Political analysis of Burma and the region

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Description: "Several senior members have split from the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and formed a splinter group to fight Myanmar’s military regime. Calling itself the New Mon State Party (Anti-Dictatorship), the group is led by former NMSP secretary-general Nai Zeya, deputy commander-in-chief Brigadier-General Salun Htaw, and executive committee member and internal affairs department head Nai Banyar Lel. The breakaway group said they would join with anti-regime forces including the parallel National Unity Government. The breakaway came after the NMSP resolved at its 11th general meeting to continue abiding by the ceasefire deal it signed with Myanmar’s military in 2012. The NMSP signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2018. The party has maintained ties with the junta since the 2021 coup to avoid armed conflict and the resultant suffering for Mon people. However, the splinter group’s deputy leader, Nai Banyar Lel, said dialogue with the regime would not help to establish a federal union that ensured national equality and self-determination. NMSP and regime officials have held three rounds of talks since the coup amid deep disagreement over troop deployments, Nai Banyar Lel explained. “Integration with the regime means our troops must be under their command. They suggested that older members of our party should establish a political party and do business, while younger members could serve in the Myanmar military. So, I don’t believe we can achieve our aspirations by holding talks with the regime. My view is we will only be able to achieve our goal when the military dictatorship ceases to exist,” he said. The ceasefire had proven meaningless when the regime conducted air and artillery strikes on Mon villages while holding talks with the NMSP, he added. Nai Banyar Lel said his group would carry out military operations in areas where the NMSP is not active. Ethnic Mon scholar Dr. Pyinnar Mon, an Indiana University-educated doctor of political science and executive director of the Ethnic Nationalities Affairs Center, said the two groups still share a common goal of federal democracy. “One group wants to establish federalism by fighting, and the other wants to establish federalism via political dialogue. Their political objectives are the same, and they only need to avoid confrontation with each other,” he said. The regime has not yet responded to news of the Mon breakaway. The regime has been shunned by all Myanmar ethnic groups, including majority Bamars, as well as the international community, said Nai Banyar Lel. “This is the biggest popular revolt since independence. The Myanmar military is in chaos and faces a growing crisis. So, today is the best time to eliminate the military dictatorship,” he said. The Irrawaddy was unable to obtain comment from NMSP spokesman Nai Aung Mangay about the breakaway..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2024-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Hopes placed in the UN and the Member States that serve on the Security Council to take action against leaders of Myanmar’s military coup, are waning fast, the UN Special Envoy for the country warned on Friday.
Description: "Christine Schraner Burgener welcomed the fact that the Council was meeting behind closed doors on Friday to discuss the rising death toll on the streets as daily protests continue but told Ambassadors that “your unity is needed more than ever on Myanmar”. Power to veto any Security Council statements or resolutions, rests with the five Permanent Members, China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. ‘Real heroes’ The Special Envoy said she had been in close contact with people across various communities since the 1 February military takeover, noting that “they, including committed civil servants, are the real heroes and protectors of the nation’s democratic progress.” But, she added, “the hope they have placed in the United Nations and its membership is waning and I have heard directly the desperate pleas – from mothers, students and the elderly. I receive every day around 2,000 messages, for international action to reverse a clear assault on the will of the people of Myanmar and democratic principles.” She urged the Council to push further to end the violence, and restore democratic institutions, denouncing the actions by the military, “which continues to severely undermine the principles of this Organization and ignores our clear signals to uphold them.” The envoy noted that around 50 “innocent and peaceful” protesters had now been killed, with scores more injured, with evidence mounting of killings and maiming by military snipers, in contravention of international human rights law. As of 2 March, she said the UN human rights office OHCHR was reporting that around 1,000 are either detained or unaccounted for, having been arbitrarily taken from the streets. “The Secretary-General, who remains closely engaged, continues to speak out and has strongly condemned the violent crackdown”, she said, adding: “The repression must stop.” Be 'resolute and coherent' “It is critical that this Council is resolute and coherent in putting the security forces on notice and standing with the people of Myanmar firmly, in support of the clear November election results” she said, which overwhelmingly returned the party of jailed leader Aung San Suu Kyi to power. She praised the stand taken by Myanmar’s ambassador to the UN, Kyaw Moe Tun, who a week ago publicly sided with the protesters against the coup, and has remained in post, despite the efforts of the Burmese military to remove him. He “needs your full support”, she told the Council. Ms. Schraner Burgener said she had continued to communicate the UN’s “strong dismay and condemnation” for its failure to protect the Burmese people, and said she would continue to engage, with all actors during the crisis..."
