Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups

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Description: Full text online reports from 1989 (events of 1988), though 1991 seems to be missing and 2004 has no section on Burma.
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Highly recommended. Well-organised site. In "list of sources used" are most of the main reports from 1995 bearing on IDPs (though the reports from 1995 to 1997 are missing - temporarily, one hopes) and more Burma pages updated June 2001. Go to the home page for links on IDPs, including the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.
Source/publisher: IDMC
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Several thousand photographs from 1993 covering different ethnic groups as well as a smaller number of videos.
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: May be useful, but it needs SPSS to work with the database
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: US Committee for Refugees (USCR)
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Description: "Louise Taylor 1 February 2024 marked the third anniversary of the coup in Myanmar. Although there is much geopolitical tension and conflict at the moment occupying people’s minds, with developments in the Middle East and Ukraine particularly dominating the news, the situation in Myanmar been delicately avoided by donors and international partners for some time. However, as the 2023 Global Organized Crime Index shows, organized crime in Myanmar has significantly worsened, to the point that the country currently has the highest levels of organized criminality in the world. Furthermore, Myanmar’s resilience to organized crime has weakened significantly since its low ranking in 2021. The gap between its criminality and resilience scores is so large that it has no meaningful global comparator. This calls for urgent intervention in Myanmar and could be a cautionary tale for countries such as Ecuador and Haiti, whose emerging crime–resilience gap scores may not be at this critical juncture yet but are steadily approaching Myanmar’s dire, unenviable situation. In 2021, Myanmar’s criminality score of 7.59 (out of 10, where 10 is the worst ranking), placed it third among all countries in the world. By 2023, a score of 8.15 propelled Myanmar to the top of the global ranking, i.e. it has the highest levels of criminality globally. The most significant increases in its criminal market scores (one component of the criminality ranking) were in non-renewable resource crimes (following a surge in illegal rare earth mining after the 2021 coup) and human trafficking, where cases of forced labour and of trafficking for forced criminality and marriage, as well as the plight of the Rohingya people, were exacerbated by the conflict and subsequent sanctions imposed by the international community. Myanmar’s score for criminal actors (the other component of the criminality ranking) also jumped between 2021 and 2023 – with a particular upward trend for foreign (namely Chinese) actors operating in the country – to a record 9 out of 10. This now matches the score also reached by state-embedded actors, who are active in most, if not all, criminal markets. In particular, state-embedded actors are facilitators in Myanmar’s drug markets (where the country scores 10 for synthetic drugs). Overall, Myanmar has the highest combined score for criminal actors in the world. But the biggest shifts are seen in Myanmar’s ability to resist and withstand organized crime. The Index shows that the more a country is affected by conflict or instability, the more likely it is to have reduced resilience to organized crime. Myanmar is no exception. The country’s resilience score, already low at 3.42 (out of 10) in the 2021 edition of the Index, slid to a paltry 1.63 in 2023. This is not the lowest score in the world – Libya and Afghanistan rank lower – but two key findings are nonetheless striking. First, the country has seen a drop of between 1 and 3 points in every single resilience indicator. Second, and perhaps most importantly, the gap between criminality and resilience is so large that it puts Myanmar eons away from any other country. In 2021, the gap between criminality and resilience was 4.17 points, but by 2023 it had widened to an alarming 6.52 points (the gap ‘growth’ between 2021 and 2023 is shown in the figure below, alongside other countries that also experienced growth gaps). The biggest resilience score drop was seen in the international cooperation indicator, which fell from 5.0 to 2.0. Much of this can be explained by the decisions of many international partners not to engage directly with the military government, and Myanmar’s exclusion from international forums, and information and exchange mechanisms until the coup is resolved. Donors suspended their government-to-government aid agreements, partnerships and projects after the coup, and promised to support more civil society and humanitarian projects. However, these promises may not have been realized. Aid delivery and programming in Myanmar is challenging. Civil society and communities are literally under fire; there are difficulties in getting funding into Myanmar (possibly complicated by the unintended consequences of the Financial Action Task Force blacklisting); and there are concerns about the safety of project staff. Data from the OECD shows a considerable 85% drop in overall aid contributions since 2021 – arguably at a time when intervention and support are most urgently and desperately needed. There were other demands on donors during this period, such as Ukraine, which saw a surge in aid in 2022. However, in December 2023, the UN reported ‘gross underfunding’ for the estimated 1.9 million people who had been prioritized for aid. The drop in donor activity and aid, and the knock-on effect of limited programming and interventions, has also affected the ability to monitor the situation in Myanmar. This has been exacerbated by a significant decline in the resilience capacity of non-state actors. This is not surprising, given the well-documented targeting of civilians and the repressive tactics of the military government. The conflict in Myanmar has not only increased vulnerability, but the resulting lawlessness has fuelled crime and enabled new illicit markets to consolidate. Myanmar scores 7.5 for the cyber-dependent crimes market. Cyberscam centres have sprung up across the country, particularly in border towns and special economic zones, facilitated by state-embedded and Chinese actors. The cyberscam phenomenon is also an example of how domestic criminality, if left unchecked and unregulated, can affect the stability and security of neighbouring countries – such as Thailand –, the wider region and the world. The scale of cyberscam activity has become so significant that it appears to have even affected China’s delicate geopolitical balance in the region, eventually forcing Beijing to issue arrest warrants for key figures linked to cyber fraud in Myanmar’s Shan State. The absence of scrutiny in Myanmar has therefore not only contributed to the widening and deepening of the country’s crime–resilience gap, but has also been instrumental in allowing rising criminality to have reach and impact far beyond its borders. While cyber fraud in Myanmar has attracted much international scrutiny and attention, it is primarily a manifestation of an internal, complex picture of intertwined criminality, vulnerability and risk. The ‘gap’ that exists for Myanmar is a canary in the coal mine for us all – it needs to be top of the agenda in 2024 for governments and civil society practitioners alike. Prescribing a tonic of acute diplomatic attention, rapid redirection of aid and programming efforts that navigate complexity to create innovative solutions to address state-embedded criminality while supporting and building community resilience is an urgent imperative for the country. This analysis is part of the GI-TOC’s series of articles delving into the results of the Global Organized Crime Index. The series explores the Index’s findings and their effects on policymaking, anti-organized crime measures and analyses from a thematic or regional perspective..."
Source/publisher: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (Geneva)
2024-02-26
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Feb 15 to 21, 2024 Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Rakhine State, Kachin State, Shan State, Kayah State, Kayin State, and Mon State from February 15th to 21st. Over 100 civilians died by the arrest and killing of Military Troops and 4 women including an aged girl were raped and killed. Military Junta arrested and blackmailed the civilians by using the Conscription Law in many places around the country. About 20 civilians died and over 20 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. 6 underaged children died when the Military Junta committed abuses. A civilian also died by the landmine of the Military Junta..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-02-23
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 1.4 MB
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Description: "Executive Summary: Burmanisation and Buddhisation: Accelerating the Deterioration of Religious Rights in Myanmar outlines how the 2021 military coup in Myanmar has accelerated the deterioration of rights, especially of religious minorities in the country. Article 34 of the Myanmar constitution enshrines the right to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) to ensure that religious freedom is respected for all citizens, regardless of their ethnic and religious background. However, the constitution also contains provisions that prioritise Buddhism, the dominant religion in Myanmar, over other religions. Additionally, Myanmar’s military has backtracked on the initial engagement by the earlier democratically-elected government in the mid-2010s to sign and ratify international human rights covenants like the ICCPR and ICERD. This further hinders the sustainability of freedom of religion or belief in the country, given its past and present limited or non-observance to international human rights standards. Successive governments, both military and non-military, since colonial independence, have prioritised and promoted Bamar culture and Buddhism, known as Burmanisation and Buddhisation. However, this has severely limited the religious rights of non-Buddhist and non-Bamar individuals and communities. Following the 2021 coup, Myanmar’s State Administration Council has intensified pressure on the rights of ethnic and religious minority groups, through aggressive Burmanisation and Buddhisation policies. These policies are pursued through the following three measures: 1) using pre-coup legislation that is oppressive in nature and undermines the rights of ethno-religious minorities, 2) ignoring existing constitutional provisions that ensure the protection of freedom of religion or belief; and 3), refusing to implement the recommendations made via UN human rights mechanisms by member states. As a result, the military has not only stalled the democratisation process but regressed the country into an accelerated deterioration of human rights, including religious rights. This report presents evidence of four main ways in which religious rights are being deteriorated in Myanmar: 1) targeting of pro-federalism ethno-religious communities; 2) damage, destruction and occupation of religious sites; 3) arbitrary detentions and killings of ethno-religious minorities; 4) persecution of Muslim Rohingya. Although these impacts are primarily felt by members of ethno-religious minorities, Bamar people and Buddhists have also been affected, especially if they support or are suspected of supporting those resisting the junta. Given the rapidly deteriorating state of rights, especially that of religious minorities and the ongoing conflict that exists between the pro-democracy and pro-military groups, this report recommends the following multi-stakeholder actions: the international community should use its mechanisms to monitor, engage, and denounce FoRB violations and explore diplomatic ways to engage with Myanmar’s leaders to review discriminatory laws and stop the violence. INGOs should collaborate with local groups by receiving first-hand accounts of rights violations for international dissemination and provide technical and financial support to them. Local civil society organisations should safely monitor and raise awareness among the population of their religious rights. Collectively, these efforts can help improve the state of religious rights in Myanmar, particularly for members of minority groups, ensuring that they can practise their chosen religion without being targeted or harassed..."
Source/publisher: Asia Centre
2023-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 2.4 MB (Original version) - 34 pages
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Description: "The people of Burma have been suffering greatly for many decades under the brutality of the junta. Human rights should not be violated by anyone under any circumstances. For that reason, we present these videos about documenting human rights violations to encourage the emergence of Citizen Human Rights Documenters who can systematically collect and record strong, accurate evidence of human rights violations with the aim to establish justice, rehabilitate victims, and put an end to the cycle of impunity in Burma. In this second video, we will talk about why we do human rights documentation and what data to collect when human rights violations occur in our communities..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2023-03-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "1. On 1st March 2021, the military council led by Min Aung Hlaing, who staged a coup d’état, was declared a terrorist organisation in announcement 10/2021 of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), Myanmar’s sole legitimate Parliamentarians, who were conferred legislative authority by Myanmar’s 2020 free, fair, and democratic elections. Subsequently, the sole democratically elected government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government (NUG), the people’s rightful government announced on 7th July 2021 that the military council and all organisations associated with it are deemed terrorist organisations. 2. In the two-years of the Spring Revolution, the Myanmar military council led by Min Aung Hlaing has carried out numerous atrocities which have amounted to brutally killing 3,124 civilians including monks, elderly people, women, children, and disabled people. There have been more than sixty-four massacres committed by the terrorist Military Council in Myanmar where a total of 766 civilians have been brutally killed. Not only there is evidence that the terrorist military council in Myanmar and its lackeys are a terrorist group that has committed and continue to commit crimes all over the nation, in all the states and divisions, they are also guilty of war crimes, crimes against humanity, mass murder, cruel and callous destruction of property and targeting civilians, they are also being prosecuted in some cases in line with international law. 3. As the group has been deemed a terrorist organisation and prosecuted under international law, all the directives, decrees and laws that they have passed in this post-coup period are deemed null and void. And all the organisations that have served under this unlawful group are also deemed terrorist groups. In addition, the populace openly refuses to accept their rule and in defiance continue to hold demonstrations to this day. 4. Accordingly, the election law that the terrorist military council has legislated is not and has never been valid and the election commission, such as it exists following the coup, is also deemed a terrorist organisation. 5. As the election law is null and void and as the election commission is considered to be a terrorist organisation, registering with election commission, for whatever reason it is done, is in essence giving credence to the repression and killings by the terrorist military council against the wishes of the people and siding with them thereby becoming one of their lackeys. 6. If the terrorist military council illegally goes ahead with its proposed sham election, it would result in fraudulent results ending with elected members who do not legitimately represent the people. Likewise, there will emerge false and illegitimate government organisations that do not represent the people but are the puppets and puppet organisations of the terrorist military council. 7. The NUG pledges its loyalty to the Spring Revolution and in accordance with the peoples’ wishes will take action against these illegitimate organisations and groups with the power and the legal authority bestowed upon the NUG by the people..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-03-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "GENEVA (13 March 2023) – Myanmar’s military junta is orchestrating an online campaign of terror, and weaponising social media platforms to crush democratic opposition, UN experts* said today. “Online rhetoric has spilled into real world terror, with military supporters using social media to harass and incite violence against pro-democracy activists and human rights defenders,” the experts said. “Women have been targeted and severely harmed,” they said. According to the experts, pro-junta accounts regularly use hateful, sexualised, and discriminatory rhetoric in an attempt to discredit women activists and human rights defenders. “Gendered abuse has caused many women to cut back their online activism and retreat from public life,” they said. The UN experts warned that messaging and social media platforms – Telegram in particular – have become a hotbed of pro-military activity. “Since the coup, pro-junta actors have taken advantage of Telegram's lax approach to content moderation and gaps in its terms of service. They have attracted tens of thousands of followers by posting violent and misogynistic content,” the experts said. They noted that women are often targets of so-called “doxxing”, the act of publishing private information, including names and addresses, about individuals without their consent. These attacks are frequently accompanied by calls for violence or arrest by junta forces. “Doxxed” women have also been accused of having sexual relations with Muslim men or supporting the Muslim population – a common ultranationalist, discriminatory and Islamophobic narrative in Myanmar. “Failing to cement its grip on power by locking up political prisoners and gunning down peaceful protesters, the junta has escalated its ruthless suppression of dissent to virtual spaces,” the experts said. They explained that the junta was terrified of women’s power to mobilise resistance to military rule in online spaces. “Every day, women are being threatened online with sexualised violence because they are standing up for human rights, opposing the military’s attempted rule, and fighting for a return to a democratic path. ‘Doxxing’ and other forms of online harassment add to the multiple threats that women activists human rights defenders and independent associations are already facing in Myanmar,” they said. After being made aware of these offenses, and shortly before the publication of critical reports detailing abuse on its platform, Telegram blocked at least 13 pro-military accounts, although at least one of the worst offending channels is back online. While welcoming Telegram’s recent actions, the experts said more needed to be done. “Unless Telegram fundamentally changes its approach to content moderation in Myanmar, it is likely that pro-military actors will simply open new accounts and continue their campaign of harassment,” they said. The experts urged Telegram and other social media platforms to meet their responsibilities to identify, prevent, and mitigate human rights abuses. “Tech companies must ensure that their services do not contribute to human rights abuses, including gender-based violence and discrimination, arbitrary arrest, the right to privacy, and the suppression of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, both online and offline, and association,” they said. "Telegram and other social media companies must allocate the necessary resources to protect the human rights of their users," the experts said, referring to the targeting of women and the need to monitor content in Burmese and ethnic languages in close coordination with local organisations and actors..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Human Rights Council
2023-03-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "At least 308 women and girls have been killed by junta forces since the coup in February last year, according to the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), a political coalition of anti-regime bodies. Twelve of those victims, including girls, were raped before being killed, said an NUCC statement issued Sunday (November 27). The statement, which came two days after the UN launched “16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence” on November 25, also demanded international action against Myanmar’s military regime. “Every time conflict breaks out in Myanmar, the military uses gender-based violence including the rape of women and children as a tool,” said the NUCC, an alliance of pro-democracy forces and ethnic armed organizations that serves as a decision-making body in Myanmar’s parallel government. According to data gathered by the NUCC, the junta’s police and military troops have killed 2,327 people, 308 of whom were women or girls. The data also shows the regime has arrested 16,432 people, 3,434 of whom are female. The NUCC has also identified 12 cases where junta personnel raped women or girls before killing them. It has logged another 40 cases in which women and children have been reported raped, killed and their bodies burned to destroy evidence. The NUCC said the military has adopted rape, torture and sexual abuse of civilians as a weapon of war, and continues to commit these and other war crimes with impunity almost daily..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-11-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "“UNITE! Activism to End Violence against Women and Girls” As we mark the launch of the Commemoration of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, women and girls in Myanmar are sounding a loud alarm over their heightened vulnerability, stressing that the weight of gender-based violence, combined with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the ongoing conflict, are eroding their sense of hope and resilience. Gender-based violence (GBV) is a gross violation of human rights and its roots are entrenched in social norms in all countries. Globally, an estimated one in every three women experience physical or sexual abuse in her lifetime, and one in every four adolescent girls aged 15–19 years, has been abused by an intimate partner or husband. At its worst, gender-based violence can result in death, like in situations where a woman or girl is murdered by family members for bringing dishonour upon the family name or prestige (honour killing). Survivors of gender-based violence suffer short and long-term consequences to their physical and mental health. The root causes of gender-based violence are embedded in gender-inequality and an unequal power balance between women and men. The Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey (2015-2016) reported that 17 percent of ever married women aged between 15 and 49 have experienced some forms of intimate partner violence in their lifetime, of which 37 percent are survivors of physical injuries. Among women who have ever experienced sexual violence, 7 out of 10 have never sought help nor told anyone. However, evidence show that gender-based violence is often under-reported and intensifies during times of crisis when resources are limited, especially against women and girls. The ongoing political, socioeconomic and protection crisis in Myanmar is fuelling the risk of gender-based violence and increasing humanitarian needs. In this very difficult situation, all women and girls are entitled to unconditional protection and enjoyment of their rights without any form of discrimination. Through the United Nations’ work in other crisis situations, we know that women, children, and persons with disabilities, are particularly vulnerable as they are exposed to significant risks of violence. Working with civil society organisations, the United Nations in Myanmar is promoting the collection of sex, age and disability disaggregated data to ensure holistic and responsive interventions are delivered on time. Currently, over 1.3 million people, including those with disabilities, have been displaced, the majority of which are women and children. Factors such as high exposure to gender-based violence, poverty, displacement, restrictions on movement, and limited access to healthcare, including sexual and reproductive services, are rendering women and girls increasingly vulnerable to many other risks. The United Nations continues to prioritise delivering principled humanitarian assistance to all affected communities, including internally-displaced people, migrants, the LGBTIQA+ community, women and girls with disability, people living with HIV and AIDS and those affected by COVID-19. The culture of silence among survivors of violence must be broken in Myanmar to ensure that survivors report cases to local authorities, have access to gender-friendly justice, healthcare, social protection and Mental Health and Psychosocial services. We call on all humanitarian actors to listen to survivors, and to ensure that essential services, including Women and Girls’ Centers and Safe Houses and specialized services such as case management, receive adequate funds to continue and scale up. This can only be achieved in close partnership with women’s civil society organizations, community-based organizations, national and international NGOs and donors in Myanmar and donors. Collaborating with, and sustaining funding for women’s organizations and civil society organisations (CSOs), who are at the forefront of responding, and delivering life-saving gender-based violence services at grassroots level, is critical. Many of the Organisations that provide first line of life-saving GBV services are local CSOs. Unfortunately the recently announced Organisation Registration Law will not only negatively impact on their ability to provide such services but may even threaten their very existence. In Myanmar, the United Nations remains firmly committed to promoting building community-based prevention systems through intensified awareness-raising and social behaviour change programmes, engaging men and boys, community leaders and other local actors. Together, we re-affirm our strong commitment to stay and deliver life-saving services that address the urgent needs of women and girls. On the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, we call on all stakeholders and agents of change to break the silence to end violence against women and girls, and ensure that all survivors can have access to life-saving services. Let’s All UNITE and ACT to End Violence against Women and Girls Now!..."
