2011..."The Council adopted without a vote a resolution in which it extended the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar for one year. The Council strongly condemned the ongoing systematic violations of human rights of the people of Myanmar and called on the Government to investigate all reports of human rights violations and to bring those responsible to justice."
Source/publisher:
Human Rights Council (A/HRC/16/L.11)
Date of publication:
2011-03-25
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-26
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
71.42 KB
Local URL:
HRC16L.11.pdf
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Description/subject:
El Consejo de Administraci?n, habiendo examinado la informaci?n proporcionada por el Gobierno de Myanmar en respuesta a la queja presentada en el mes de junio de 2010 y habiendo considerado todas las opiniones expresadas, decidi?:
a) solicitar al Gobierno de Myanmar que transmita sin demora a la Oficina el anteproyecto de ley sobre las organizaciones laborales que se est? elaborando, para que sea posible celebrar consultas exhaustivas y constructivas;
b) diferir hasta su 312.? reuni?n (noviembre de 2011) la adopci?n de una decisi?n sobre la designaci?n de una comisi?n de encuesta.
Source/publisher:
Oficina Internacional del Trabajo (dec.GB.310/6)
Date of publication:
2011-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Category:
Language:
Espanol, Spanish
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
Le Conseil d?administration, ayant examin? les informations fournies par le gouvernement du Myanmar en r?ponse ? la plainte soumise en juin 2010, et ayant pris en consid?ration toutes les vues exprim?es, a d?cid?:
a) de demander au gouvernement du Myanmar de transmettre au Bureau, sans d?lai, le projet de loi sur les organisations de travailleurs en cours de pr?paration afin de permettre une consultation approfondie et utile;
b) de reporter une d?cision sur la nomination d?une commission d?enqu?te ? sa session de novembre 2011.
Source/publisher:
Bureau International du Travail (BIT) (dec.GB.310/6)
Date of publication:
2011-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
Francais, French
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
The Governing Body, having examined the information provided by the Government of Myanmar in response to the complaint presented in June 2010, and having considered all of the views expressed, decided:
(a) to request the Government of Myanmar to transmit to the Office, without delay, the draft law on Labour Organizations currently under preparation so as to allow a full and meaningful consultation; and
(b) to defer a decision on the appointment of a Commission of Inquiry to its 312th Session (November 2011).
Source/publisher:
International Labour Office (dec-GB.310/6)
Date of publication:
2011-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-25
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Local URL:
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Description/subject:
"The eruption of conflict between the Burmese military and an ethnic rebel faction in eastern Burma has forced over 30,000 people to flee to Thailand since November 2010. Skirmishes are ongoing and both parties have planted landmines in people?s villages and farmlands. While the Thai government has a long-standing policy of providing refuge for ?those fleeing fighting,” the Thai army is pressuring Burmese to return prematurely and restricting aid agencies. Unless the Thai Government strengthens its policy to protect those fleeing fighting and persecution, current and future refugees will have no choice but to join the ranks of millions of undocumented and unprotected migrant workers in Thailand..."
Source/publisher:
Refugees International
Date of publication:
2011-03-24
Date of entry/update:
2011-03-24
Type:
Individual Documents
Language:
English
Format :
pdf
Size:
93.1 KB
Local URL:
RI-No_Safe_Refuge.pdf
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