Source/publisher: UN News
2021-03-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-03-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Karen women’s groups called for more women to be involved in Burma’s federal political and Karen National Union elections. The call was made in a statement issued after the 4th Grassroots Karen Women Seminar held during the last week of October, 2019. The statement called for the abolishment of the 2018 Vacant Fellow and Virgin land law and for widespread land disputes to be settled fairly. The statement said women had to be included and involved in issues such as the enactment and enforcement of the women protection law, measure on refugee issue and support for cross-border aid, the abolishment of the 2008 constitution and amending to be a genuine federal constitution, to immediately stop large scale development projects in ethnic areas before genuine peace is achieved, to find solutions to overcome the deadlock on the current peace process, and to have free, fair and transparent elections with more women involved in the Burma’s 2020 general election and future KNU elections..."
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Source/publisher: KIC (Karen Information Center)
2019-10-08
Date of entry/update: 2019-12-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Karen women’s groups called for more women to be involved in Burma’s federal political and Karen National Union elections.
Description: “The calls we made are important and need to be carefully taken into consideration. Our view is that a collective call is more effective than an individual one. Some of the points we made have already been communicated to the KNU, ethnic armed groups and the government. We have made these calls repeatedly so, we hope that the relevant government notices and implements them...”
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Source/publisher: Karen News
2019-11-08
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar gained independence from Britain in 1948 and functioned as a representative democracy until a military coup in 1962. Myanmar became a military dictatorship, with the power of the military formally enshrined in the Constitution in 1974. Under the Constitution, the Army is guaranteed 25% of seats in the upper and lower chamber ? this provides the military with substantial political power, and requires their consent for any Constitutional changes. Recent history has seen escalating tensions between the military, ethnic armed groups and pro‐democracy supports, including the National League for Democracy (NLD). Myanmar began its democratic transition in 2011 with a nominally civilian government, ending nearly 50 years of military rule. In December 2015, the NLD won national elections and become the ruling party in Myanmar. Alongside its political transition, Myanmar has increased its engagement with other states, which have in turn lifted sanctions against the country. Ethnic and religious tensions remain high in the country, and result in poor treatment of minorities including Burmese Muslims. 2012 clashes in Rakhine State ?sparked waves of ethno religious violence mostly targeting the country?s Muslim minority”. In the summer of 2015, treatment of the Rohingya gained international attention as thousands attempted irregular migration to nearby countries in Southeast Asia in order to escape systemic violence and persecution..."
Source/publisher: Carleton University
2016-02-04
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 240.05 KB
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Description: "...Like the other resource concessions, land grabbing for large scale agriculture and military purpose in ethnic areas is a military state-building strategy of Myanmar military led-government. Since 1990s, in Myanmar, a military-run dictatorship has adopted its own version of market economy. While maintaining ownership of all land, the state allocated large land concession to companies, which have strong network with generals or government officials, for logging, mining, and agribusiness purpose. Initially, investments in natural resource extraction favored local headmen and ceasefire leaders who mediated the deals and taxed commodities crossing their borders into Thailand and China...".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015.
Creator/author: L Gum Ja Htung
Source/publisher: International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015
2015-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 185.59 KB
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Description: "This month?s tragic anti-Muslim violence in Mandalay has again revealed that dark forces are alive and well in Myanmar. The violence left two dead and many injured, causing damage to property and generating a climate of fear in the country?s cultural and historic capital. In the aftermath of the violence, the government has moved to crack down on hate speech but has also warned the media against making statements that could destabilize national security, saying that "action will be taken against those who threaten state stability." Tellingly, however, no action has been taken against those responsible for triggering the Mandalay violence by spreading false rumors on social media, while journalists reporting on the riots have already been threatened with violence. In addition, some observers have noted that the violence has also had a secondary effect- it has successfully distracted public interest from a signature campaign calling for amendment to the 2008 Constitution. Such patterns are finally leading more and more analysts to ask critical questions about the nature of recent anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar and the real motivations behind it. Outside of Myanmar, reporting has been less critical, with some major media wires referring to the violence as ?sectarian?. Such inaccurate diagnosis is not new, as international diplomatic and public opinion circles have tended to portray Myanmar?s anti-Muslim violence as an unfortunate social consequence of transition from authoritarianism to democracy. In this view, it is the uncertainty of transition and the new freedom of expression that have given rise to fear of the Muslim minority and ultra-nationalist Buddhist extremism. This definition, however, is misleading and has resulted in significant confusion both about the form of violence in question as well as its root cause. Indeed, from the point of view of many Myanmar Muslims, it appears to be a case of applying a perfectly sensible theory to the wrong context. Such misconceptions not only ignore the reality of decades-long persecution of Muslims in the country, but they also absolve authorities of their historical responsibility for manufacturing, endorsing and permitting such violence, both directly and indirectly..."