Source/publisher: UN Country Team in Myanmar via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: This news comment is attributable to Gillian Triggs, UNHCR’s Assistant High Commissioner for Protection
Description: "UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is urgently appealing to countries in the region to immediately stop forced returns of Myanmar nationals seeking safety from serious harm. Sending them back to the country is placing countless lives at risk. UNHCR remains gravely concerned about multiple reports of refoulement - the forcible return of refugees and asylum seekers - since February 2021 from countries neighbouring Myanmar. We repeat our call on states to continue offering protection to Myanmar nationals fleeing for safety. This also includes ending the practice of indefinite detention of asylum seekers and refugees from Myanmar. In Myanmar, acts of indiscriminate violence against civilians continue across the country, as well as fighting between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups in some border areas, driving people to flee within the country and across borders. People fleeing Myanmar must be allowed access to territory to seek asylum and be protected against refoulement. Myanmar nationals already abroad should not be forced to return when seeking international protection. The principle of non-refoulement is a cornerstone of international law and is binding on all states. Myanmar’s neighbours have a decades-long history of providing protection and assistance to refugees. We call on them to continue upholding their international legal obligations and lifesaving humanitarian tradition of safeguarding the lives of all those forced to flee. UNHCR and partner organizations stand ready to step-up support to national and local authorities in the region to ensure that refugees receive the protection they need..."
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
2022-10-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Over the past month, violence against civilians in Southeast Burma reached new heights as the State Administration Council (SAC) escalated its military offensives. Already engaged in heavy assaults to cripple resistance and cut off resources and humanitarian support since the 2021 coup, the military junta continues to perpetrate gross human rights violations throughout Karen State, including arbitrary arrest and torture, the burning down of entire villages, the use of human shields, and relentless air strikes and shelling. Forced displacements continue to rise, as do the number of civilian deaths and grave injuries. The SAC is intentionally targeting civilian areas in its air and ground attacks, thus forcing villagers to flee; destroying civilians’ homes, farmlands and livestock, local schools, and medical clinics; and placing villagers in constant fear of life. Since the 2021 coup, there have been more than 60 SAC air strikes in Karen State, almost all centred on villages. At least 32 civilians have been killed by these air strikes.[1] Unexploded ordnance from these air attacks have landed inside villages or in villagers’ farmlands creating additional risks and insecurity, as does the planting of new landmines. In some areas, indiscriminate shelling into and near villages is taking place on a near daily basis. The estimated number of displacements in Karen State since February 2021 is now over 200,000. Despite the international community’s condemnation of the military junta and its assault on the people of Burma, little concrete action has been taken to end the violence. The ongoing intensification of attacks and human rights violations is proof that current efforts are insufficient. One villager in Karen State, after being interrogated and tortured by SAC soldiers in March 2022,[2] asked: “Is the international community just going to watch while civilians have to go through things like this? Is there no longer anything they can do to help us?” The SAC’s actions are in breach of international humanitarian law, and amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. KHRG condemns these heinous acts, and calls on the international community to take actions that show the people of Burma that there is still reason to trust in the UN, international human rights and justice mechanisms, and the principles that underlie international humanitarian action. Use of human shields, and burning of houses in Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District Human rights violations perpetrated by the SAC and affiliated forces have significantly increased in Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo District since August 2021. Reports of forced labour, including the use of civilians as human shields, looting, and direct threats against villagers have multiplied. On May 1st, two air strikes were conducted, and as a result, 10 houses in Lay Kay village, Bilin Township, were burned down and another 66 were seriously damaged. SAC troops at Lay Kay army camp have continued to fire mortars into surrounding villages, injuring a woman with a 2-month-old baby on June 22nd. In May 2022, over 150 villagers in T’Kaw Hpoe and Weh Pyar village tracts, Hpa-an Township, were arrested and forced to act as human shields and porters. Many were detained for around 2 weeks. Beginning June 1st, SAC troops from Artillery Unit #9 conducted heavy artillery fire into Waw Ray village tract, Tha Htoo (Thaton) Township, for six days straight after an SAC company commander and military medic were captured by the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). As a result, more than 3,000 villagers in the area were forced to displace. An SAC officer from Artillery Unit #9 also threatened to burn everything between Hton Bo Gyi and Hton Bo Lay villages in Waw Ray village tract. On June 25th, the SAC set fire to Hton Bo Lay village, after looting homes, the school and monastery, and taking villagers’ livestock. At least 66 houses and 30 thatch huts were completely burned to the ground. Increased fighting and indiscriminate shelling in Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District Since June 2022, ground attacks have escalated in Ler Doh Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District. From June 10th to 13th, and June 25th to July 2nd, SAC troops along with the Phyu Saw Htee (a pro-junta militia group), fired into different villages in Ain Net village tract, resulting in the displacement of 1,489 villagers from six villages. Five villagers were also injured. On June 12th, SAC troops also fired into Lian Pin Wen village, Lian Pin Wen village tract, displacing an additional 1,184 villagers (259 households). On July 2nd 2022, SAC troops entered into Ler Muh Per village, Ler Muh Per village tract, Ler Doh Township and shot dead four villagers and injured another. SAC soldiers looted villagers’ homes and set fire to the village, destroying 12 houses and several vehicles. In response to the capture of four SAC army camps by the KNLA on July 2nd, the SAC conducted air strikes and heavy shelling in nearby villages in Moo (Mone) Township, killing four villagers and injuring one. These offensives resulted in the displacement of at least 3,202 villagers from 81 villages in Moo Township. Following the air strike and shelling, the SAC entered multiple villages and arrested and tortured 16 villagers. Air and ground attacks, fighting and displacement in Mu Traw (Hpapun) District Villages in Mu Traw District, particularly in areas near Hpapun Town and Kamamaung Town, have experienced ongoing attacks. There have been at least 28 air strikes in Mu Traw District alone since the 2021 coup, with the first attack taking place in late March 2021. Most villagers have been forced to flee, seeking refuge in the jungle or along riverbanks, with little access to humanitarian support. The most recent attack occurred on July 4th 2022, when two SAC aircraft bombed an Arakan Army (AA) camp located near the Thai-Burma border, in a Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled area. The attack destroyed multiple buildings including a clinic. Afterward, one of the SAC’s jets entered into Thai airspace, over Phop Phra area of Tak Province, leading local residents to take shelter in bunkers and evacuate the schools. Yet Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha referred to the incursion as “not a big deal”. Relentless air strikes in Dooplaya District The SAC launched 17 air strikes in Dooplaya District, primarily Kaw T’Ree (Kawkareik) Township, between December 2021 and May 2022. On June 27th 2022, SAC resumed its bombardment of Kaw T’Ree Township, first sending three fighter jets into Au Kree Hta village, Choo Kalee village tract. The attacks in the area continued for six consecutive days, with bombs also being dropped in nearby Thay Baw Boh village tract. The July 1st air attack on Thay Baw Boh village killed two villagers and injured three more. One of the bombs did not explode and remains in the village. The next day, the SAC conducted air strikes in Lay Ghaw village, Thay Baw Boh village tract, injuring four villagers, including an 11-year-old boy. Due to these attacks and ongoing indiscriminate shelling, about 1,000 local villagers fled once again to the Thai-Burma border. Most villagers continue to be pushed back by Thai authorities. KHRG makes the following recommendations: Since the pursuit of justice is one of the most visible forms of accountability and will show that human rights violations and impunity for these acts will no longer be tolerated, there is an immediate need to prosecute military leaders for their past and present crimes. The international community should: Support current investigations and proceedings by intervening in the genocide case at the ICJ, and pushing for an ICC referral and acceptance of the NUG’s declaration delegating jurisdiction of the court to investigate and prosecute mass atrocity crimes that occurred in Burma since 2002. Seek out all additional opportunities (through hybrid courts, ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction and other existing mechanisms) to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes committed against Karen peoples, as well as other ethnic and religious minorities. Develop and support International Accountability Platforms, and increase support for human rights organisations operating on the ground. Meanwhile, it is imperative that adequate humanitarian assistance and protection for ethnic populations who are facing violence and atrocities at the hands of the Burma military be ensured. The international community should: Consult and sign MoUs with the NUG and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), rather than the SAC, to address the unfolding humanitarian crisis across the country. Urge neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not deny entry to people crossing the border seeking refuge. Prioritise and strengthen methods of service delivery and communication that rely on local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers that have the ability and networks (due to consistent access and trust from the community) for local implementation of support programmes. Include local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers in decision-making processes since these actors have already worked for decades to provide support and services to local communities, and are the most knowledgeable about current needs and challenges..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Description: "The Myanmar military regime has destroyed more than 100 Buddhist and Christian religious buildings in resistance strongholds in the country’s northwest, heartland and southeast since the coup last year. Since late last year, the junta has conducted artillery and airstrikes on civilian areas in Chin State and Sagaing and Magwe regions, as well as in Kayah State. It has been facing strong resistance from local people in all those areas. The regime’s attacks on civilian targets in predominantly Buddhist and Christian areas haven’t spared religious buildings, in which people often taken shelter when clashes erupt. In predominantly Christian Chin State, nearly 35 churches and 15 affiliated buildings were destroyed in junta attacks between February 2021 and January 2022, according to the Chin Human Rights Organization. In mostly Christian Kayah State in southeastern Myanmar, about 12 churches were destroyed in the same period, the Karenni Human Rights Group said. In May last year, the regime forces’ continuous shelling of the Sacred Heart Church in Kayah State’s capital Loikaw killed four people taking shelter there, not to mention causing damage to the religious building. The junta’s claim that the building harbored resistance fighters was largely denied by people there. The attack prompted Myanmar’s Cardinal Charles Maung Bo to request that the regime refrain from targeting religious buildings. But the regime forces ignored the cardinal’s request, shelling one of the main churches in Kayah State’s Demoso Township, the Queen of Peace Church, on June 6. A Karenni Christian leader said the regime had shelled churches even during times when there was no fighting between junta and resistance forces. Sometime it attacked religious buildings located away from the combat areas, he said. “They are attacking the churches intentionally to suppress the spirit of Christian people by attacking their sacred churches. I condemn their bad intentions,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons. Thantlang has been the worst-affected area in Chin State in Myanmar’s northwest, suffering artillery and arson attacks by the regime 26 times since September last year, forcing residents to desert the town. During the attacks, a Chin pastor was shot dead and his wedding ring cut from his finger by Myanmar junta soldiers when he went outside to help put out fires caused by the military’s shelling. Aerial pictures of the smoldering town with smoke snaking upward to the sky shocked the world. Three churches in the town caught on fire on Oct. 29 alone. On Nov. 1, Washington condemned the Myanmar junta’s horrific use of violence in Chin State. The targeting of churches in Kayah and Chin states reflects the regime’s frustration at not being able to assert control in the states despite almost 10 months of intense fighting against Karenni and Chin resistance fighters, during which the regime has resorted to using airstrikes and heavy weapons including artillery. Additionally, the regime’s forces—who have vowed to protect Buddhism—have destroyed and launched arson attacks on Buddhist monasteries, especially in Sagaing and Magwe regions, two strongholds of anti-regime armed resistance in Myanmar’s heartland. Based on media reports, at least 30 Buddhist monasteries in Sagaing Region and 20 in Magwe Region, which are predominantly Buddhist regions, have been destroyed, raided and looted by regime soldiers since April last year. During clearance operations in the areas where they suspect locals of harboring resistance forces, junta troops have used heavy weapons and conducted arson attacks on monasteries, as well as destroying property and stealing valuables while quartered in the buildings. Early this month, as many as six people died when the monastery they were sheltering in was shelled in Latpandaw Village in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin Township. The same township suffered the regime’s brutality in late February when soldiers raided Chin Phone Village’s monastery and detained over 80 primary schoolchildren as human shields for 36 hours. “When the abbot of the monastery tried to negotiate with the regime forces, they pointed a gun at the monk and wouldn’t let him out of the monastery,” a villager recalled. The regime forces turned the Buddhist monastery into an interrogation center and tortured and killed nine people including a 19-year-old woman, and stole 50 million kyats donated to the monastery by villagers. U Waryama, a striking Buddhist monk and member of the Spring Revolution Sangha Network, said that while the regime made a lot of noise about protecting and promoting Buddhism, it never failed to show its true colors whenever its power was challenged. “They build pagodas and monasteries to show they are the guardians of Buddhism but will not hesitate to kill monks if they pose a threat to their power,” the monk said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-03-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-28
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Description: "Ambassador Simon Manley, UK Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva, delivered the UK's statement at the Human Rights Council on the situation in Myanmar. He strongly condemned the military regime’s human rights violations, including against Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities. Thank you, Mr President. High Commissioner: thank you for your alarming report. It’s clear that last year’s coup continues to bring acute suffering to the people of Myanmar. The country is plunging ever deeper into political, economic and humanitarian crises. We condemn in the strongest possible terms the targeting of civilians. Civilians, including humanitarian workers, and civilian infrastructure, must be protected from violence by all parties. Lifesaving humanitarian assistance must continue, and there must be unobstructed humanitarian access to reach Myanmar’s most vulnerable people. We strongly condemn the military regime’s human rights violations, including against Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities. Efforts must accelerate to eliminate statelessness and systematic discrimination against minorities. There can be no solution to the Rohingya crisis until they are recognised as citizens of Myanmar. One crucial step is to reform the 1982 Citizenship Law. The impact of the coup on freedoms of expression, assembly and association has been alarming. Human rights defenders, journalists, and other media workers have been detained, targeted and killed. This must stop. High Commissioner, What can the international community do to ensure that people are able to express their political opinions without fear or threat of violence?..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
2022-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-21
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Description: "Over eleven months since an illegitimate coup, the entire Burma struggles in the face of the military’s inhumanity. The armed wing of the junta is systematically stealing civilian properties, carrying out violent military operations, and committing widespread murder. This war of terror, perpetrated by the junta against civilians, is only getting worse. On December 5, the armed wing of the Junta rammed a vehicle into a peaceful protest on Pan Pin Gyi Road in Kyeemyindaing Township, Yangon. Thereafter, opening fire and aggressively detaining demonstrators and bystanders, leading to several reported casualties. The military junta shamelessly claimed that they were simply dispersing unauthorized protests. In Sagaing Region, there is strong opposition to the coup d’état. As a result, locals in the region are the victims of heinous junta crimes. In December, at least (18) locals were arrested and burnt to death. (2) of these victims were children, under 18 years old. Similarly, on December 25, in Moso village, Hpurso Township, Kayah State, over (30) bodies of innocent civilians, including children, were found dead in a vehicle. They had been burnt to death. Before the victims were killed, four members of the Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (Kalalata) met with junta troops to negotiate the release of these detained civilians. The four members were tied up and shot dead in the head. Moreover, several innocents are still missing in the incident of Moso village, Hpruso Township. In December, the armed wing of the Junta deliberately committed arson attacks on civilians’ houses, buildings, and properties. There were at least (56) arson attacks and more than (650) houses were burnt down. This comes from data collection and monitoring by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, the true number is likely higher. In December, (127) civilians across the country, were killed in junta’s targeted attacks. According to data collected by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), this includes (61) victims were tortured to death, (5) women and (7) children, under 18 years old. (309) civilians were detained by the junta between December 1 and 31. Of these, (68) were women, (15) children under the age of 18 and (18) hostages. Across the country, the junta coup is targeting members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and ordinary civilians’ homes and properties are being sealed and unlawfully taken, if they are accused of being related to the National Unity Government or in connection with alleged PDF. In December, a total of (33) houses were seized. Those who are unlawfully and arbitrarily detained, are also facing inhumane torture. On December 10, International Human Rights Day, civilians across the country staged a silent strike. Political prisoners held at Insein Prison partook. (89) prisoners who participated, were beaten with rubber batons and wire cables and kept in solitary confinement. Wai Yan Phyo Moe, one of those tortured following the silent strike, the Vice-Chairman of the All-Burma Federation of Student’ Unions, was sentenced on December 29 and also severely beaten again by criminal prisoners with support of prison authorities while he was being sent to prison cell. He is now in critical condition but is not receive proper medical care. As with all our monthly chronology’s since the coup, it is but a summary of the numerous human rights violations committed by the armed wing of the Junta in its bid to induce a climate of fear across the country..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
2022-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This is the US Campaign for Burma’s eleventh monthly On-The-Ground in Burma briefer! Since December 10th is Human Rights Day, this month’s briefer will focus on the human rights abuses in Burma This month’s briefer includes: December highlights An in-depth analysis of human rights abuses in Burma Four major policy recommendations A unique feature story from IDPs displaced by airstrikes in Karen State An overview of IDP issues and rights abuses in each ethnic state and central Burma As the conflict escalates in Burma between the pro-junta militias, anti-coup forces, and the military, so has the violence and rights deprivations in ethnic regions and central Burma. Almost a year after the February 1st coup and the junta is unrelenting in its brutal campaign on the people of Burma..."
Source/publisher: US Campaign for Burma
2022-01-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-04
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Description: "Statement from the Ministry of Justice on the Christmas Eve Massacre We are shocked and appalled by the latest act of barbarism by Myanmar’s terrorist military. On Christmas Eve in Kayah (Karenni) State, they killed at least thirty-five unarmed civilians, including children, burning the bodies. Two of those murdered were Save the Children staff members, on their way back from their humanitarian work in a nearby village. We wish to convey our deepest condolences to the families of all those who died in this atrocity. We are profoundly sad to hear that the staff members of Save the Children were new fathers, with a ten-month-old son and a three-month-old daughter, respectively. We deeply appreciate Save the Children and their staff for their consistent and courageous support for vulnerable children and families in Myanmar. This tragic Christmas Eve massacre is part of the military’s brutal, countrywide campaign of terror against the people and anyone who would assist them. Committing mass murders and burning of bodies has become a Standard Operating Procedure for the Myanmar military to instill terror in the people. On Christmas day, the junta used fighter jets bombing the civilians in Karen State, killing more than 10 innocent people. Just this month the military rounded up 11 civilians, including children, in Sagaing Region, executed them and burned their bodies. Myanmar’s military is currently acting with impunity, in clear and persistent violation of international law. This recent incident sadly serves to underscore the urgency of holding accountable all of the perpetrators of terrorist acts and the chain of command that guides them. We call on the United Nations and International Community to act without further delay to protect civilians from attacks by Myanmar’s military. Essential measures include prohibition on airstrikes against civilians across the country, arms embargos, more severe financial sanctions on the military and all of its enablers, protection for humanitarian workers and energetic action to bring perpetrators of these crimes to justice..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Justice
2021-12-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-31
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Description: "SC/14754 The following Security Council press statement was issued today by Council President Abdou Abarry (Niger): The members of the Security Council condemned the reported killing of at least 35 people, including four children and two staff of Save the Children, in Kayah State on 24 December. They stressed the need to ensure accountability for this act. The members of the Council called for the immediate cessation of all violence and emphasized the importance of respect for human rights and of ensuring safety of civilians. They stressed the need for safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need, and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel. The members of the Security Council reaffirmed their support for the people of Myanmar and the country’s democratic transition, and their strong commitment to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity and unity of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Myanmar
2021-12-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-30
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Description: "We, the Catholic population is trembled with rage, terribly upset and saddened upon the meeting of Charles Cardinal Bo with Myanmar junta chief Min Aung Hlaing on 23 December 2021. This meeting do not represent the Catholic Church and population in Myanmar as that against the stand of all the Catholics in Myanmar. ICJM seriously condemns Charles Cardinal Bo and that of those who has acknowledge the Myanmar junta by any reason of general interests. This meeting itself exposed the disregard and insult to the people of Myanmar who have suffered murder, lawless seizures, tourtures, and devastation of the Churches since in the beginning of the coup d’état. As ICJM is the network standing for justice and peace, we absolutely oppose those who collaborate with the perpetrators and firmly stand with those who fight for justice and righteous. “Happy are those who do not follow the advice of the wicked, or take the path that sinners tread, or sit in the seat of scoffers; but their delight is in the law of the Lord, and on his law they meditate day and night. They are like trees planted by streams of water, which yield their fruit in its season, and their leaves do not wither. In all that they do, they prosper. The wicked are not so, but are like chaff that the wind drives away. Therefore the wicked will not stand in the judgment, nor sinners in the congregation of the righteous for the Lord watches over the way of the righteous, but the way of the wicked will perish. (Psalm 1, NRSV)..."
Source/publisher: Independent Catholics for Justice in Myanmar
2021-12-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-24
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Description: "(၂၃.၁၂.၂၁) နေ့တွင် ကာဒီနယ်ချားစ်ဘိုနှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် မင်းအောင်လှိုင်နှင့်အဖွဲ့တွေ့ဆုံခြင်းအပေါ်ကက်သလစ်ဘာသာဝင်များအနေဖြင့် အင်မတန်ထိတ်လန့်တုန်လှုပ် ဝမ်းနည်းစိတ်ပျက် ရပါသည်။ ၎င်းတွေ့ဆုံခြင်းသည် မြန်မာပြည် ကက်သလစ် ဘာသာဝင်များအားလုံးနီးပါး၏ ဆန္ဒနှင့် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့်အတွက်ကြောင့်ဘာသာဝင်များကို ကိုယ်စားမပြုပါ။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီအား မည်သို့သော အကြောင်းပြချက်များအားဖြင့်ဖြစ်စေ အသိအမှတ်ပြုနေသော ကာဒီနယ်ချားစ်ဘို နှင့်တကွ မည်သည့်ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်/အဖွဲ့အစည်းကိုမဆို ICJM အနေဖြင့် ပြင်းထန်စွာ ရှုတ်ချပါသည်။ ယနေ့လုပ်ရပ်သည် အကြမ်းဖက်အာဏာသိမ်းချိန်ကာလမှစ၍ ယခုအချိန်အထိ မတရားသတ်ဖြတ်ဖမ်းဆီးခံခဲ့ရသူများနှင့်ဘုရားကျောင်းများ ဖျက်ဆီးခံခဲ့ရမှုအပေါ် မျက်နှာလွှဲကာ စော်ကားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်ဟု သတ်မှတ်ပါသည်။ ICJM သည် တရားမျှတမှုအတွက် ရပ်တည်သော အဖွဲ့အစည်းဖြစ်သည့်အလျှောက် မတရားမှုကိုကျူးလွန်နေသောသူများနှင့်ပူးပေါင်းနေသူများအား ချွင်းချက်မရှိ ဆန့်ကျင်ပြီး တရားမျှတမှုအတွက် တော်လှန်တိုက်ပွဲဝင်နေကြသောသူများနှင့်အတူအမြဲ ရပ်တည်သွားမည်။ "မတရားသောသူတို့၏ တိုက်တွန်းခြင်း သို့ မလိုက်။ လူဆိုးတို့၏ လမ်းတွင်မရပ်မနေ၊ မထီမဲ့မြင် ပြုသောသူတို့၏ အစည်းအဝေး၌မထိုင်၊ ထာဝရဘုရား၏ တရားတော်၌ မွေ့လျော်၍ တရားတော်ကို နေ့ညဉ့်မပြတ်ဆင်ခြင် အောက်မေ့သောသူသည် မင်္ဂလာရှိ၏။ မတရားသောသူတို့မူကား ထိုကဲ့သို့ မဟုတ်။ လေတိုက်၍ လွင့်သော ဖွဲနှင့်တူကြ၏။ ထို့ကြောင့် တရားဆုံး ဖြတ်တော်မူရာကာလ၌ မတရားသောသူတို့သည် မတည်မနေရကြ။ ဖြောင့်မတ်သောသူတို့၏ အပေါင်းအသင်းထဲသို့ လူဆိုးတို့သည် မဝင်ရကြ။ အကြောင်းမူကား ဖြောင့်မတ်သောသူတို့၏ လမ်းကို ထာဝရဘုရားသိကျွမ်းတော်မူ၏။ မတရားသော သူတို့၏လမ်းသည် ဆုံးရှုံးခြင်း သို့ ရောက်ရလိမ့်သတည်း။( ဆာလံ-၁)"..."
Source/publisher: Independent Catholics for Justice in Myanmar
2021-12-23
Date of entry/update: 2021-12-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Protests have continued in Myanmar, more than five months after the Myanmar military junta seized power in a coup on 1st February 2021 and arrested the civilian leaders of the national and state governments. According to the latest data from human rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), as of 20th July 2021, 922 individuals have been confirmed killed by the military and a total of 5,315 people are currently in detention. The military junta has also continued its attacks against ethic armed organisations and the People’s Defence Forces (PDF) in various regions including in Kayah and Mon states, Kachin and Shan, Chin and Rakhine states, leaving at least 230,000 civilians displaced as of 24th June 2021. The People's Defence Forces formed by the underground National Unity Government and aimed to protect civilians from security forces has been mobilised against the junta. On 19th June 2021, the UN General Assembly issued a resolution condemning the coup and demanding that the military “immediately stop all violence against peaceful demonstrators”. However, it stopped short of calling for a global arms embargo against Myanmar’s military, even as it took the rare step of urging member states to “prevent the flow of arms” into the country. It was approved by 119 countries, with 36 abstaining including China, Myanmar’s main ally. Only one country, Belarus, voted against it. It was sponsored by some 60 countries. Human rights groups have continued to call on the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo. On 26th June 2021, Pramila Patten, the U.N. special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence in conflict, described an “extremely concerning” pattern of sexual violence by Myanmar’s military. Patten focused particularly on reports of sexual violence against women in detention centres. On 7th July 2021, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews, called for the urgent formation of an “Emergency Coalition for the People of Myanmar” to stop what he described as the military junta’s “reign of terror” in the country. He added: “It could reduce the junta’s ability to attack its citizens, save the lives of those in acute crisis, and gain political leverage so that the crisis in Myanmar might come to a just and permanent conclusion”. Andrews highlighted the extreme human rights abuses committed by the junta, which he described as crimes against humanity. Various countries have continued to impose sanctions on the military junta. On 21st June 2021, the EU implemented new sanctions on top officials in Myanmar's ruling military junta, including travel bans and asset freezes on eight officials, and also targeted four "economic entities" tied to the Myanmar military. The UK also added three Myanmar economic entities to its sanctions list including a state-owned pearl firm and a timber company. The United States also imposed fresh sanctions on 3rd July 2021, on 22 individuals including four Myanmar government ministers. The sanctions target Myanmar’s minister of information Chit Naing, minister for investment Aung Naing Oo, labour and immigration minister Myint Kyaing, and Thet Thet Khine, the minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement. Three members of the powerful State Administrative Council were also hit with sanctions, as were 15 spouses and adult children of officials. On 8th June 2021, Japan's lower house adopted a resolution condemning the coup and urging the country to return to democracy. The resolution, adopted in a House of Representatives plenary session, described the military coup as an "act to trample on efforts and expectations for democratisation" and called on the Japanese government to "make full use of all diplomatic resources and every effort to realize" the restoration of democracy in Myanmar. However, the country has yet to impose sanctions. Human rights groups have continued to criticise ASEAN for its failure to address the human rights violations in Myanmar and for shielding the Myanmar military from international pressure and accountability. On 4th June 2021, a high-level delegation comprised of ASEAN Secretary-General Lim Jock Hoi and Erywan Pehin Yusof, the second minister for foreign affairs for Brunei, the current chair of ASEAN, met with coup leader and head of the Myanmar military authorities but reported little tangible progress. ASEAN members also tried to block a UN General Assembly draft resolution calling for a global arms embargo on the junta. In a positive development, the Human Rights Council (HRC) postponed the adoption of the outcomes of Myanmar’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR). This came after 414 Myanmar and international civil society organisations urged the HRC to postpone the session and reject the Myanmar military junta representatives at the UN Offices in Geneva and recognise the National Unity Government (NUG). Over the last month, the junta has targeted artists, medical workers, lawyers, LGBTIQ activists and their families, youths and others. Some have been sentenced for ‘incitement’ (Section 505a) and ‘unlawful assembly’ (Section 145) while others have been tortured or killed by the junta with impunity. Nearly half of the 87 journalists arrested by Myanmar’s junta in the five months since it staged a coup remain in detention. An investigation by the rights group Global Witness found that Facebook is promoting content that incites violence against Myanmar’s coup protesters and amplifies junta misinformation..."
Source/publisher: Civicus (Johannesburg)
2021-07-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင် နှင့် စစ်အာဏာရှင်အပေါင်းအပါ အားလုံးကို သျှမ်းပြည်ဖယ်ဒရယ်တပ်ဦး(SSLP/SSFF)က စစ်ကြေညာ..."