Creator/author: Kyaw Win
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2014-07-18
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "... The fact that many pro-democracy leaders in Burma now recognize the importance of ethnic issues and have developed working relationships with ethnic leaders offers hope that ethnic political demands will ultimately be resolved at the negotiating table. However, such a resolution is unlikely to be implemented by the military regime, which rejects decentralization and power-sharing. The ongoing civil war, population relocations, and religious persecution, compounded by appeals to narrow nationalism on all sides, have caused much damage. Without visionary leadership, a commitment to dialogue, and the emergence of a culture of tolerance, lasting peace will continue to elude Burma..."
Creator/author: Christina Fink
Source/publisher: "Cultural Survival Quarterly" Issue 24.3
2000-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Eine Analyse ?ber den Charakter und die Geschichte des Milit?rregimes, die Rolle der intnernationalen Gemeinschaft, der EU, USA und China und die Wirkung von Sanktionen, insbesondere nach den Aufst?nden 2007. M?glichkeiten und Grenzen eines UN-Engagements; character and history of the military regime, international community, USA, EU, China; impact of sanctions, uprisings 2007, UN-Engagement
Creator/author: Marco Buente
Source/publisher: German Institute of Global and Area Studies
2007-11-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: German, Deutsch
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Description: The people of Southeast Asia, both masses and elites alike, looked for many years foremost up to the United States of America (US) as a role model state. However, the war on terrorism waged by the current US administration linked with cuts in civil liberties and human rights violations, especially the illegal detention and torture of prisoners in Guantanamo Bay, has in the eyes of many Southeast Asians considerably discredited the US concept of liberal democracy. Furthermore, the US propagated classical economic liberalism has failed to deliver the most basic human necessities to the poor, and the current food and energy crisis as well as the latest bank crisis in the US prove that neo-liberalism is itself in trouble. The result of neo-liberalism, dominated by trade and financial liberalization, has been one of deepening inequality, also and especially in the emerging economies of Southeast Asia. Falling poverty in one community, or one country or region, is corresponding with deepening poverty elsewhere. The solution can therefore not be more liberalization, but rather more thought and more policy space for countries to pursue alternative options such as ?Social Democracy?.
Creator/author: Norbert von Hofmann
Source/publisher: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung
2009-01-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Abstract: "Based on secondary resources and long term anthropological field research, this paper explores some of the ?external? factors involved in the pro-democracy and ethnic struggles for self-determination currently being experienced in Burma. The analysis draws in cultural, economic and political aspects to demonstrate that a number of macro- and micro-level external or external-origin influences are at play, at a number of different ?inside?, ?outside? and marginal sites. The paper argues in particular that ?cultural? factors such as computer-mediated communication and contacts with outsiders when living in exile, serve as means by which real, virtual and imaginary connections are drawn between these different sites and the actors who inhabit them. In the context of Burma, this paper thus presents a glimpse into this complexity of origin and substance of external influences, of interactions between the external and the internal, and of the multidirectional pathways along which they operate. After an introductory overview, it does so by first reviewing some pertinent macro-political and macro-economic external factors, including international views and strategic interests. The paper then focuses on micro-level social and cultural issues, examining aspects of new media as utilised by the Burmese exile community and international activists. External influences on exiled communities living in the margins on the Thai-Burma border (characterised by the paper as neither ?inside? nor ?outside? proper), including Christianity and foreign non-governmental organisations, are then explored. The paper concludes that inside views, reactions and experiences of outside influences are presently just as important in determining outcomes as are the outside influences themselves."
Creator/author: Sandra Dudley
Source/publisher: Queen Elizabeth House
2003-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-07-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: The political landscape holds no hope for any change soon... "A dark future hangs over Burma following the conviction and sentencing of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Putting her under house arrest again is a grave move by the ruling military regime, which can only bode ill for the country..."
Creator/author: Kyaw Zwa Moe
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 17, No. 6
2009-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-01-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...Whether in hiding or living under military control, displaced villagers of Karen State and other areas of rural Burma have shown themselves to be innovative and courageous in responding to and resisting military abuse. They urgently need increased assistance but it is they who should determine the direction of any such intervention. This article, co-authored by two KHRG staff members, appears in issue number 30 of the journal Forced Migration Review (FMR), issued in April 2008 and is available on both the KHRG and FMR websites..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Right Group Articles & Papers (KHRG #2008-W1)
2008-04-23
Date of entry/update: 2009-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: This paper analyzes the attitudes toward kingship expressed in the Myan-ma-Mn Ok-cjok-pon Sa-dnn?["The Royal Administration of Burma"], written by Pagan U Tin (1861-1933) and first published shortly after the author?s death. Following a brief biographical account of Pagan U Tin, the discussion considers four perspectives on Burmese kingship appearing in the work: 1) the king as judge; 2) the king as guarantor of regularity; 3) the king as descendant of the Sun (and of Mahasammata, originator of civil society); and 4) the king as Buddha-to-be. The Burmese monarch was predominantly a symbolic figure who affirmed the kingdom?s past and guaranteed its future. Although U Tin reports on the questionable morality of Kings Mindon and Thibaw, he nevertheless addresses both as "Excellent King" and admonishes his readers against offending the dignity of the throne.
Creator/author: L.E. Bagshawe
Source/publisher: Journal of Burma Studies Vol. 3 (1998)
1998-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2009-03-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.09 MB
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Description: Abstract: Since the latter years of the Cold War, strong democratic revolutionary movements seeking the overthrow of authoritarian regimes have arisen in many countries. Such movements have succeeded in some countries, including the Philippines (1986), South Korea (1988), the countries of Eastern Europe (1989), Russia (1991), and Serbia (2000). On the other hand, strong democratic movements which rose up in some countries were crushed before they could take power in China (1989), Burma/Mayanmar (1990), and Algeria (1992). Strong movements seeking the ouster of incumbent authoritarian regimes and their replacement by democratic government rose up in each of these cases. What, then, accounts for the success of democratic revolution in some of these cases and its failure in others? This paper will examine this question first through an examination of some of the theoretical literature on revolution, and then through a comparison of three cases of successful democratic revolution (the Philippines, Russia, and Serbia) with three cases of failed democratic revolution (China, Burma/Myanmar, and Algeria). Certain theorists, including Crane Brinton and Timothy Wickham-Crowley, have argued that the key factor in deciding whether or not non-democratic revolution succeeds or fails is the role of the armed forces. If the armed forces protect the ancien regime, then the revolutionary opposition is unable to seize power. If, however, the armed forces do not protect the ancien regime, then the revolutionaries usually do come to power. It will be argued here that just as in attempts at non-democratic revolution, the role played by the military is also the key factor in determining the outcome of democratic revolution. When the military is willing to use force to protect the ancien regime, democratic revolutionaries cannot prevail. It is only the refusal of the armed forces to do this that allows democratic revolutionaries to succeed. What, though, determines whether the armed forces of an authoritarian regime will use force to suppress a democratic revolutionary movement or not? Through a comparison of the cases mentioned above, I will argue here that the decision by the armed forces not to protect an authoritarian regime is not the result of a democratic conversion on the part of the military as a whole, but instead results from an overwhelming desire to prevent conflict within the military. Thus, if even a small number of key commanders defect to the democratic opposition, this can neutralize the armed forces as a whole even though most military leaders may be wary of, or even hostile to, democratization. But if these key defections to the democratic opposition do not occur and the military remains unified, it is able to crush the democratic revolutionaries easily......Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 27, 2003.
Creator/author: Mark Katz
Source/publisher: American Political Science Association
2003-08-27
Date of entry/update: 2009-01-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 165.19 KB
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Description: Pyinmana move shows how nervous the generals are getting... "A young Burma Army officer and his platoon were told, on being transferred to Rangoon from an ethnic region in upper Burma: ?We are sending you to the front line.? It happened a few years ago, but what appeared at the time to be a joke still has serious validity today. This is really how some army leaders now see Rangoon. It is not that Rangoon is about to be attacked by insurgents or terrorists—the threat posed by urban dissidents is what is making the junta paranoid..."