Source/publisher: Shan State Front for Federal
2021-07-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Telenor declares it will pull out of Myanmar and hand over its infrastructure to the M1 Group, a company on a UK advocacy group’s blacklist for its dealings with the military
Description: "Telecommunications provider Telenor announced on Thursday that it had entered into an agreement to sell its Myanmar operations to the M1 Group for US$105m. The agreement, which is pending regulatory approval, allows for M1 to acquire all of Telenor Myanmar’s licences, contracts, employees and customers. Sigve Brekke, president and CEO of the Norwegian company Telenor Group, said in a statement on Thursday that the company’s decision to leave Myanmar was based on the “increasingly challenging” context of working in the country in recent months. The announcement came days after the Telenor Group said it was considering pulling out of Myanmar. Following the February 1 military coup, Myanmar’s junta cut off mobile and internet connections nationwide and has continued to restrict access in a bid to stifle massive popular resistance to its rule. “We have evaluated all options and believe a sale of the company is the best possible solution in this situation,” Brekke said in the statement, adding that the sale to the M1 Group would “ensure continued operations.” Activist group Justice for Myanmar described the move as “a further nail in the coffin” for the “prospects for freedom of expression and the right to privacy in Myanmar,” which the group said had been destroyed in the attempted coup. “The lives of activists and journalists are put at even more risk from Telenor’s planned, irresponsible exit from Myanmar,” Justice for Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung told Myanmar Now, adding, “The people of Myanmar must now be more vigilant in regards to military surveillance and the weaponisation of telecommunications.” The M1 Group was founded and is run by Lebanon’s former prime minister, billionaire Najib Mikati, and his brother Taha Mikati and nephew Azmi Mikati. The Mikati family history, which includes corruption charges in Lebanon and a pattern of investing in telecoms infrastructure in authoritarian contexts, should be “alarming” to the people of Myanmar, Yadanar Maung said. M1 has been listed on the Burma Campaign UK’s “Dirty List” of companies with ties to the Myanmar military since August 2019. Director Mark Farmaner told Myanmar Now that M1 was included for being a major shareholder in Irrawaddy Green Towers, Ltd. (IGT)—the largest telecom towers company in Myanmar, founded in 2014—which also has links to telecoms provider Mytel, a joint venture with the military. In December 2020 it was announced that IGT would be sold to CVC Capital Partners Asia. However, the nearly $400m loan CVC Capital Partners Asia required for the acquisition was reportedly “put on hold” after Myanmar’s coup. “If M1 sold their interest in IGT, they would be removed from the list. They have not replied to our letters and emails,” Farmaner said. At least one member of M1’s leadership still serves on IGT’s board of directors, according to IGT’s website and its listing on the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration in Myanmar. During genocidal military operations against the Rohingya population of Rakhine State in August 2017, eyewitnesses reported that a tower constructed by IGT and leased to Telenor was used by Myanmar army soldiers as a sniper post from which to shoot fleeing Rohingya villagers in Alethankyaw, Maungdaw Township. Telenor is one of four telecommunications operators in Myanmar and has around 18 million subscribers. It entered the market in 2014, when the military-backed government first allowed foreign investment in the industry. The company wrote off the value of its Myanmar operation—once $782m—in May, saying the worsening security and human rights situation in the country showed “limited prospects of improvement.” ..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-07-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Myanmar’s junta reserves its worst treatment for prisoners who challenge its right to rule, according to those recently freed
Description: "Imprisoned activists opposed to the February 1 military takeover are being treated worse than convicted criminals, according to detainees who were released last week. Myanmar’s prison population has swollen since the coup due to the regime’s efforts to crush resistance to its rule. While hundreds rounded up over the past five months were freed last Wednesday, thousands more remain behind bars. Among them are many activists, university students, and members of the National League of Democracy (NLD) charged with incitement under Section 505a of the Penal Code. While they continue to endure harsh conditions in prison, well-connected criminals are treated very differently, former detainees told Myanmar Now. Nanda Marlar, a notorious fraudster convicted of cheating dozens of people out of millions of dollars, is the most striking example of a prisoner with special privileges, they say. Unlike most others being held in Yangon’s dreaded Insein Prison, Nanda Marlar has an 8’x12’ room of her own, complete with a bed and mattress, an air-conditioner, a TV and a radio, said one ex-prisoner. As a VIP prisoner, she also enjoys real power within the prison’s walls, according to those familiar with her circumstances. “She’s not afraid of anyone. Basically, she bullies everyone else in there,” said a recently released detainee who asked not to be identified. Meanwhile, prominent prisoners who have made a name for themselves by contributing to society are deprived of even basic necessities. Than Myint Aung, an author and cofounder of the Free Funeral Service Society, one of Myanmar’s most respected charities, was arrested on the day of the coup and still languishes in Insein Prison today. According to her daughter, who spoke to the BBC on June 30, she spent more than a month in an interrogation centre at the start of her incarceration. Now in her late sixties, she has a number of health issues, including cataracts in her left eye and deafness in her right ear. Despite this, however, the authorities have yet to respond to a request to allow her to receive healthcare. Myanmar Now attempted to contact the Department of Prisons for comment on Than Myint Aung’s situation, and about prison conditions in general, but did not receive a reply. Political prisoners in other parts of the country are not treated any better. Win Mya Mya, a veteran politician who was elected to the Pyitthu Hluttaw last year as the NLD’s candidate for Sintgaing Township in Mandalay Region, is currently being held in Mandalay’s Obo Prison. While she is confined to a small cell with a few other political prisoners, no such restrictions are placed on common criminals, said one woman who was a prisoner there until last week. “We who were detained under Section 505a face brutal oppression, but convicted criminals are free to come and go [around the prison] as they please,” the woman said. “They are allowed to keep personal possessions and have better privileges than any of us. They can move around whenever they want, while we were always locked up,” she added. What really disappointed her, she said, was the fact that some of the criminals she met in prison had committed very serious offenses, such as human trafficking and drug smuggling. Their relatively lenient treatment, when even political prisoners quite advanced in age were routinely subjected to torture, made a mockery of rule of law in the country, she said. Officials at Obo Prison declined to respond to requests for comment. While a number of journalists were among those released on Wednesday, most well-known activists and political figures are still being held pending trial. Of the hundreds of detained student council members, only one—Bhone Htet Naung, an education officer with the Yangon University Student Council—was released. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), the junta is still holding more than 5,000 people in custody for resisting the return to military rule. As of Monday, a total of 892 Myanmar citizens have been murdered by the junta since the military seized power, according to AAPP figures..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-07-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar has been embroiled in decades of internal warfare. It is a country, though vast in resources and diversity, has been oppressed by authoritarian leaders who have squandered political dissent in exchange for more power and profit. Victims of human rights violations across Myanmar’s 70-year civil war have not received reparations. Before and after the failed coup, junta soldiers continue to brutally crackdown on peaceful protesters. They are also responsible for arbitrarily arresting and detaining civilians, torturing them, killing them and committing acts of sexual violence against young women and girls. Moreover, shelling in ethnic areas is ongoing, which has resulted in widespread internal displacement. The coup by the military has only exacerbated brewing conflict in the borderlands as the junta’s quest for power and control has blinded them from justice and meaningful reforms. Moreover, the perpetrators must be brought to justice. Displacement is rampant and widespread in Myanmar as intensified clashes between the Tatmadaw and armed groups force thousands to flee. The establishment of various People’s Defense Forces (PDF) in ethnic areas left civilians with no other choice but to take up arms in self-defense. Junta security forces have been relentless in their offensives, particularly in civilian areas. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has put internal displacement in Myanmar at over 330,000.[1] Yet, the junta continues to block aid and urgently needed supplies to displaced groups. This short briefing paper will detail the impacts on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in ethnic areas of Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah and Shan States from 1 May to 15 June and make strong recommendations to the international community to put an end to decades of entrenched military impunity, which has contributed to prolonged conflict. It is based on accounts from local and international media, and from reports and briefing papers from ND-Burma members.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ဆယ်စုနှစ်နှင့်ချီသည့် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ပြဿနာနှင့် ငြိတွယ်ခဲ့ရသည်။ သယံဇာတ အမျိုး မျိုးထွက်ရှိသော်လည်း နိုင်ငံရေးအရ သဘောထားကွဲသူများအပေါ် ဖိနှိပ်ပြီး အာဏာနှင့် အကျိုးအမြတ် ကိုသာကြည့်သည့် ဖိနှိပ်အုပ်ချုပ်သော အာဏာရှင်ခေါင်းဆောင်များအောက် ကျရောက်ခဲ့ရသည်။ စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်း ထိန်းချုပ်စဥ်အတွင်း မတရားဖမ်းဆီး ထိန်းသိမ်းခံရသူ၊ ပျောက်ဆုံးသွားသူများ၊ ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခံရသူများနှင့် အသတ်ခံရသူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် ပြန်လည်ကုစားပေးလျော်မှု တစုံတရာ မရှိဘဲ ဆက်လက်ကျူးလွန်နေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆိုးရွားလာစေပြီး စစ်တပ်က လိုချင်တပ်မက်သည့် အာဏာနှင့် ချုပ်ကိုင်လိုမှုက တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသည့် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို ဖုံးအုပ်သွားစေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကြောင့် စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုနှင့် ကြီးစိုးလွှမ်းမိုးမှုအောက် ပြန်ရောက်သွားမည်ကို အထူးစိုး ရိမ်ကြသည်။ စစ်တပ်နှင့် လက်နက်ကိုင်တပ်ဖွဲ့များကြား ပြင်းထန်သည့် တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် အရပ်သား များ ထောင်နှင့်ချီ၍ ထွက်ပြေးရသည့် ပြောင်းရွှေ့မှုများ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ဖြစ်ပွားလာသည်။ ပြည်သူ့ ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (PDF) များ ဖွဲ့စည်းလာကြခြင်းက ပြည်သူလူထုသည် စစ်တပ်ကို မဖြစ်မနေ လက် နက်ကိုင်၍ ခုခံကာကွယ်ရန် အခြေအနေသို့ တွန်းပို့ခြင်းခံရ၍ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာရှင်တပ်များ၏ စစ်ဆင်မှုများတွင် အထူးသဖြင့် ပြည်သူလူထုနေထိုင်ရာ ရပ်ရွာများတွင် အညှာအတာကင်းမဲ့စွာ တိုက်ခိုက်ကြသည်။ ကုလသမဂ္ဂ လူသားချင်း စာနာထောက်ထားမှုဆိုင်ရာ ညှိနှိုင်းရေးရုံး (OCHA) က မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးနေရသူ ၃၃၀,၀၀၀[1] ကျော်ရှိသည်ဟု ထုတ်ပြန်ထားသည်။ သို့သော် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုက ထွက်ပြေးရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေရသူများအား အကူအညီနှင့် အရေးပေါ် လိုအပ်ချက်များ မပေးပို့နိုင်စေရန် ပိတ်ဆို့ထားသည်။ ယခုစာတန်းငယ်တွင် မေလ ၁ ရက်မှ ဇွန်လ ၁၅ ရက်အထိ ချင်း၊ ကချင်၊ ကရင်၊ ကယားနှင့် ရှမ်းပြည် နယ်တို့ရှိ စစ်ပြေးဒုက္ခသည်များ အပေါ် သက်ရောက်သည့် အခြေအနေများအား ဖော်ပြထားပြီး ခိုင်မာစွာ အမြစ်တွယ်နေသည့် စစ်တပ်၏ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခြင်းမှ ကင်းမဲ့နေသည့် ဓလေ့အား အဆုံးသတ်စေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝန်းအား အားကောင်းသည့် အကြံပြုချက်များ ပါဝင်သည်။ အပြစ်ပေးအရေးယူခြင်း ကင်းမဲ့နေမှုကြောင့် ကြာရှည်နေသည့် ပြည်တွင်းစစ်ဖြစ်ပေါ် စေပြီး လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအပေါ်လည်း စိန်ခေါ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများ ရှိနေသည်။ ယခုစာတန်းကို ပြည်တွင်း၊ ပြည်ပ သတင်းများနှင့် ND-Burma အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ၏ အစီရင်ခံစာများ စာတန်းငယ်များအပေါ် အခြေခံ ရေးသားထားခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
2021-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Widespread internal displacement is on the rise in conflict-torn Myanmar. Following the failed military coup on 1 February, civilians in rural and urban areas have been forced to abandon their homes as they flee junta violence. A new briefing paper by the Network for Human Rights Documentation – Burma (ND-Burma), ‘Destruction & Displacement: Civilian Safety and Security at Risk Post-Coup in Myanmar,’ condemns the failed military coup, which has exacerbated brewing conflict in the borderlands as the junta’s quest for power and control blinds them from justice and meaningful reforms. Since the coup, over a quarter of a million people have been forcibly displaced. Our members demand an end to military rule in Myanmar and for immediate consequences against the leaders of the regime who are responsible for crimes against humanity. ND-Burma’s latest briefing paper concludes that civilians are not safe anywhere in Myanmar. Junta security forces are acting with lawlessness as they evoke a culture of fear throughout the country. Civilians are being arrested and detained under draconian policies. While in detention, they are subject to torture, which has resulted in the death of several senior level officials. Women and young girls are subject to sexual violence. Meanwhile, conflict is being waged in urban and rural areas resulting in growing numbers of internal displacement. The junta is acting without a shed of humanity, as those in remote parts of the country who are starving and without life-saving necessities are denied humanitarian aid. The consequences of conflict have been carried by our communities for far too long. The current situation overall demands civilian security and livelihoods are preserved and protected, especially amid a raging pandemic. Victims deserve justice for the crimes that have been perpetrated against them prior to the coup, and after. Without such steps forward, the people in Myanmar will be forced to reconcile with a future that they do not deserve. They are entitled to prosperous futures which grant them security and safety. Further, the international community must hold the junta to account to ensure peace and democratic stability for all. Humanitarian aid organizations must be supported with the funding and resources needed to provide aid to their communities directly. Any facilitation of aid through the junta assumes recognition of the regime, which should not be legitimized. The preservation of basic human rights and freedoms must be upheld in Myanmar for the present and for the generations to come.....မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် တိုက်ပွဲများကြောင့် ပြည်တွင်း ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရမှုများ ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် ရှိနေသည်။ ဖေဖော်ဝါရီ ၁ရက် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့၏ အကြမ်းဖက် မှုမှ လွတ်မြောက်စေရန် တောရော မြို့ပါမကျန် ပြည်သူများသည် အိုးအိမ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးကြရ သည်။ လူ့အခွင့်အရေးမှတ်တမ်းကွန်ရက် (မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ) ND-Burma မှ ထုတ်ပြန်သည့် “ဖျက်ဆီးခံရ ခြင်းနှင့် ရွှေ့ပြောင်းခံရခြင်း။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်မှ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် လူထုဘဝလုံခြုံရေး အတွက် အာမခံမှုမရှိသည့် အန္တရာယ် အနေအထားတွင် ရောက်ရှိနေခြင်း” စာတန်းငယ်တွင် နယ်စပ်ဒေ သတလျှောက် တိုက်ပွဲများ ပြန်လည်ဆိုးရွားလာစေပြီး စစ်တပ်က လိုချင်တပ်မက်သည့် အာဏာနှင့် ချုပ်ကိုင်လိုမှုက တရားမျှတမှုနှင့် အဓိပ္ပါယ်ရှိသည့် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို မမြင်တွေ့နိုင်တော့လောက် အောင် ၄င်းတို့အား ဖုံးကွယ်သွားစေသည့် အာဏာသိမ်းမှုကို ပြစ်တင်ရှုံ့ချထားသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းပြီး ချိန်မှစ၍ တသန်း၏ လေးပုံတပုံကျော်သော လူဦးရမှာ အတင်းအကြပ် ထွက်ပြေး ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေရ သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် စစ်တပ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှု ရပ်ဆိုင်းရန်နှင့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ဆန့်ကျင်သည့် ပြစ်မှု ကျူးလွန်သူ စစ်အာဏာရှင် ခေါင်းဆောင်မျာအား ချက်ခြင်းအရေးယူရန် ကွန်ရက် အဖွဲ့ဝင် များက တောင်းဆိုထားသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် ပြည်သူများ မည်သည့်နေရာတွင် နေထိုင်စေကာမူ လုံခြုံမှုမရှိကြောင်း စာတန်း တွင် နိဂုံးချုပ်ထားသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်တပ်များက လူထုအတွင်း အကြောက်တရားလွှမ်းမိုးစေရန် ဥပဒေမဲ့ ကြမ်းတမ်းစွာ ဖြိုခွင်းပြကြသည်။ ထိန်းသိမ်းထားစဥ် ညှဥ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းကြောင့် ထိပ်ပိုင်း ခေါင်းဆောင်တချို့ သေဆုံးကြရသည်။ အမျိုးသမီးနှင့် မိန်းမပျိုလေးများမှာလည်း လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ခံရသည်။ တိုက်ပွဲများက ကျေးလက်တောရွာနှင့် မြို့ကြီး ပြကြီး မကျန် ဖြစ်ပွားနေသည့်အတွက် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာ ထွက်ပြေးရမှုများ အမြောက်အများ ဖြစ်နေသည်။ စစ်အာဏာရှင်များက လူသားချင်းစာနာ ထောက်ထားမှုမရှိစွာ ပြုကျင့်ကြသဖြင့် ဝေးလံခေါင်သီသည့် ဒေသများရှိ ပြည်သူများမှာ ငတ်မွတ်မှုနှင့် လိုအပ်သည့် အသက်ရှင် ရပ်တည် ရေး အကူအညီများမှာ ငြင်းပယ်ခံနေရသည်။ ပဋိပက္ခများ၏ အကျိုးဆက်များကို ရပ်ရွာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းက အချိန်ကြာမြင့်စွာ ထမ်းပိုးထားရသည်။ လက်ရှိအခြေအနေအရ ပြည်သူများ၏ဘ၀ လုံခြုံရေးနှင့် အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကျောင်းလုပ်ငန်းများကို အထူးသဖြင့် ယခုလို ကမ္ဘာ့ကပ်ရောဂါ ကာလအတွင်း ထိန်းသိမ်းစောင့်ရှောက် ကာကွယ်ပေးရမည် ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာမသိမ်းမီနှင့် အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသည့် နစ်နာသူများသည် ၄င်းတို့အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းမရှိ ပါက မြန်မာပြည်သူများသည် ၄င်းတို့ မလိုလားသည့် အနာဂတ်နှင့် အတင်းအကြပ် ပေါင်းစပ်ပေး ခြင်း ခံရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ပြည်သူများ၏ ဘဝလုံခြုံ စိတ်ချမှုကို အာမခံသည့် စည်ပင်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးသော အနာဂတ်ကို ပိုင်ဆိုင်ခွင့်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် စစ်အာဏာရှင်များ ချိုးဖောက်ကျူးလွန်မှုများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ယန္တရားများမှ တဆင့် တာဝန်ယူ တာဝန်ခံမှုရှိစေရေးအတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝန်းမှ ဖိအားပေး ရမည်ဖြစ် သည်။ လူသားချင်းစာနာသည့် အကူအညီများပေးနေသော အဖွဲ့များအနေဖြင့် ၄င်းတို့၏ လူမှုအသိုင်းအ ဝိုင်းသို့ အကူအညီ အထောက်အပံ့များ တိုက်ရိုက် ပေးအပ်နိုင်ရမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ အကူအညီများပေးရန်အတွက် စစ်အာဏာရှင်တို့နှင့် ဆက်သွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ခြင်းဖြင့် ၄င်းတို့အား တရားဝင်အဖွဲ့အစည်းအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုရာရောက်သည့် လုပ်ဆောင်မှုများ မပြုလုပ်ရန်နှင့် လက်ရှိနှင့် အနာဂတ်မျိုးဆက်အတွက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အခြေခံလူ့အခွင့်အရေးနှင့် လွတ်လပ်ခွင့်များကို ထိန်းသိမ်းမြှင့်တင်ပေးရမည်။..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation - Burma
2021-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-21
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Sub-title: Dozens of protesters, including women and young students, were subjected to brutal treatment following a crackdown on Tuesday
Description: "“They took turns, beating us relentlessly. We couldn’t stay on our knees for long. Every time we fell, they would start beating on us again. So many of us were beaten up,” said a 30-year-old man from Myeik, in southern Myanmar’s Tanintharyi region. The man is one of more than 70 protesters arrested during anti-coup demonstrations in Myeik on Tuesday. He recalled how soldiers and police closed in on them from both ends of D street in the city’s Kat Thit ward at around 9am. There were around 45 men and 25 women in the group, he said, ranging in age from their early teens to their thirties. All of the men were whipped repeatedly with strips of iron or beaten with wooden rods. Some were even hit with heavy chains, he said. Photos received by Myanmar Now showed the extent of the damage inflicted on them: their backs, buttocks and chests were covered with painful-looking injuries. While they were being tortured in this way, the protesters were also forced to sing the famous anti-dictatorship anthem “Kabar Ma Kyay Buu” over and over again and repeat protest slogans. “They said, ‘What is it you chant and sing in marches and protests? How many fingers do you hold up?’ and beat us up. Anyone with a tattoo of Amay Suu was treated even worse,” he said, referring to Aung San Suu Kyi, long regarded as the leader of Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement. “And they said, ‘You called us military dogs. Well, military dogs bite.’ And they just kept beating us,” the man said. Around 10 soldiers made the men take off their shirts, put their hands behind their heads, and kneel down for one long, continuous session of beatings. “If we raised our heads, they’d tell us to keep it down. They were afraid we’d see their faces. We kept falling down because we couldn’t stay on our knees while we were being beaten up. We were in a line and they would go back and forth, beating us constantly while we were in the room,” he said. Of those arrested, only one woman who was injured by a rubber bullet was taken to a military hospital, while the rest were transported to the air force base near Myeik airport to be brutally tortured. The majority of those arrested were students, who received the same treatment as the adults, even though the Myeik police told the soldiers not to be so hard on them, another detainee told Myanmar Now following his release. “When we were arrested, there were police from Myeik who told the soldiers not to beat up the students. But the soldiers beat them anyway, saying that this was what they had come here all the way from Naypyitaw for,” he said. One arrested woman said the youth protesters were arrested after soldiers fired guns inside the houses they ran into to escape the crackdown. Another woman who had been hiding inside a house said soldiers kicked down a door to get in and shot her repeatedly with rubber bullets from just three feet away. “They kicked the door open, aimed and shot me twice in the neck,” she wrote on her Facebook page. “The bastards even arrested the homeowners,” she added. “When they arrested the girls, they said, ‘We can do whatever we want with you. We can jail you for six months,’” one of detained girls told Myanmar Now. “They hit one girl with the butt of a gun. She got four stitches. And another girl was kicked in the face. It’s all swollen up,” she said, adding that they were also taunted for their age. “They said, ‘You’re pretty young. Do you even know what democracy is?’ And when we were released, the soldiers said, ‘Young people have nothing to do with politics. If you are involved again, we will put you in jail,’” the girl said. “Once I recover, I’ll continue to protest wherever I can. We can’t lose this battle or give up,” said added defiantly. “From the start of this dictatorship, they’ve done whatever they wanted to do. The law is whatever they say it is. I loathe this system. Even the internet is restricted. Not even Covid was this bad. The dictatorship is way worse,” she said. According to the girl, around half of the detained protesters—29 men and six women—are still in custody and have been sentenced to one month in prison without charges. However, Myanmar Now was unable to confirm the exact number of protesters who were arrested or how many remain in custody. Among the arrested, some have been sent to Myeik prison. Others were released after they were bailed out by their parents, teachers, or ward administrators. “We had to sign a release saying that we wouldn’t do this again. They said if we’re arrested again, all they will return to our families is our bodies,” said one man who vowed to continue fighting after he had recovered from his injuries. “Once you get arrested, they will beat you up. Hard. They have no humanity,” he said. “They can be so inhumane because they have weapons. We had to put our heads down because we don’t have weapons. I will never forgive and forget. My own parents have never hit me this much, this relentlessly. I’ve only seen this kind of torture in movies before. This is terrible. I’m not okay with it at all and we must win this revolution,” he added..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-03-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The violence used by Myanmar's armed forces against unarmed opponents since the coup in February has shocked the world; more than 800 people have been killed, most by military gunfire. But the deaths in custody of two officials from the National League of Democracy - the party led by Aung San Suu Kyi - have cast an even grimmer light on the military's actions. On Saturday, 6 March, cities across Myanmar were on edge. Three days earlier they had experienced what had then been the most violent day since the coup in February - with the UN recording the deaths of 38 people. The army had seized power on 1 February, after claiming - without evidence - that a previous election which saw the NLD gain power was fraudulent. Ms Suu Kyi and senior leaders were put under house arrest - triggering waves of protest against the military. For the first three weeks the military had seemed unsure how to respond to the protests. But by the end of February they were using increasing levels of lethal force. By the first week of March, it was clear there would be no restraint. The historic downtown neighbourhood of Pabedan in central Yangon, with its narrow alleys between crumbling colonial buildings, had seen plenty of drama. That week, activists had built barricades in some streets to keep out the security forces, and there had been several clashes. Pabedan has a diverse population, with a large number of Muslim residents and eight mosques in the township. In last year's general election, Sithu Maung, one of only two Muslim candidates fielded by NLD won the parliamentary seat there. His campaign manager was Khin Maung Latt, a veteran NLD activist who had moved to Pabedan many years before and lived with the family of a Buddhist lawyer. He co-owned a tour company, had run a video rental shop, and had been active in the NLD since 1988, becoming the chairman of his local branch. He was a well-known and well-liked member of the community. "He was very religious and prayed five times a day," Sithu Muang told the BBC from where he is now hiding from the military. "But people from all faiths loved him. He did a lot for the community, like making new green spaces for children to play in. He was very important to the NLD.".....An unknown cause of death: Khin Maung Latt was at home with his adopted family when police and soldiers arrived shortly after 21:00 local time (14:30 GMT). The soldiers were identified by neighbours as members of the 77th Light Infantry Division, a unit notorious for human rights abuses. According to Ko Tun Kyi, a friend of Khin Maung Latt, the soldiers were actually looking for U Maung Maung, a lawyer who was more senior in the NLD and who had already gone into hiding. Instead, they broke into Khin Maung Latt's home, he says, and dragged him out, kicking and hitting him. Ko Tun Kyi believes Khin Maung Latt was then taken to Yangon City Hall, one of the first buildings to be commandeered after the coup. Early the next morning, Khin Maung Latt's family received a phone call from police telling them to come and collect his body from a military hospital in northern Yangon. They were told there that he had fainted, and that they should inform people he had suffered a heart attack. But the family insists that the 58-year-old was in good health and had no known illnesses. They say his body showed signs of multiple wounds on it, and was covered in a blood-soaked cloth. The body had been cut open and then sewn up in what may have been an autopsy, but the family has been given no official report on the cause of death. He was buried later that day in a Muslim ceremony. The US-based human rights organisation Physicians for Human Rights has examined the evidence, including photographs of Khin Maung Latt's body. While it is unable to make any definitive judgements, it has concluded that the cause of death given by the military authorities is implausible, and that he is most likely to have died from "homicidal violence" while in custody. Ko Tun Kyi believes he was deliberately killed. He was detained less than ten hours before his family was informed of his death; it was not the result of prolonged torture. "I was once jailed and interrogated, so I know how they get information out of you. Maybe they believed he was connected to the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) - the rival government supported by the opposition," he said. "Maybe they were trying to get information about what the NLD is planning, or where activists were hiding?".....'His intestines had come out': But the theory that the military was targeting Aung San Suu Kyi's party was given more weight two days later, by the death of another NLD official, Zaw Myat Lynn. He was far more prominent in the opposition movement than Khin Maung Latt - and his treatment appears to have been a lot more brutal. Zaw Myat Lynn was the 46-year-old director of a new vocational college in the industrial district of Shwe Pyi Thar - one of several opened under the NLD government. He was also a dedicated NLD activist, and right after the coup he was chosen to be the local representative of the CRPH. In the days before he was captured, he posted stirring messages on his Facebook page, calling on the residents to keep up their revolutionary struggle against the military, who he referred to as "dogs" and "terrorists". "Zaw Myat Lynn was a political powerhouse," an NLD official from the same township, who is now in hiding and cannot be named, told the BBC. "He was a superb speaker. He was the only person from our township who was able to unite people and lead the post-coup demonstrations. He was the one who persuaded employees from various government offices to join the civil disobedience movement." The official remembers joining him and his students at a protest on 8 March. "He didn't appear to be worried in the least," he says. "He even offered to have me stay with him at his school, claiming that it was too dangerous for me to be outside on the streets." That evening Zaw Myat Lynn returned to the college with some of his students. Shortly before 02:00, soldiers broke through the gate of the college. The students told their teacher to escape by climbing over the back wall. Seven of them were arrested; at the time no-one was sure what had happened to Zaw Myat Lynn. At 15:00, his wife, Daw Phyu Phyu Win, received a call from a local official in Shwe Pyi Thar telling her that her husband was dead, and that she could see his body - which was at the same military hospital where Khin Maung Latt's family had been. They found him badly bruised. His belly had been cut open by a long, horizontal incision, and she said his intestines had come out. She was shown a large wound in his back. The official state media reported that he had fallen backwards onto two inches of steel pipe while climbing out of the back of his school. It warned that severe action would be taken against anyone giving alternative accounts of his death. The Physicians for Human Rights doctor who examined photographs of the corpse concluded that the official explanation lacked credibility. The horizontal cut across the belly was inconsistent with any autopsy incision, he said. The torso had also been cut vertically for what may have been an autopsy. The massive bruising on both sides of Zaw Myat Lynn's torso was also inconsistent with the official account that he had fallen while escaping. These injuries were much more likely to have been inflicted on him by his captors. The PHR doctor could draw no definite conclusions from the hideous injuries to his head. Zaw Myat Lynn's face was badly disfigured by the time of his funeral. However, the PHR doctor believes this may be due to decomposition. The military authorities would not allow his wife to take the body until the day of his funeral, and it took her three days to arrange it. The body appears to have been left unrefrigerated. It is hard to know why these two officials were subjected to such terrible torture, which from all the evidence appears to be what killed them. The military junta has said little to justify its brutal treatment of those who oppose its coup. The BBC has asked the spokesman for the junta to respond to the PHR report, but at the time of publication had not received one....A brutal track record: The military has a track record of treating victims in Myanmar in ways that suggests that they were unlawfully killed. Bodies are dragged away from the scene in military trucks - usually no attempt is made to give first aid to those who might still be alive. Some families have been blocked from recovering the bodies of relatives, which are cremated by the military authorities with no sign of an investigation into how they died. Most bodies are returned with signs of torture and extensive autopsy work, but no credible or independent report provided to explain how they died. The Association to Assist Political Prisoners in Burma, which has for many years documented abuses by the security forces, identifies 75 people missing from the turmoil following the coup, with 23 of those confirmed as disappeared, presumed dead. Brutality and unaccountability have always been problems in the treatment of dissidents by the authorities in Myanmar; but they have become far worse since the coup. In this case, neither man was a significant figure in national politics. It is possible that the decision to treat them that way was made solely by the military units which detained them, perhaps inflamed by local or personal grievances, perhaps just in the heat of the moment. An instilled hatred of politicians might also have been a factor. Myanmar's security forces have been habitually violent in their treatment of detainees for decades, and very rarely held to account. But the NLD official believes Zaw Myat Lynn was killed in this way to send a message. "I believe they reasoned that by executing [him] in such a terrible manner, they would instil fear in the people, causing them to retreat."..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2021-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Lux et veritas. Light and truth. These are the words proudly emblazoned on the banners that adorn Yale’s New Haven buildings, stamped in the seals imprinted in the diplomas we earn after graduating, guiding us during the years we pore through books and listen to lectures, always to learn more, to do better, to thrive for the most. I went to Yale for my undergraduate studies where I took classes on conflict resolution and was mentored by pre-eminent academics in understanding root causes and patterns of genocide. I tried to understand how and why people commit mass atrocities, and what political and social forces enable them. I believed that the more we study atrocities, the more we can do to prevent them. I have since realized that a key element in the enablement of mass atrocities is the mobilization of financial resources that powers and legitimizes oppressive regimes. I’ve been dismayed to see a representative of a Yale-founded institution linked to the funding of the Myanmar military. Here is a truth: in 2011, Kay Kuok Oon Kwong, the Director of Shangri-La Hotel Limited and niece of Malaysia’s richest man, was announced as the Chair of the Yale-NUS Governing Board. Yale-NUS was jointly founded by Yale and NUS in 2011 and Yale-NUS graduates join the ranks of the Yale Alumni Association as international affiliates. When Kuok joined the Governing Board, she was also the Director of the Trader Square Group (a subsidiary of Shangri-La Asia), which signed a land lease agreement with the Quartermaster General, an office of the Myanmar military under the Ministry of Defense. The land lease agreement was to develop an office tower and retail mall, Sule Square, in Yangon. As the Director, Kuok was responsible for overseeing the agreement. The following year, in a public ceremony, Kuok thanked the Quartermaster General for leasing the land. In October 2017, the Sule Square development was opened, with Kuok present at the ceremony. Myanmar’s Quartermaster General plays a key role in managing the military’s business, and is responsible for purchasing arms and for Ministry of Defense budget requests to the Parliament. Due to its role in managing supplies and budgets, it is responsible for managing leasing arrangements for military-owned land across the country. The defense budget, managed by the Quartermaster General, is used to fund the purchase of weapons and military supplies, such as a missile director system, that in turn has been used to commit genocide against the Rohingya and vast crimes against humanity against ethnic groups in Myanmar. Kuok’s opening ceremony of the Sule Square took place 2 months after the Rohingya clearance operations committed by the Myanmar military, which, in September 2017 alone, resulted in the deaths of at least 6,700 Rohingya, followed by the exodus of 742,000 Rohingya to Bangladesh and the internal displacement of over 130,000 Rohingya. In December 2019, the Myanmar military was brought to the International Court of Justice for genocidal acts against the Rohingya. Here is some light: By leasing land from and engaging in business with the Myanmar military, Kuok is directly contributing to the financing of the military, which may amount to aiding and abetting the commission of their international crimes. The UN Fact Finding Mission on Myanmar in 2019 examined the military’s sources of revenue that “enhances its ability to carry out gross violations of human rights with impunity”. The report assessed how the military uses its own businesses in addition to foreign companies to support military operations. The Mission examined military owned businesses, such as MEC and MEHL, and named Shangri-La’s land lease in its report. It found that “any foreign business involving the Tatmadaw poses a high risk of contributing to or being linked to violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law”. It recommended that foreign businesses sever ties with the Myanmar military to ensure they were not complicit in crimes against humanity. The Mission stated it “puts companies on further and effective notice of the human rights implications that arise from maintaining business connections with the Tatmadaw”. Yet Kuok continued to maintain her business with the Myanmar military, paying likely significant amounts in land leasing that go directly to the Myanmar army. Although the exact terms of the Sule Square land lease are unknown, a different shopping and hotel complex in Yangon brings in about $20 million a year to the military. On February 1 2021, the Myanmar military attempted a coup d’etat and has escalated its crimes nationwide, which, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, almost certainly amount to crimes against humanity. The violence since the coup is part of a continuation of decades of extreme violence perpetuated against ethnic and religious minorities, including the Rohingya. Over the 3 months since the coup, the Myanmar military has killed over 780 people, including over 40 children, arbitrarily imprisoned over 3800 people, internally displaced 50,000 individuals, and has injured and tortured countless others. There is video evidence of men being burnt alive, rescue workers and doctors being shot and abducted for helping the injured, and the bodies of the murdered being held for ransom by military soldiers, depriving families of closure. Many activists, politicians, ordinary people who are holding on to hope for a future free of repression and fear are on the run. Yet they continue to fight for their rights, and they demand that, at the very least, the international community stop providing the military with the finances to brutalize them. Given the escalation of violence since the coup, various companies have been assessing their business connections to the military more seriously. The Singapore Stock Exchange (SGX) has announced suspension of trading of ETC, a company that is involved in leasing land from the Quartermaster General. Civil society organizations, including Human Rights Watch, sent a submission to the UN Working Group on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Businesses inquiring into the land lease agreements of Japanese businesses with the Quartermaster General. Kuok’s tenants, Coca Cola and McKinsey & Company, stated they would terminate their lease from the Sule Square office, and Reuters and the World Bank Group stated they were reviewing their plans. And while this is happening, Kuok, the Chair of the Yale-NUS Governing Board, allegedly continues her business with the Myanmar’s military junta. The Governing Board of Yale-NUS provides “oversight of the College and its development and management,” and is responsible for overseeing the operations and establishing policies for the college. As the Chair of the Governing Board, Kuok thus plays a very important role in the strategic direction of the college, which makes it all the more paramount to assess whether and how her business interests might be impacting the college. In particular, although Yale-NUS’ spokesperson Jeannie Tay Meow Sein has stated that Kuok’s business affairs are distinct from her role on the Governing Board, Kuok’s role raises questions about whether Yale-NUS is receiving donations from her, and whether these donations are tainted with the carnage of the Myanmar military. It raises the question overall about the finances of Yale-NUS, and where these finances come from. There were concerns from students and professors about Yale extending its outreach to Singapore due to limits on freedom of expression in the country, nonetheless Yale established Yale-NUS and continues to play an ancillary role in the school. Yale’s mission states that it is “committed to improving the world today and for future generations”. Yale President Peter Salovey, who sits on the Governing Board of Yale-NUS, has written that “the country and the world need the very best from Yale – right now”. The best cannot entail doing business with a murderous regime. As one of the founders of Yale-NUS, it is past time that Yale shed light and truth on its school in Singapore, conduct a thorough investigation into Kuok’s business affairs in Myanmar, and assess whether she is representing or compromising Yale’s mission to improve the world..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2021-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Summary: Myanmar, also known as Burma, has suffered decades of repressive military rule, poverty due to years of isolationist economic policies, and civil war with ethnic minority groups. The transfer to civilian leadership in 2011 spurred hopes of democratic reforms. But the military maintained control over parts of the government, and security forces began a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya. The military launched a coup in February 2021, announcing a yearlong state of emergency and arresting opposition figures, including de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and civil society activists.....Introduction: Throughout its decades of independence, Myanmar has struggled with military rule, civil war, isolation from global affairs, and widespread poverty. In 2011, the military junta dissolved, giving way to a military-installed transitional government and ushering in what many believed would be a new era for the Southeast Asian nation. The country’s longtime opposition party—the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi—won majorities in both chambers of parliament in 2015, and some foreign governments and companies that had previously shunned Myanmar began developing ties with it. But the military, known as the Tatmadaw, has continued to dominate many aspects of domestic affairs. Military and civilian leaders, including Suu Kyi, have also faced international condemnation for ongoing human rights abuses and brutal violence against Rohingya Muslims in the western state of Rakhine, which a UN report said were committed with “genocidal intent.” In February 2021, the military staged a coup and officially retook control, dashing hopes for democratic progress..."
Source/publisher: Council on Foreign Relations (New York)
2021-02-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "H.E.Dr Sasa urgently appeals for strong actions and prayers H.E. Dr Sasa urgently appeals to the international communities and the responsible Governments around the world to pray for and make immediate actions and intervention efforts to end this senseless killing of civilians in Myanmar, destruction of Churches and targeting of already oppressed and marginalized ethnic communities, and to help and support the brave people of Kayah and of Myanmar overcome this brutal reign of terror by the junta ‘SAC’ forces and restore democracy, human rights, and freedom to ALL, and build "A new future in a New Myanmar where a Federal Democratic Union flourishes; and all the people of Myanmar, regardless of ethnic backgrounds, religion, race, culture or gender will be equals.” We have been doing everything we can around the clock, and now we need the support, recognition, actions and intervention from the international communities before more innocent civilians are slaughtered. Myanmar will forever be an ally, friend and partner of all those who help us during this darkest hour of our history..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2021-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The Tatmadaw, Myanmar's powerful army, controls every aspect of its soldiers' lives. And those who leave pay a heavy price. DW spoke to three defectors.