Creator/author: Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol.13, N. 12
2005-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2008-07-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Political Authority in Burma?s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation, and Coexistence", by Mary P. Callahan, Policy Studies 31, East-West Center, Washington, 2007, P 94; "Assessing Burma?s Ceasefire Accords", by Zaw Oo and Win Min, Policy Studies 39, East-West Center, Washington, 2007, P 91.... Two studies draw a landscape of a fragmented country.... "IT has become fashionable to call up the specter of ?balkanization? in Burma. The term, which means the fragmentation of large regions into smaller, violently competitive or antagonistic entities, as occurred in the Balkan wars of the late 19th century and in the breakup of Yugoslavia less than 20 years ago, also invokes images of ethnic cleansing and chaos. Anyone with a grasp of history and geography knows that Burma has actually been fragmented for decades. A study of the map, a tally of the ethnic minorities of Burma and neighboring countries, and an understanding of the effects of 60 years of colonialism and of the following six decades of war—all confirm this conclusion. For those not much interested in human development and human rights, things in Burma are in some ways better now than they ever were. As these two academic monographs by notable Burma experts contend, the country now is arguably at its most stable, peaceful, geographically united and developed juncture since 1948. That doesn?t mean things are good, however.... Callahan argues that the process has produced three broad forms of government in border areas. The first of these, devolution, admits that non-state entities (such as warlords and resistance forces) control the area. The second, occupation, entails government forces establishing uncontested control over a patch of territory. The third, coexistence, involves the cooperation of state and non-state authorities (often uneasily) to control an area. This latter arrangement is hardly ideal, but it supports the contention of Zaw Oo and Win Min that a peace of sorts has been reached.
Creator/author: David Scott Mathieson
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 16, No. 5
2008-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2008-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Résumé: Arrivée au pouvoir en 1962 puis renouvelée par un second coup d?Etat militaire en septembre 1988, la junte birmane n?a eu de cesse de conforter son contrôle sur l?ensemble des institutions et de la conduite des affaires du pays (renommé Myanmar en 1989). Pourtant, en août 2003, l?initiative du Premier ministre et chef des Services de renseignements militaires, le général Khin Nyunt, proposant une « feuille de route vers la démocratie », a laissé entrevoir la possibilité d?une « transition démocratique », graduelle et contrôlée par le régime militaire. Mais l?éviction de Khin Nyunt en octobre 2004 marque le retour de la ligne dure du régime et des derniers caciques nationalistes de l?armée, opposés à toute négociation avec l?opposition démocratique civile menée par Aung San Suu Kyi, en résidence surveillée depuis mai 2003. Grâce à un environnement stratégique favorable, le régime a toutes les chances de pérenniser son pouvoir en dictant ses propres règles du jeu « démocratique », recherchant la stabilité plutôt que la libéralisation du pays, au détriment de l?opposition et des minorités ethniques....Abstract The Burmese junta that came to power in 1962, and reaffirmed its domination by a second military coup d?état in September of 1988, has steadily increased its control over the nation?s institutions and over the running of the country (renamed Myanmar in 1989). In August of 2003, the decision taken by General Khin Nyunt, Prime Minister and head of military intelligence, to propose ?a road map to democracy” suggested that a gradual ?transition to democracy”, closely supervised by the military regime, was possible. But the ousting of Khin Nuyunt in October 2004 spelled the return of the regime?s hardliners and of the last of the army?s nationalist chiefs, adamantly opposed to any negotiations with the democratic civilian opposition led by Aung San Suu, held under house arrest since May 2003. Thus the regime, strengthened by a favorable strategic environment, has a good chance of remaining in power by setting its own rules for ?democratic” procedures, its aim being to keep the country stable rather pursuing a process of liberalization. Such a policy will inevitably be detrimental to the interests of the opposition and the ethnic minorities..."
Creator/author: Renaud Egreteau
Source/publisher: Les Études du CERI N° 114 - mars 2005 (Centre d'études et de recherches internationales, Sciences Po)
2005-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2007-08-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Francais, French
Format : pdf
Size: 187.63 KB
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Description: Pyinmana is booming—but at what cost?... "Once a rural backwater, Pyinmana is now a boom town, as Burma?s rulers shift their power center from Rangoon, some 320 km to the south. Visitors returning to Pyinmana after an absence of only a few years would scarcely recognize the city that has risen from a provincial town of 100,000 inhabitants, who once owed their livelihoods to logging and a sugarcane refinery. Now new businesses—particularly construction companies and real estate firms—are shooting up like forest mushrooms in the rainy season..."