Description: "As he witnessed the brutal crackdown on unarmed civilians protesting the army's takeover, the young lieutenant felt increasingly disgusted. Soon after, he left without saying goodbye to his parents, fleeing the country first on motorbike and then on foot, aided across the border by local villagers. Along the way, he stuck to smaller roads, carefully avoiding checkpoints and detection. For if caught, he knew he would pay a heavy price for his desertion: In Myanmar, army defectors are usually sentenced to death — which is then commuted to life in prison, as the death penalty has not been carried out in over three decades. That could, however, change as the army faces opposition within its ranks to its power grab.....Rare insight into Myanmar's military: The lieutenant is one of three defectors DW has spoken to in recent weeks, exchanging almost daily messages with them. The man, who peppers his messages with laughing emojis, is in hiding in India. The other two, both high-ranking officers, are on the run in Myanmar, moving from one safe house to the next. Their accounts provide rare insight into an otherwise opaque institution that is known for committing gross human rights violations against its own citizens — and shows the army's stranglehold on soldiers' lives, minds and, DW has learned, also finances. The interviews were conducted via messenger apps, including patchy video and audio calls, given that the army's ongoing internet crackdown hampers most communication with the outside world. DW has not been able to independently verify their accounts, but the interviews corroborate each other in key aspects. In two cases, military identification cards were shown. Their identities are not disclosed in this report due to fears for the defectors and their families' safety.....'Every move monitored': The three men describe a cloistered, strictly controlled life, based on a stringent, overarching hierarchy. Soldiers, they say, are required to live on army bases and are only allowed to leave if granted permission by superiors. The army dictates what soldiers and their families "wear, say and believe in, even how to decorate your home," one man said. "They can check your house at any moment," he added. The wives of soldiers, he explains, are not allowed to wear the color red, which is associated with Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), or spout any other political symbols. "Everything is monitored," says another defector, who was deliberate with each word used to recount his experience. "They want to turn people into robots, who don't think (for themselves)." A monitoring team within the army using Facebook, all three sources say, watches over soldiers and their families' activities, scrutinizing every single like, share and post. Soldiers, one defector says, have to hand over their log-in details for Facebook, including sign-up phone numbers. "If people post political things, they can be arrested and put in jail for three or four weeks," one defector tells DW. Another says that soldiers have been denied promotions after sharing social media posts criticizing the leadership of the Tatmadaw — as Myanmar's military is known — or voicing support for the NLD party. One man recalls taking part in a training course a few years ago, where officers were shown how to tap into CCTV and intercept phone calls using Russian and Chinese technology — although he did not know the extent of surveillance. Low-ranking soldiers, one defector says, were treated "like slaves," with their wives forced to clean high-ranking officers' homes without pay. Another said he had witnessed a superior asking the wife of a low-ranking soldier to give him a massage. He says the woman acquiesced, knowing that refusing could have negative repercussions for her husband.....Anti-Muslim propaganda: According to DW's three sources, soldiers are fed a steady stream of propaganda that views the Tatmadaw as the guardian of the embattled Buddhist nation of Myanmar. The enemies, according to this propaganda, are made up of a shadowy cabal of Muslims, Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD party, who are bent on destroying the Buddhist country. It's an ideology that has been forged in a decades-long, at times brutal battle against a myriad of ethnic insurgencies that have been fighting for independence from the Burmese majority and, at times, each other. In Myanmar, a state with 135 different ethnic groups, where roughly 90% of the population adheres to Buddhism, politics and religion are closely interwoven. Generals have long built pagodas, erected Buddha statues, and paid homage to influential monks to legitimize their claim to power as a unifying force. Anti-Muslim sentiments are widespread, which the Tatmadaw is adept at exploiting for political capital. And this anti-Muslim, Buddhism-first propaganda is instilled into soldiers of all ranks. Soldiers, one source says, are being "brainwashed" into buying the army's worldview. Another said while he did not believe the propaganda, he did not speak out against it, for fear of being punished. One defector recalled how he had been verbally abused when he dared to question the narrative that Rohingya — a Muslim minority long denied full citizenship rights — were "terrorists" bent on destroying the country and that they had no place in Myanmar. One of the men, who, like many officers hails from a military family and had grown up on an army base, said that he had long believed the Tatmadaw's propaganda: When friends dared to question the army, he would defend the military, recalling his anger at anyone who spoke negatively of the institution he had been taught to revere. His views, he said, only changed following the coup when he witnessed the army's crackdown on peaceful protesters — unarmed men, women and children that the army labels "terrorists.".....Myanmar army is a state within the state: The Tatmadaw's outsized role is intertwined within Myanmar's political and economic life — a lucrative advantage that succeeded colonial rule. Following independence from Britain in 1948, a military junta took control in 1962, ushering in a prolonged period of iron-fisted rule characterized by strict censorship, imprisonment of opponents and international isolation. While in power, the army — as well as individual officers and their families — amassed great wealth. This included land, economic and financial assets. The generals only eased their grip on power in 2010, which culminated in elections that allowed for Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party to form a government. Even after ceding some control to elected politicians, it continues to play a vast role in both the political and economic field: The constitution guarantees the military 25% of parliament seats, meaning that the army can block any constitutional amendments it dislikes. It also retains control of important ministries, including defense and home affairs. Likewise, it continues to own and run a myriad of lucrative business interests without any independent oversight. The Tatmadaw runs its own schools, universities, hospitals and court system. In short: The army has established what is basically a powerful state within the state. And, since the coup, it is now formally back in power. In absolute terms, this professional army is the 11th largest in the world, with some 406,000 soldiers in active duty as of 2019, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies.....Economic exploitation: The Tatmadaw not only tries to control soldiers' ways of thinking — but also their finances. Military personnel of all ranks, DW has learned, are forced to support military-owned companies through two mandatory schemes: This includes, the three defectors say, requiring soldiers to sign up for a life insurance policy with Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company Ltd. The policy, which they are forced to select, renews automatically every five years — with no way for soldiers to opt-out. ­­ The company is an alleged subsidiary of one of the military's two conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Holding (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holding Limited (MEHL), according to a 2019 UN report. These conglomerates, benefit both the Tatmadaw and high-ranking individual officers and their families. The company did not respond to DW's requests for comment. Soldiers are also forced to make mandatory payments into MEC and MEHL, which are converted into shares. In return, soldiers receive a small dividend every year, defectors say. It is likely a way to both generate revenues for the military and individual generals — whilst buying loyalty. Many high-ranking officers upon retirement are often awarded posts in the two holdings, their subsidiaries and affiliated companies. Others are given posts in the civilian administration. The army does not respond kindly to those who attempt to leave its fold. One of the defectors tells DW that soldiers "cannot leave the army." In theory, another explained, soldiers can submit a letter of resignation after 10 years. "But that is only in the law," he explained drily. "In practice, it is not easy and it takes three to four years to submit the process (of leaving the army)." And even then, he added, it was not a given that the army would let the soldier go. He says he regrets his decision to join the army in the first place. The Myanmar Embassy in Berlin did not respond to DW's request for comment.....Tatmadaw hunting down defectors?: All three men are aware of the Tatmadaw's reach, as the army pursues defectors. One man says he had heard from a contact in the Tatmadaw's headquarters that it had compiled a list of some 300 defectors and was going after them and their families. It was, he says, "a manhunt." DW cannot verify the claim, however, given that the authorities have compiled a wanted list of activists and journalists that is broadcast every night on state television, it's likely that the same is happening with army defectors. One man describes how his family receives threatening phone calls. "They said: Where is your son? If you support him, you will get arrested." Soon after, he severed all communication with his family, fearing for their safety. Another source refuses to acknowledge whether he is still in contact with his family, fearing it would risk their safety. Despite all the high risks, one defector has no regrets. Life on the run and hiding in a different house each night to keep safe is, for him, a consequence of maintaining integrity. He stands by his decision to leave the army he had served for so many years, saying he did not want his future children to "think I did nothing to stop this illegal coup."..."
Source/publisher: "DW News" (Germany)
2021-05-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On Saturday, May 15, 2021, the Myanmar military – known as the Tatmadaw – launched a coordinated attack against the town of Mindat in Myanmar’s western Chin State. This latest crackdown was precipitated by several weeks of sustained fighting between the Tatmadaw and civilian defense forces in Mindat, formed in March in response to increasing military violence against civilians participating in the peaceful nationwide anti-coup resistance. Following an imposition of martial law on the grounds of insurgency, the siege of Mindat has been characterized by indiscriminate deployment of heavy weaponry by land and air, widespread use of forced labor and human shields, and active obstruction of delivery of basic humanitarian necessities for civilians, including food, water, and access to medical care and supplies. In response to escalating violence against civilians in Mindat, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) issued the following statement: “The reports out of Mindat, including the Tatmadaw’s blocking of humanitarian and medical aid and access to clean water, expose the horrifying reality of ongoing violence against tens of thousands of civilians in Mindat by the Myanmar military. These actions further echo the unconscionable actions and severe breaches of international human rights law perpetrated by the Tatmadaw since the group seized power in a February 1 coup d’état. Physicians for Human Rights is appalled by the Myanmar military’s unlawful implementation of martial law in Mindat, who has pushed civilians into Mindat’s surrounding jungles to escape detention, and the reported obstruction in access to clean drinking water. “Through an unlawful and violent campaign to seize power, directly violating security forces’ responsibility and duty to protect, the Tatmadaw continues to violate the basic human rights of Myanmar’s people. Mindat civilians, mostly men, who have reportedly been forced into the forested areas around Mindat, have little to no access to shelter, water, food, or medical care. Their forced absence has left women and children in Mindat vulnerable to the brutal tactics of war deployed against the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities by the Myanmar military, including sexual and gender-based violence, which PHR has long documented and corroborated. “This new wave of violence in western Chin State has further contributed to the displacement of tens of thousands of people, both internally and across the Indian border. The escalating crisis critically compounds already strained access to humanitarian and medical aid experienced by internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar. Medical personnel are reportedly unable to reach IDPs in Mindat without coming under artillery fire by the Tatmadaw, and are prevented from tending to patients in critical condition due to a lack of safe medical facilities available for emergency surgeries. PHR condemns the Myanmar military’s obstruction of critical medical and humanitarian aid, and the impediment of medical personnel’s duty to administer care to civilians desperately in need. “Physicians for Human Rights demands that the Tatmadaw immediately cease attacks against the Mindat community, reestablish access to clean water and medical supplies, and end the obstruction of medical and humanitarian aid, which is in grave violation of international human rights law. As well, PHR calls on international and regional actors, including the United Nations Security Council and the Association for Southeast Asian Nations, to urgently negotiate an agreement to establish a safe and secure demilitarized humanitarian corridor into Mindat and other similarly afflicted territories across Myanmar. PHR emphasizes the acute need for humanitarian and medical personnel to fully access affected civilians without encumbrance, as is necessary to provide health care to the sick and wounded, to deliver humanitarian aid more broadly, and to ensure the safety and security of surrounding communities. “The latest human rights violations demonstrate that ongoing sanctions and justice and accountability efforts are not sufficiently serving as deterrents. International actors that have been leading the effort to advance targeted sanctions against perpetrators of these abuses – such as the United States and European Union – should build a broad, international coalition comprised of governments and businesses in support of a sanctions regime that will prevent the Tatmadaw and other security forces from accessing resources to continue perpetrating abuses against the Myanmar people.” Dr. Maung,* a volunteer surgeon based in Mandalay and a PHR medical partner, said that he had spoken with medical colleagues on the ground in Mindat who have reported on the dire need for immediate medical aid. “Several patients are in need of emergency surgery. Without it, they won’t survive for long. Surgeons are traveling from Mandalay to try and assist the wounded, but first they must be able to transfer the patients to a safe zone, as there is little they can do in the jungle,” he said. In a statement responding to the Myanmar military’s coup, PHR condemned mass arbitrary arrests and detention of civilian leaders and human rights defenders in Myanmar, and called for an immediate de-escalation of the situation, the prompt release of political prisoners, and the restoration of communications networks. Following escalating violence directly after the coup, PHR additionally condemned attacks against protestors and the reported detention of medical professionals. PHR reprises its call to the international community to hold the Myanmar military and other responsible actors accountable for its August 2017 campaign of widespread and systematic violence against the Rohingya ethnic minority in “clearance operations” that forced more than 720,000 Rohingya into neighboring Bangladesh. The Tatmadaw has an egregious history of human rights violations against civilians, including perpetrating forced labor, sexual violence, torture, extrajudicial killings, child labor, and other abuses in Myanmar’s ethnic territories, including Chin State, which PHR documented in 2011. International efforts to quell the violence are critically important as the perpetrators of these grave violations increase their political power and continue to operate with impunity within Myanmar. *Dr. Maung asked that we use only his surname for security reasons..."
Source/publisher: Physicians for Human Rights (New York)
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today releases a new briefing paper: ‘Why is Dominic Raab Refusing to Act on Accountability for Burmese Military Crimes? The paper details how, despite British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab and other government ministers repeatedly talking about holding the Burmese military to account for its crimes, in practice they are fiercely resisting pressure to take action on accountability. Dominic Raab refuses to say he supports referring Burma to the International Criminal Court. Dominic Raab refuses to join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice. Dominic Raab repeatedly blocked UK legislation which would have enabled the UK to make genocide determinations and take more action in response to genocide. For decades, the Burmese military has been committing human rights violations which break international law. They have enjoyed impunity for their crimes, encouraging them to commit further crimes. Holding the military to account for their crimes is essential to ending the decades long cycle of human rights violations and military dictatorship in Burma. The British government did not implement the recommendations of the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, set up in response to the genocide of the Rohingya and violations of international law against other ethnic groups in Kachin and Shan States. The only action the British government took against the generals in response to genocide of the Rohingya was to stop a handful of generals from taking holidays in the UK (a visa ban). The briefing paper poses the question: “The British government and the rest of the international community need to reflect on whether the military being allowed to get away with genocide would have been a factor in their calculations as to whether they could get away with the coup without facing serious consequences from the international community.” “It is hypocritical of Dominic Raab to talk about accountability at the same time as refusing to act on accountability,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There are millions of good reasons to act on accountability, millions of people suffering under the military. There is no good reason not to act."..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This briefing looks at the gap between the words and the actions of the British government when it comes to action on accountability. At the same time as making repeated statements about holding the Burmese military to account for their crimes, British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab is refusing to publicly support referring Burma to the International Criminal Court, and refusing to join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice. One of many examples of a British Government Minister talking about accountability since the military coup on 1st February 2021 came on Saturday 27th March. Following the killing of more than 120 people by the Burmese military, Dominic Raab once again Tweeted about holding the military to account. He stated: “Today’s killing of unarmed civilians, including children, marks a new low. We will work with our international partners to end this senseless violence, hold those responsible to account, and secure a path back to democracy.”.....At the same time Dominic Raab: Refuses to publicly support the UN Security Council referring Burma to the International Criminal Court. • Refuses to join the Rohingya genocide case at the International Court of Justice. • Repeatedly blocked amendments to bills in the British Parliament to enable determinations of genocide to be made and more action to be taken in response to genocide.....Impunity has encouraged further human rights abuses: As has been well documented, the Burmese military has been violating international law for decades. It has done so with impunity at a domestic and international level. This impunity encourages further violations of international law and further horrific human rights violations. During the past ten years, as the British government heralded a so-called democratic transition in Burma, human rights violations against ethnic minorities, so serious that they violate international law, actually increased..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2021-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 426.2 KB
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Description: "In the months before the Myanmar military's Feb. 1 coup, the country's telecom and internet service providers were ordered to install intercept spyware that would allow the army to eavesdrop on the communications of citizens, sources with direct knowledge of the plan told Reuters. The technology gives the military the power to listen in on calls, view text messages and web traffic including emails, and track the locations of users without the assistance of the telecom and internet firms, the sources said. The directives are part of a sweeping effort by the army to deploy electronic surveillance systems and exert control over the internet with the aim of keeping tabs on political opponents, squashing protests and cutting off channels for any future dissent, they added. Decision makers at the civilian Ministry of Transport and Communications that delivered the orders were ex-military officials, according to one industry executive with direct knowledge of the plans and another briefed on the matter. "They presented it as coming from the civilian government, but we knew the army would have control and were told you could not refuse," the executive with direct knowledge said, adding that officials from the military-controlled Ministry of Home Affairs also sat in on the meetings. More than a dozen people with knowledge of the intercept spyware used in Myanmar have been interviewed by Reuters. All asked to remain anonymous, citing fear of retribution from the military junta. Neither representatives for the junta nor representatives for politicians attempting to form a new civilian government responded to Reuters requests for comment. Budget documents from 2019 and 2020 for the previous government led by Aung San Suu Kyi that were not disclosed publicly contain details of a planned $4 million in purchases of intercept spyware products and parts as well as sophisticated data extraction and phone hacking technology. The documents were provided by activist group Justice for Myanmar and were independently verified by Reuters. Reuters was not able to establish to what extent senior non-military people in Suu Kyi's government had been involved in the order to install the intercept. The idea of a so-called 'lawful intercept' was first floated by Myanmar authorities to the telecommunications sector in late 2019 but pressure to install such technology came only in late 2020, several sources said, adding that they were warned not to talk about it. The intercept plans were flagged publicly by Norway's Telenor (TEL.OL) in an annual update on its Myanmar business, which is one of the country's biggest telecom firms with 18 million customers out of a population of 54 million. Telenor said in the Dec. 3 briefing and statement posted on its websites that it was concerned about Myanmar authorities' plans for a lawful intercept able to "directly access each operator and ISP's systems without case-by-case approval" as Myanmar did not have sufficient laws and regulations to protect customers' rights to privacy and freedom of expression. In addition to Telenor, the affected companies include three other telecom firms in Myanmar: MPT, a large state-backed operator, Mytel, a venture between Myanmar's army and Viettel which is owned by Vietnam's defence ministry, and Qatar's Ooredoo (ORDS.QA). MPT and Mytel are now under the full control of the junta, the sources said. There are about a dozen internet service providers. Telenor declined to respond to questions from Reuters for this article, citing unspecified security concerns for its employees. MPT, Mytel and Ooredoo did not respond to requests for comment. Japanese trading house Sumitomo Corp (8053.T), which together with wireless carrier KDDI Corp (9433.T) announced in 2014 planned investment of $2 billion in MPT, declined to comment. KDDI and Viettel did not respond to requests for comment. Many governments allow for what are commonly called 'lawful intercepts' to be used by law enforcement agencies to catch criminals. But in most democratic countries and even some authoritarian regimes, such technology is not ordinarily employed without any kind of legal process, cybersecurity experts say. The Myanmar military, in contrast, is directly operating invasive telecoms spyware without legal or regulatory safeguards to protect human rights in place, according to industry executives and activists. Even before the coup, Myanmar's military wielded outsized influence in the democratically elected civilian government led by Suu Kyi. It had an unelected quota of 25% of parliamentary seats and the constitution gave it control of several key ministries. It also had extensive sway at the communications and other ministries through the appointment of former army officers. That has become total control since the coup.....TRACINGS AND INTERCEPTIONS: According to three sources at firms with knowledge of the surveillance system, not every telecom firm and internet service provider has installed the full intercept spyware. Reuters was not able to establish how broadly it has been installed and deployed. But military and intelligence agencies are conducting some tracing of SIM cards and interception of calls, two of those sources said. One source said calls being redirected to other numbers and connecting without a dial tone were among the signs of interception. A legal source with knowledge of cases against people involved in the protests also said there was evidence of monitoring spyware being used to prosecute them. Reuters has not seen any documents supporting the claim. A senior civil servant who is aiding ousted politicians seeking to form a parallel government also said their group has been warned by people working for the junta but sympathetic to protesters that phone numbers are being traced. "We have to change SIM cards all the time," the senior civil servant said. According to Amnesty International's Security Lab and three other tech experts, the intercept products outlined in the government budget documents would enable the bulk collection of phone metadata - data on who users call, when they call and for how long - as well as targeted content interception.....CABLES CUT, ACTIVISTS' PHONES BLOCKED: Among the military's first actions on Feb. 1 was to direct armed soldiers to break into data centres nationwide at midnight and slash internet cables, according to employees at three firms who showed Reuters photos of severed cables. At one data centre where employees resisted, soldiers held them at gunpoint and also smashed monitors to threaten them, said one source briefed on the matter. Though the internet was mostly restored with hours, the army began shutting it down nightly. Within days, the army had secretly ordered telecom firms to block the phone numbers of activists, junta opponents and human rights lawyers, providing the firms with lists, according to three industry sources briefed on the matter. Those orders have not been previously reported. The sources added that operators are required by law to share customer lists with authorities. The army also directed the blocking of specific websites. Facebook (FB.O), which was used by half the country and quickly became crucial to protest organisers, was among the first to be banned, followed by news sites and other social media platforms. read more When opposition grew in March, the military cut access to mobile data altogether, leaving most in Myanmar without access to the internet. "Firms have to obey the orders," one industry source said. "Everyone knows that if you don't, they can just come in with guns and cut the wires. That's even more effective than any intercept." Telenor and Ooredoo executives who protested were told to stay quiet or the companies would face losing their licences, four sources said.....THE ARMY'S TIGHTENING GRIP: Under previous juntas that ruled between 1963 and 2011, activists and journalists were routinely wiretapped and smartphones were scarce. As Myanmar opened up, it became a telecoms success story with a thriving, if nascent, digital economy. Mobile phone penetration, in 2011 the second-lowest in the world after North Korea at 6.9%, soared to stand at 126% in 2020. The civilian government's first known move towards nationwide surveillance came in 2018, with the establishment of a social media monitoring system it said was aimed at preventing the influence of foreign forces. It followed that with a biometric SIM card registration drive last year, saying multiple SIM card use was undesirable and a central database was necessary. Authorities are now seeking still more power over telecommunications. The communications ministry proposed a new law on Feb. 10 that states internet and telecom firms will be required to keep a broad range of user data for up to three years and remove or block any content deemed to be disrupting "unity, stabilisation, and peace", with possible jail terms for those who don't comply. In late April, the junta began ordering telecom operators to unblock certain websites and apps, starting with the apps of local banks, said three people briefed on the development. Microsoft Office, Google's Gmail, Google Drive and YouTube have also since been unblocked. Asked about the unblocking, a Microsoft representative said the company had not engaged with officials in Myanmar. Google did not respond to requests for comment. Industry sources and activists believe these moves are part of an attempt by the junta to establish its version of the internet, akin to what China has done with the "Great Firewall". "The military wants to control the internet so it will be a safe zone but only for them," said one industry executive. "We've gone back five years in time."..."