Creator/author: Aung Lwin Oo
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 14, No. 5
2006-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-12-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Paranoid generals draw up plans to withdraw from Rangoon and go to ground... "Burmese kings in the distant past had fanciful ideas of relocating their capital. It is perhaps no wonder then that the current military rulers are having similar thoughts, though for less grandiose reasons. Now, according to military analysts in the capital, the generals have a blueprint to move their military headquarters, or war office as it?s called, from Rangoon to Pyinmana, in central Burma?s Mandalay division. But what for—does it make sense?..."
Creator/author: Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 13, No. 4
2005-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-04-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Die hier vorgestellte These besagt, dass es im buddhistischen Birma ein von Menschen aus allen Schichten der Bevölkerung geteiltes geschichtlich überliefertes System von Vorstellungen und Erwartungen gibt, das mit unserem Begriff "Wohlfahrtsstaat" belegt werden kann. keywords: burmese way to socialism, social system, constitution, political culture, welfare state
Creator/author: Hans-Bernd Zöllner
Source/publisher: Asienhaus Focus Asien Nr. 26; S. 15-21
2005-12-29
Date of entry/update: 2006-03-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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Description: Über die Instrumentalisierung der Opfer nationaler Katastrophen. Nachrichten können auf unterschiedliche Weise ein Licht auf die Bedrohungen, unter denen die Menschen des Landes seit Jahrzehnten leiden werfen. Alle Katastrophen haben gemeinsam, dass in der Berichterstattung über die Unglücke das Schicksal der Opfer hinter der Auseinandersetzung um die Verantwortung für die Katastrophen und ihre Folgen zu verschwinden droht. keywords: bombing, tsunami, katastrophe, politics, victimisation, instrumentalisation
Creator/author: Hans-Bernd Zöllner
Source/publisher: Südostasien Jg. 2005 Nr. 2 - Asienhaus
2005-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-03-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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Description: The pessimists have been vindicated... As recent developments have shown, the most essential quality in any self-respecting Burma-watcher has got to be pessimism. As far back as the 1970s, reputable journals would regularly print articles by supposed scholars of Burmese politics who claimed to have spotted portents of change flickering behind the Golden Curtain. Year after year, every optimistic prediction by an academic proved to be wrong..."
Creator/author: Dominic Faulder
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" vol. 12, No. 9
2004-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2004-11-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The Rajadhammasangaha" was presented to King Thibaw in December 1878. The first printing was c.1915. This translation by L.E.Bagshawe is from the version edited with a biographical preface by Maung Htin (U Htin Fatt) and published by the Sape U Publishing House in 1979... "On the seventh waxing day of Nadaw...the Wetmasut Myoza Wungyi finished the writing of his book Rajadhammasangaha and presented it to King Thibaw. The author describes it pleasantly as ?a book of the proper behaviour for Kings and other high officers of government”. The Pagan Wundauk U Tin, however, says ?it is a book of admonishment addressed to King Thibaw.” And in this he speaks the direct truth. In this book the Wetmasut Myoza Wungyi documents the proposals for changes in the system of government that were planned from the time of King Mindon. His intention in writing the book, he says, is, ?In bygone times of the Buddha-to-be there were good and excellent Kings who guarded the well-being of all living creatures; like them may our own King, Lord of the Saddanta Elephant and Lawful King, under the Law guard the well-being of all living creatures like that of his own beloved children.” This expressed intention has a further meaning. Under an autocracy we cannot really say that the monarch rules with the single-minded wish to rule all living creatures on the same terms as his own children. If he is brought to the point where he must consult the "living creatures", we may be able to say that he regards them on equal terms with his own children. If there is no law requiring consultation, his guardianship becomes dubious..."
Creator/author: By the Yaw Mingyi U Hpo Hlaing (the Wetmasut Myoza Wungyi). Edited with biographical preface by Maung Htin (U Htin Fatt), translated from the Burmese by L.E. Bagshawe
Source/publisher: Online Burma/Myanmar Library
1979-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2004-09-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
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Description: Abstract: "This thesis investigates the impact of military rule on the state and society by looking at three cases from the same geographical region -- Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand -- that have experienced military intervention and military rule. The thesis is framed by a number of questions: Why does the military sometimes decide to stay on to run the state after it intervenes? What happens to the military, its leaders, and most importantly, the state and society when the military reorganizes the state into a military-authoritarian order? What are the political outcomes of military rule in terms of state autonomy? How can the political variations -- the extent of military penetration into the state order -- between military regimes be explained? This thesis has found that there are three vital factors influencing the military?s decision, having intervened, to stay on to rule the country. The most important factor is the emergence of an extraordinary military strongman-ruler. The second, and related, factor is military unity -- forged and maintained by the strongman-ruler and bound by the myth that the soldiers are the guardians and saviors of the state. The military supports the ruler and is in turn rewarded by him, and becomes a privileged class. Together they dominate and control other state and societal forces. In fact, while military-authoritarian states are highly autonomous from society, it is clear that the state is not well insulated from abuse by its own elites. The third factor is the extent to which the strongman-ruler is constrained by having to share power with an unimpeachable force (a person, ideal, or myth). This thesis has found that military rulers in Thailand have been constrained because of the person and the role of the monarch. This thesis has also found significant variations in military-authoritarian states. They range from a nearly pure praetorian example to a tentative quasi-democratic set up -- resulting from historical circumstances combined with the vision, political will and astuteness of the strongman-ruler, his concern with his legacy, and the presence or not of an important constraining force. The military has played a dominant role in politics in Burma and Indonesia since the 1960s; in Thailand, it has been in and out of power since the 1930s. It has become apparent from this research that, although the global democratization trend is hopeful, it is not so easy to get a politicized military to go back to the barracks to stay." A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Graduate Studies (Department of Political Science), the University of British Columbia.
Creator/author: Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe
Source/publisher: University of British Columbia (PhD Thesis)
1997-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2004-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf htm
Size: 1.26 MB 7.82 KB
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Description: Burma expert Bertil Lintner shares his views on the country?s political condition.
Creator/author: Kyaw Zwa Moe, Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" vol. 11, No. 10
2003-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2004-02-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: A useful and balanced overview. FACTS ABOUT BURMA... BURMA: A CHRONOLOGY... CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND TO 1988: Rise of Nationalism; Ne Win and Isolationism; Growth of Heroin Industry... CHAPTER 2: THE MEN BEHIND THE MASSACRES: The Ordeal of Aung San Suu Kyi... CHAPTER 3: THE HUMAN COSTS OF MILITARY RULE: Refugees; Political Prisoners; Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and Forced Relocation; Forced Labour; Students and Education; Political Prisoners; Freedom of the Press; The Militarization of Society; Women Living under a Military Dictatorship; Political Prisoners... CHAPTER 4: THE CRIMINAL ECOMONY: Sectors Complicit with Forced Labour; Opium, Heroin and a Drug Economy... CHAPTER 5: FORCED LABOUR AND THE ILO: ILO Commission of Inquiry, 1998 Report; Follow-up to the 1998 Report; CHAPTER 6: GEOPOLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES: Neighbouring Countries; Malaysia,Singapore and ASEA; Canada and Other International Influences; The United Nations; Other National Governments; How Does Canada Measure Up?; Civil Society... CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS: Canada?s Role; Development Assistance; Trade and Investment... FURTHER READING... WEB CONNECTIONS.
Creator/author: Clyde Sanger
Source/publisher: Canadian Friends of Burma
2002-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-07-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "In August PD Burma/Worldview Rights launched the report "Burma - Twelve Years After 1988 - A Common Future?" written by Camilla Buzzi, post-graduate student in political science at the University of Oslo, Norway. Is the democratisation of Burma still in progress? What are the obstacles to a transition towards democratic rule? The report provides an overview of the main players on the Burmese political stage and presents the key issues that have divided Burma over the past twelve years... Is the democratisation of Burma still in progress? What are the obstacles to a transition towards democratic rule? The report provides an overview of the main players on the Burmese political stage and presents the key issues that have divided Burma over the past twelve years. Table of contents: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY; INTRODUCTION: A country in transition? HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: The lead-up to 1988; I. The foundation of modern Burma; II. Burma at Independence: Two conflicts about fundamentals; III. Government response in an era of parliamentary democracy, 1948-1962; IV. The era of socialist rule, 1962-1988; THE PROTAGONISTS: Who are the key players today? I. The armed forces; II. The pro-democracy movement; III. The ethnic movement; GOALS AND PROCESSES: A common future? I. Differing concepts of democracy; II. Alternative transition processes III. The difficult issues; THE BACKDROP: What are the options? I. Economic and social deterioration; II. A divided international community; AN ATTEMPT TO CONCLUDE: What comes next? BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING; WEB SOURCES; ENDNOTES.