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Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Michael Lidauer explores electoral politics in Myanmar: The Tatmadaw sought to legitimise the 1 February 2021 coup d’état – which occurred hours before the newly elected parliament was about to convene – with one key narrative: that the November 2020 elections were marred by widespread fraud.[1] To counter this argument, twelve civil society organisations released a statement four days prior to the coup, declaring that “the elections were credible and reflected the will of the majority voters” (PACE 2021). Indeed, no evidence has become available that any electoral materials were tampered with.....The electoral narrative of the coup: The Tatmadaw has commented on weaknesses in the electoral process at several times before and even more so after the elections, referring inter alia to the question of organising elections under the conditions of Covid-19 and inconsistencies in the voter lists. Before the electoral campaign period, in August 2020, the Commander-in-Chief discussed with a delegation of political parties their concerns (The Irrawaddy, 15 August 2020). Although accepting the election results immediately after election day, the military fielded numerous objections regarding the elections and rejected the results during the weeks leading to the coup, and recapitulate this in their public communications (cf. Tea Circle Oxford, 9 March 2021). It ultimately blamed the government, not only the election administration, for shortcomings.[2] Apart from the President, the State Counsellor and other governmental protagonists, the Union Election Commission (UEC) Chairman and members were arrested, and a new commission was appointed few days after the coup. In fact, the UEC became the single-most targeted institution with arrests and interrogations (AAPP 2021). Since then, the newly appointed UEC – headed by the same Chairman who was in charge of organising the 2010 elections – appears to build a body of evidence to substantiate the military’s claims of electoral fraud with publications about voter list data and ballots used in the 2020 elections in the Global New Light of Myanmar which yet await a closer analysis. Given the unfolding dramatic events of civilian resistance, heavy-handed responses by the security apparatus, and the struggle for international recognition of legitimate actors, this appears of a lesser significance in the current situation. However, the underlying electoral narrative is likely to become reinvigorated if the Tatmadaw keeps to the idea of organising fresh elections, as announced in the Five-Point Road Map of the State Administration Council, coupled with proposals to change the electoral system. This article seeks to look beyond claims of manipulation and provide more nuanced perspectives. While the elections have generated credible results, there were nevertheless a number of challenges related to long-standing weaknesses in the legal framework, political competition, and the dynamics generated by the Covid-19 pandemic, all of which are important to keep in mind for a more comprehensive understanding of the recent electoral process. What is more, the organisation of elections reveals frictions in civil-military relations among Burmese elites from which ethnic minorities suffer as a consequence. As Myanmar people on all fronts oppose a new military regime and as the armed forces exercise their powers against the population, this article aims to recollect some elements of the electoral process preceding the coup, in the hopes of contributing to an understanding of the ongoing situation and of gathering lessons learned for times when elections in Myanmar will again be under scrutiny. One such element is the cancellation of elections in parts of the country, a complex phenomenon that defies a simplistic explanation. Its analysis helps to understand majority-minority as well as civil-military relations even beyond the electoral process. Ahead of election day, on 8 November 2020, the polls were locally cancelled in many more locations than during previous elections, which resulted in disenfranchisement, political controversies, and diminished trust in the election administration (cf. ANFREL 2021: 45-51). However, while disenfranchisement was much debated, it was not a new phenomenon.....Varieties of disenfranchisement: In Myanmar, electoral disenfranchisement pertains to multiple processes of exclusion from the ballot, affecting people in various ways. These systemic deficiencies have been part of the electoral legal framework since long and were no novelty to the 2020 elections. Disenfranchisement extends inter alia to voters who are not at their place of residence at the time of the elections but elsewhere in the country or abroad. This may concern the diaspora, refugees, migrant workers, students or other travellers, although procedures exist for those who are temporarily registered at a new place and could therefore “transfer” their ballot. Persons who are forcibly displaced by conflict (namely internally displaced persons, or IDPs) often cannot take part in the polls, as authorities repeatedly failed to develop and implement a consistent and effective policy for IDP inclusion at the ballot box. Voting for IDPs was discussed ahead of the 2015 general elections, but was largely overlooked by national and international audiences, whose attention focused on the overall success of the election and its result, leading to a peaceful transition of power to a government led by the National League for Democracy. More debated – but not significantly tainting the perceptions of an overall well-run process at that time either – was the legal disenfranchisement of predominantly Muslim voters and candidates, preceding the mass exodus of the Rohingya to Bangladesh in 2017. The highly contentious Rakhine State politics during the last term ultimately altered how Myanmar was seen in the world. The recently published article “Boundary Making in Myanmar’s Electoral Process: Where elections do not take place” discusses both the processes of “legal denial” for Muslim voters and candidates as well as the lack of voting opportunities for IDPs during the 2015 elections. It is part of the forthcoming Modern Asian Studies Special Issue on “Border Governance: Reframing Political Transition in Myanmar and Beyond”, edited by Kirsten McConnachie, Elaine Lynn-Ee Ho and Helene Kyed. The article also discusses election cancellations, which occurred ahead of the general elections in 2010 and 2015, but did not stir much controversy at that time. Despite affecting approximately half a million voters in 2015 – the phenomenon of election cancellations remained little understood. However, without further specifications in the legal framework and without transparent criteria for cancelling or postponing the polls, election cancellations occurred again in 2020, but this time attracted much more attention and controversial debates.....Election cancellations in 2020: Myanmar’s legislation allows for localised election postponements due to risk of violence or natural disasters. While such decisions are usually informed by state institutions in the security sector and by election sub-commissions, the ultimate authority to cancel and postpone elections lies with the Union Election Commission.[3] The UEC is the constitutionally mandated body tasked with organising and overseeing elections. The UEC Chairperson and commissioners are appointed by the President. In addition to a permanent secretariat in Nay Pyi Taw, there are sub-commissions at state/region, district and township level. At the local level, the UEC relies strongly on personnel from other state institutions including from the General Administration Department (GAD) which until 2019 was under the authority of the military-led Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA) and only then became part of the Ministry of the Union Government under civilian administration (cf. Lidauer and Saphy 2014; Renshaw and Lidauer forthcoming). The cancellation or postponement of elections has different electoral consequences, depending on the size of the administrative unit concerned. Vacant seats in the legislature occur only where elections are cancelled for entire constituencies; in this case the need for by-elections arises. Conversely, the partial cancellation of elections in a number of wards or village tracts smaller than a constituency does not translate into vacant seats, but leads to the disenfranchisement of voters residing in the cancelled areas, as the election goes ahead regardless of their participation (Lidauer 2021). Vacant seats in the hluttaws at national level proportionally increase the voting powers of military representatives for whom 25 per cent of the seats are reserved.[4] On 16 October, the UEC announced the cancellation of elections in a number of electoral constituencies where “free and fair elections cannot be held” (UEC Announcement 192/2020). While this timing and reasoning followed the pattern of similar announcements in 2015, the scale of these cancellations was unprecedented. Elections were cancelled for nine entire townships in Rakhine State and six entire townships in Shan State, as well as for 581 additional wards and village tracts in these States together with Kachin, Kayin and Mon States and Bago Region.[5] The cancellations resulted in 15 vacant seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (nine in Rakhine, six in Shan), seven vacant seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw (all Rakhine), as well as 32 vacant seats in states’ legislatures (20 in Rakhine, 12 in Shan). Based on data shared by the UEC, over 1.2 to 1.3 million voters did not have the opportunity to vote as a result of the cancellations, and 189 candidates (who had already started campaigning) lost the possibility to contest these elections.....Reasons and reactions: These decisions caused strong reactions among political parties and civil society organisations, with allegations of gerrymandering in Rakhine State. Several parties questioned the UEC’s impartiality in this process, demanded more transparency and consultations, called for ethnic voting rights to be protected, and for the decisions to be reconsidered. On 27 October, eleven days after the first announcement, the UEC made further cancellations public, notably for Paletwa township in Chin State[6] – raising the overall number of constituencies without elections to 54 – and revoked some of the earlier decisions. These additional announcements did not help to improve perceptions and trust in the UEC, but hardened the belief that its decisions would favour the incumbent. The UEC decisions were criticised both for cancelling elections in some areas and for going ahead in others. In various areas, elections were in fact cancelled for different reasons, although on the same legal basis. The cancellation of four entire townships that form part of the Wa Self-administered Zone, and its ally in Mongla township – resulting in five vacant Pyithu Hluttaw seats and ten vacant State Hluttaw seats respectively – had been expected, as elections did also not take place there in 2010 and 2015. These are areas without any Myanmar governmental administration to prepare for elections, where a voter list had not been established, and no candidates had been enlisted. The cancelled areas in Kachin State, Karen State and Eastern Bago Region (including one village tract of Mon State) followed a similar logic, as all these areas pertained to ceasefire areas under full or mixed control of ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and have changed little since 2015, but did not result in vacant seats in any hluttaw. In Kachin State, elections were cancelled in fewer village tracts than in 2015 in a number of townships. In Kayin State, unlike in 2015, no elections were cancelled in Hlaingbwe township, and the cancelled areas were significantly reduced in Kyainseikgyi township. This was reportedly a result of negotiations between candidates and the election administration. Partial election cancellations also occurred across Shan State. In southern Shan State, elections were cancelled entirely for Mongkaing township, where several EAOs are present. In northern Shan State, partial cancellations coincided with locations where armed conflict or tensions between the Tatmadaw, EAOs, and local militia had occurred. Kyaukme and Tangyan townships stood out with new cancelled areas while others were similar to 2015. In eastern Shan State, the cancelled areas corresponded to territories where the government has historically a weak presence. In Rakhine State, where election cancellations were new, they were all argued for on the basis of security threats resulting from ongoing armed conflict between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army (AA). This included entire townships that ethnic parties and candidates considered safe, such as Pauktaw and Ponnagyun, and partial cancellations in other townships where only voters in small urban areas remained eligible to elect their respective representatives, such as in Taungup, Kyauk Phyu and Ann townships.[7] Widely held assumptions that all these cancellations would result in electoral outcomes favouring the NLD proved incorrect; in fact, ethnic parties secured the majority of elected seats in the Rakhine State Hluttaw despite the cancellations. The partial election cancellations in Paletwa township in Chin State, affecting a total of five electoral constituencies,[8] were also contentious.....High-level public disputes over the election cancellations: The UEC’s decision-making process regarding the election cancellations became a public point of controversy at a high political level, involving the Office of the President and the Tatmadaw, and resulting in mutual accusations of shortcomings between the military and civilian leadership. The UEC stated that several governmental offices, including MoHA and the Ministry of Defence, were consulted to arrive at the decisions where elections should be postponed. The Tatmadaw, while maintaining that the UEC is the only authority to decide whether to hold elections or not, outlined that the UEC’s announcements did not reflect the military’s advice (Eleven, 20 October 2020). In fact, this issue – touching upon civilian administrative authority but also upon questions of security, the Tatmadaw’s domain – was not the first point in time that saw military discontent with the electoral process, but brought tensions between the civilian government and the armed forces in particular to the fore. These discussions exacerbated ethnic parties’ frustrations about the exclusion of their voters from the elections.....Impact on Rakhine State: In the immediate aftermath of the elections, the AA and Tatmadaw became unlikely allies in demanding that the cancelled polls should take place before the formation of the new hluttaws. In mid-December, this demand was supported by the President, and the Rakhine State sub-commission reportedly started preparations for by-elections (Radio Free Asia, 15 December 2020). For the AA, this was an opportunity to broaden their bargaining powers and increase their legitimacy. On the side of the Tatmadaw, the push for elections in Rakhine State was also interpreted as part of larger efforts to discredit the overall electoral process (The Irrawaddy, 20 January 2021). It was nevertheless unlikely that these elections would have taken place in the immediate aftermath, since, following amendments to the electoral laws in 2016 and 2019, by-elections for vacant seats cannot take place one year after and one year before general elections. In that context, by-elections seemed unlikely to happen before April-May 2022. In the interim, the postponement of elections in Rakhine State appeared to generate an unexpected opportunity for a truce between the Tatmadaw and the AA (ICG, 23 December 2020); fighting ceased and tens of thousands were reportedly able to return home. In mid-January, the Rakhine State Hluttaw passed a proposal to urge the government to remove the “terrorist” designation of the AA. This designation, in place since March 2020, had been seen as an impediment to ceasefire negotiations. With an unusual expression of solidarity, Rakhine and Rohingya communities issued a joint declaration of mutual respect that emphasized not only elections for those areas where they were cancelled, but also for the Rohingya (Rohingya Today, 18 January 2021).....Reflecting on the elections in the light of the coup: All interpretations about reasons for the cancellations and effects of vacant seats as well as speculations about early by-elections and any opportunities that may have come from this situation were overtaken by the coup d’état of 1 February. Portraying itself as the guardian of electoral democracy, the military leadership deployed a narrative of electoral fraud to justify its takeover. The public controversies around the election cancellations were one element in a longer process of discrediting the 2020 elections. The issue of election cancellations demonstrates that the 2020 electoral process has seen a number of challenges, inter alia related to decision making process in the state administration. Although the final decision about election cancellations remains with the UEC, sub-national offices charged with informing these decisions were reporting within different hierarchies in the context of electoral security, turning decisions on localised election cancellations into an area of civil-military co-ownership and co-dependency. The process of election cancellations in 2020 illustrates the problematic nature of this co-ownership, which did not occur as such in 2015 when the leadership of the election management body had more direct communication channels with the security apparatus. As a consequence, the situation resulted in opportunities to criticize the UEC, despite the fact that similar cancellations had occurred in previous elections albeit at different scale. The cancellations shed light on loopholes in the system – here, the lack of clear procedures for postponing the polls – that were present both in the 2015 and the 2020 elections, and show how weaknesses in the regulatory framework for elections amplified the opposition between the civilian and military parts of the State ahead of the coup d’état, with detrimental effects on ethnic minorities. Now is not the time to strive for electoral reforms, but debates about elections and suffrage rights in Myanmar are essential and will eventually return. At that time, the transparency and process of any necessary election cancellations should be enhanced with clear communications and consistent criteria for such decisions, alongside other issues pertaining to electoral integrity, accountability and inclusion that will be important to address..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2021-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "I am delighted and grateful to learn today that the USA and UK have once again shown strong global leadership targeting coordinated sanctions on the illegitimate military regime in Myanmar. The military regime has stolen democracy and freedom from our people and then poured out atrocities against innocent civilians. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the USA and UK, who have taken a stand for the people of Myanmar who have suffered so much and for so long. These sanctions target the source of wealth and income of military Generals who have killed innocent people and committed ethnic cleansing against the Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, Chin and Rohingya. These same Generals are guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. They have repeatedly committed these crimes over many years. Specifically, in 1988 and 1997 when they killed hundreds of innocent unarmed students. In 2007 when they stood against peace-loving Buddhist monks during the Saffron revolution. In 2017 against the Rohingya population and now again in 2021, where they have killed more than 300 on the streets of Myanmar and illegally detained more than 2500 including democratically elected leaders, our State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President, U Win Myint. These same military Generals have stolen both our country's wealth and our freedom by their smoking guns. These two holding companies, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) have for many years been the means by which the military Generals have plundered our nation's riches and wealth for their own advantage. They continue to use this wealth to kill, destroy and wipe out the people of Myanmar. We have been calling on the world to take targeted coordinated tougher sanctions, both economically and diplomatically. Without these, the military Generals will never understand what they have done. They have no regard for the sanctity of life, human rights, democracy, justice and international law. They have turned the military into a project to protect themselves rather than the people. They have used the armed forces to keep themselves in power at the expense of the people. They are content to live in a nation where they can murder people on the streets, and as long as they are in power, my people, the people of Myanmar, have no future. The international community must continue to use all the power it has to weaken and stop the Tatmadaw military Generals, whose illegitimate actions cannot be allowed to be repeated again and again in the history of Myanmar. The threat to their personal finances, to the world and to their income, matters more to them than the freedom of our people, peaceful and courageous people of Myanmar Through stronger, tougher, coordinated, targeted sanctions, the military Generals, their families and their supporters will finally start to bear some of the consequences of their crimes. I therefore, urge all heads of governments and states around the world, to please follow the leadership of the USA and the UK, cooperating together and imposing targeted, stronger and tougher sanctions against the illegitimate military regime, the individuals in charge, the military companies and their subsidiaries, including sanctions on their business on financial , insurance services, oil and gas, timber and Jemstone..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH)
2021-03-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar is on the brink of collapse. Its armed forces are continuing a brutal crackdown—arresting, torturing and killing protesters—as Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de-facto leader, is detained. Our experts answer your questions..."