Creator/author: Camilla Buzzi
Source/publisher: PD Burma/Worldview Rights
2002-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-07-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm doc
Size: 462.12 KB 352 KB
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Description: Prognoses by: Aung Ko, Khun Marko Ban, Saw Ba Thin Sein, Zaw Oo, Aung Moe Zaw, Kyaw Zan Tha, Dr Sein Win, Aung Naing Oo, Lian H Sakhong, Seng Suk, Bo Kyi, Mi Sue Pwint, Sui Khar, Dr Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe, Moe Thee Zun, Than Khe, Dr Cynthia Maung, Dr Myat Htoo Razak, Dr Thaung Htun, Harn Yawnghwe, Dr Myint Cho, Dr Thein Lwin, Hte Bu Peh, Nai Han Thar, Tin Htar Swe, James Lum Dau, Dr Naing Aung, Tin Moe, Khaing Myo Khaing, Nang Hseng Noung, Tin Tut.
Creator/author: Dr Cynthia Maung, Dr Myat Htoo Razak, Dr Thaung Htun, Than Khe, Aung Moe Zaw, Kyaw Zan Tha, Dr Sein Win
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 10, No. 3
2002-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Analytische Aspekte zu den im Oktober 2000 begonnenen Gesprächen zwischen der Militärjunta und der Opposition in Burma und den Reaktionen darauf von Hans-Bernd Zoellner, einem der führenden Burma-Wissenschaftler in Deutschland (Downlaod als pdf-Datei). Hans-Bernd Zoellner's analysis of the current talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and the SPDC. (it is in pdf-format for download). (history, NLD, SPDC, politics, also: international community reactions and human rights movement mentioned in the article).
Creator/author: Hans-Bernd Zöllner
Source/publisher: Südostasien, Jg. 17, Nr. 2 - Asienhaus
2001-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch
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Description: Book Announcement, Table of Contents and ordering information. "The Disorder in Order examines Burma?s history of ?regime entropy” following the March 1962 coup d?etat that ended the country?s brief experiment with parliamentary government. Implementing socialist economic policies in central Burma and a hard line against ethnic minority and communist insurgents in the Border Areas, Ne Win?s Army-State presided over the country?s fall from prosperity to Least Developed Nation status by 1987. The following year, a new martial law regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), brutally suppressed a nationwide movement for democracy that drew on the country?s colonial-era traditions of revolutionary nationalism. Although SLORC promoted an open economy, including foreign private investment, the second Army-State operates on the same assumptions as its predecessor: that government is synonymous with pacification, unquestioned central control and cultural homogenization. The author argues that while the post-1988 junta, renamed the State Peace and Development Council in 1997, claims a unique mission in defending national unity and social order, its policies generate political disunity and socio-economic disorder. Tragically, genuine order, the key to Burma?s development, remains out of reach as the 21st century dawns..." Bangkok: White Lotus, 2002). 403 pp. US$25.00.
Creator/author: Donald M. Seekins
Source/publisher: White Lotus
2002-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 9.85 KB
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Description: "While the junta and the opposition have long been at odds, the two sides frequently display a striking resemblance. The stark contrasts between the Burmese junta and many of its opponents are taken as a given, but upon closer inspection their resemblance is striking. Although many in the opposition will not admit it openly, the two sides are, to a large extent, mirror images of each other, distinguishable only by their aspirations�the regime opposes democracy while the opposition embraces it..."
Creator/author: Aung Naing Oo
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 10, No. 5, June 2002
2002-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Die Aufhebung des Hausarrests von Aung San Suu Kyi am 6. Mai 2002, mögliche Ursachen, neue Herausforderungen. Aung San Suu Kyi?s release from house arrest, possible reasons, challenges.
Creator/author: Ulrike Bey
Source/publisher: Asienhaus
2002-06-12
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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