Source/publisher: The Economist
2021-05-11
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
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Description: "Dear: I am sorry to disturb you again so soon after my last correspondence, but another major crisis has emerged that requires urgent attention. In the last few days, attacks by the military junta in Myanmar have seriously escalated with indiscriminate shelling and bombing of 50,000 civilians in the town of Mindat in Chin State. The town is under siege by 1000 troops and is being bombed by helicopter gunships and heavy artillery, including tanks. I attach an urgent statement from Dr. Sasa, spokesperson of the National Unity Government. A few days ago, 20 young men were arrested by the military in the town. Their screams of torture, heard by residents, led to protests that, as elsewhere throughout Myanmar, have been violently suppressed. The military personnel in the first convoy that approached the town, after talking with courageous local inhabitants, abandoned their vehicles and their weapons, presumably because they did not wish to participate in the killing of the civilian population. However, the military subsequently heavily reinforced their presence and are now bombarding the town. The military are arresting anyone who tries to help wounded civilians and those they have arrested, including medical personnel, are being used as human shields by the military. In the last 48 hours, 5 civilians have been killed and 14 injured. Meanwhile, homes are being destroyed by tanks and helicopter gunships. Mindat is an important town for the Chin people and a gateway to Chin State. It is a centre for Chin culture and its Buddhist and Christian population. This could be one reason why it has been targeted by the military junta, which habitually targets ethnic communities. (Such attacks are also being carried out against the Kachin, Karen and Rohingya people). It is likely that the Junta wish to 'make an example' of Mindat, to spread fear across Chin State and the rest of Myanmar. I have visited Mindat and have received gracious, generous hospitality from the people and the community leaders there. They are a peace-loving people who do not deserve to be victims of such violence and have few resources to defend themselves. It is poignant that they destroyed rather than kept the weapons abandoned by the soldiers in the first convoy. I have visited Mindat and have received gracious, generous hospitality from the people and the community leaders there. They are a peace-loving people who do not deserve to be victims of such violence and have few resources to defend themselves. It is poignant that they destroyed rather than kept the weapons abandoned by the soldiers in the first convoy. Since the military coup on 1 February, nearly 800 civilians (including 52 children) have been killed and 5000 civilians detained by the military junta. Today, the elected Minister of International Cooperation and International Spokesperson for the newly-formed National Unity Government (NUG), Dr. Sasa, said: “The international community must support the courageous people of Myanmar to end this reign of terror once and for all. The military forces must be stopped. If delays in the recognition of NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar continue, the risks of a full blown of civil war are very high.” I call upon the British government and the UN Security Council: • To call upon the junta to end the siege of Mindat. • To immediately sanction the military regime in Myanmar with the suspension of all military trade deals; dealings with stateowned companies; and trade in oil and gas. • To recognise the democratically elected National Unity Government; • and to urge all other nations to do likewise. Yours sincerely, Caroline - The Baroness Cox House of Lords London SW1A0PW..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: House of Lords via Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2021-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Thai government instructed authorities to block refugees from Myanmar
Description: "The Government of Thailand should protect refugees from Myanmar from being forcibly returned and establish protection mechanisms in line with international human rights law, Fortify Rights said today. On March 19, Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha instructed government agencies to prevent “illegal immigration” from Myanmar, according to government meeting minutes. In line with this order, a Thai provincial official confirmed to Fortify Rights that Thai authorities this week returned to Myanmar at least 2,000 refugees fleeing violence in Myanmar’s Karen State. “The Thai government should be preparing to protect refugees rather than prevent border crossings,” said Amy Smith, Executive Director at Fortify Rights. “Thailand has made positive commitments and taken steps to establish procedures to recognize and protect refugees during the past several years. Now is the time for Thailand to put those commitments into action to protect refugees fleeing the ongoing crisis in Myanmar.” According to meeting minutes of the Thai Center for COVID-19 Situation Administration (CCSA), dated March 19, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha instructed the Ministry of Interior, CCSA, and other concerned agencies to “monitor and prevent illegal immigration” along the Thailand-Myanmar border and instructed the Immigration Bureau to “enforce strict inspection of border crossings.” The government has also deployed Royal Thai Army troops and patrol boats to “monitor illegal entry along the western borders both by land and sea,” according to the meeting minutes. The Thai Government does not recognize refugees and considers undocumented or unauthorized entry or stay in Thailand as “illegal immigration.” A Thai government official speaking on the condition of anonymity told Fortify Rights that the Ministry of Defense is responsible for coordinating the government’s response to refugees from Myanmar. Among those responsible for this coordination is the Naresuan Force of the Royal Thai Army. The Naresuan Force is a special unit designated to protect the borders of Tak and Mae Hong Son provinces by “interception, retaliation and pushing back foreign forces deemed to violate Thai sovereignty.” The Naresuan Force held more than 2,100 refugees in makeshift shelters in Mae Sariang District of Mae Hong Son Province after they crossed into Thailand last week to flee attacks in Myanmar. Less than 100 remain in Thailand as of May 11, according to a Thai provincial official. Civil society actors in Karen State told Fortify Rights that Thai authorities also forced back to Myanmar most of the 5,000 refugees who crossed into Thailand in March and April. The official also confirmed that the army continues to restrict humanitarian organizations and U.N. agencies, including the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), from accessing groups of newly arriving refugees from Myanmar, citing security and COVID-19 health concerns. “Ensuring protections for refugees is first and foremost a humanitarian issue that demands an appropriate response from the Thai authorities to prevent the loss of life,” said Amy Smith. “Public health concerns due to the COVID-19 pandemic and national security can be addressed and managed through proper screening mechanisms. Rather than restrict and sideline U.N. and humanitarian organizations who are ready to assist, Thai authorities should draw on their technical expertise and resources to facilitate a coordinated response.” According to the Thai government’s meeting minutes, the prime minister called for “effort” to be made to “prepare an area to host the influx of migrants into Thailand, quarantine facilities and field hospitals.” However, the Thai authorities have yet to announce the construction of facilities for refugees or that refugees will be provided access to quarantine or medical facilities. On May 6, Thai officials, including Mae Hong Son Governor Sithichai Jindaluang, the Commander of the Special Unit 7thInfantry Regiment, Colonel Sujin Subsin, and Permanent Secretary of Mae Hong Son Province Chanathip Semyam met with UNHCR-Thailand to discuss potential refugee influxes into Thailand and responses. At the time of writing, Thai authorities have yet to approve UNHCR operations to assist new refugees from Myanmar. UNHCR’s Key Legal Considerations on Access to Territory for Persons in Need of International Protection in the Context of the COVID-19 Response provides that “[d]enial of access to territory without safeguards to protect against refoulement cannot be justified on the grounds of any health risk.” Myanmar military attacks on civilian areas and clashes between the Myanmar military and ethnic armed groups have displaced more than 55,000 people in Kachin, Karen, and Shan states in Myanmar since February 1 , according to the latest figures from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Myanmar. A majority of the displaced, approximately 40,000, were forcibly displaced following renewed clashes between the Myanmar military and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), as well as airstrikes, “indiscriminate attacks,” and “shelling of civilian areas” by the Myanmar military, according to OCHA Myanmar. Since taking power in a military coup d’état on February 1, the Myanmar junta has continued to kill, arbitrarily arrest, and commit other crimes against political leaders, human rights defenders, peaceful protesters, and others in Myanmar. In a document seen by Fortify Rights and provided by the Myanmar junta to members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ahead of a controversial summit to discuss Myanmar last month, the junta claimed that it detained 9,848 persons, released 4,511, and charged 5,070 between February 1 and April 15. Forcing refugees back to Myanmar violates the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits the “rejection at the frontier, interception and indirect refoulement” of individuals at risk of persecution. While Thailand has not ratified the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention nor its 1967 Protocol, the principle of non-refoulement is part of customary international law and is therefore binding on all states. Under this principle, all countries are obligated to protect people from being returned to where they face danger or persecution, including through informal returns. The Thai government has repeatedly expressed a commitment to protect refugees, including by adopting the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration and endorsing the Global Compact on Refugees during the U.N. General Assembly in December 2018. The Thai government also affirmed a commitment to “humanitarianism and to take care of various groups of irregular migrants” during the U.N. Human Rights Committee review of Thailand’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in March 2017. On December 24, 2019, the Thai Cabinet endorsed regulations to establish a national screening mechanism to identify and potentially protect refugees. However, the mechanism has yet to be implemented and has come under criticism from human rights groups for failing to meet international standards. Thailand currently hosts more than 100,000 refugees, most of whom are protracted refugees from Myanmar living in temporary shelters along the Thailand-Myanmar border, as well as refugees from various countries living in Bangkok and surrounding provinces. All refugees in Thailand lack formal legal status and are at risk of arbitrary detention and being forcibly returned to countries where they may face persecution. “Thailand still views refugees primarily through a national security lens, but the only real threat to regional peace and security is the Myanmar junta,” said Amy Smith. “If Thailand wants to protect its own security, it should protect the people of Myanmar and work with the international community to deprive the junta of its weapons and financial resources..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today marks the 100th day our country comes under a military coup. The military council continues to commit human rights violations daily ignoring 100 days of demands from the people of Myanmar to return to democracy and ignoring international condemnation against the coup. Giving no respect to the people of Myanmar and disregarding the election results, taking the country's power by coup means an insult to human rights wherein "the people have the rights to the government of their choosing". Since the coup, the military shows nothing but disrespect to people's basic human rights by continuing to oppress violently, murdering innocent protesters and civilians, torturing the whole public, and use various forms of threats to quash the people's voices. The innocent civilians and peaceful protesters are not only met with extreme force but also are targeted and shot at even in their own homes by the military which uses arms and weapons with an intent to slain them.Worse is that some families are asked to pick up their loved ones who were arrested the previous day but they are picking up their loved ones' lifeless bodies and these dead bodies told the story of inhumane treatment and brute force that they endured during their detention. Moreover, there is verifiable news of women, girls, and persons of LGBTIQA+ being sexually assaulted and raped while under the military's detention. At the same time, the military continues to commit human rights abuses and violations against ethnic nationalities in ethnic areas. In addition to the enduring wreck of nearly a century-old civil wars, ethnic nationalities again become internally displaced people (IDPs) due to airstrikes carried out by the military. In several ethnic nationality areas, humanitarian aid is urgently needed now for children, women, and elderly people. All these violation and atrocity certainly are the crime against humanity by the international humanitarian and human rights standards. I would like to say I am very proud to see people's unwavering protests against the coup amid terrible oppressions and heroes of the Civil Disobedient Movement (CDM) and I am deeply humbled by all of these. I would like to express my gratitude to those supporters of our Spring Revolution from the international communities and those who voice their unity and solidarity to our movement even though they are in refugee and IDP camps after fleeing the military's brutal crackdown and offensive attacks. The military council is not only violating the basic human rights described in international human rights principles and standards but also committing crimes against humanity. The Ministry of Human Rights (MOHR) is determined to work our utmost best in bringing accountability to those who perpetrate these violations and atrocities by employing different ways and methods through diplomatic channels and the international legal system. Only by doing so, we will be able to transform our country and eliminate the longexisted culture of impunity and dictators who think they are above the law. However, we must warn that NOW is a time to stop abuses and violations of human rights, to stop terrorising the public, and to stop giving excuses that they are just following the order. All of us need to understand that no matter which role and capacity you are in, if you perpetrate human rights abuses and violations, you will be brought to justice and you will be held accountable for your actions and inactions, it is crucial time to answer the questions of would you be on the peoples' side or are prepared to appear before the international criminal court systems by continuing human rights abuses and violations. Our invitation is extended to the Army, Navy, Air Force personnel including those from Myanmar Police Force, that it is still a good time to side with justice and the people if you do not want to be charged and punished in the criminal justice system and if you do not want to be recorded in history as criminals..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Fostering the untapped potential of Myanmar’s youth
Description: "In January 2017, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi gathered 18 young people from across Myanmar for a Peace Talk in Nay Pyi Taw. These youth, representing a range of ethnic identities, shared their fears, hopes, and insights on how to transform conflict into peace, and how to build trust between, and within, communities. While the Peace Talk was considered by some to be symbolic rather than substantive, the meeting brought the issue of youth inclusion to the fore and reaffirmed previous statements delivered by State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi calling for greater engagement of youth in peace.8 Throughout Myanmar’s history young men and women have been active at the community level in activities ranging from youth-led social affairs groups (Tha-yay Nar-yay ah thin) to supporting social and community projects such as free funeral and wedding services, cultural activities, blood donations, among many others. In the more formal peacebuilding sphere, youth have supported and sustained peacebuilding processes but have rarely featured in formal, influential public decision- making roles. In the lead up to the partial signing of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in October 2015, young men and women were the backbone of Government and Ethnic Armed Organisation (EAO) coordination structures, but were never selected as formal negotiators. Furthermore, key documents guiding formal peacebuilding efforts in Myanmar — such as the NCA and the Framework for Political Dialogue — do not contain provisions related to youth inclusion. These documents also do not consider youth as a cross-cutting issue across thematic discussions. In other words, speeches and statements articulating the importance of youth inclusion have yet to be matched by inclusion strategies and structures that secure the meaningful engagement of young people in the future of their country. While low levels of youth inclusion in public decision-making persist, there is an opportunity to capitalise on nascent youth policy commitments and harness the contributions of youth leaders, innovators, facilitators, and policy-advocates to increase the likelihood of reaching sustainable peace in the country. Global evidence shows that broadening public participation – including to young people – in peace increases the prospects for it lasting.9 Empowering young peacebuilders has also been shown to create active citizens for peace, to reduce violence and to increase peaceful cohabitation.10 With the passing of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2250 on Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) in 2015, there is also potential for Myanmar to lead globally and set good practice for sustainably increasing the involvement of young people at all levels of decision-making, policy-making and peacebuilding. Myanmar youth are contributing formally and informally to a host of peacebuilding initiatives; leveraging these contributions, often innovative and catalytic in their approaches, can support the multiple transitions the country is undergoing. Bringing the role of young people to the forefront of Myanmar’s transition also builds on Myanmar’s history where students and youth movements have influenced the trajectory of the country. This Discussion Paper provides a starting point for understanding the status of youth inclusion in peacebuilding in Myanmar. In Section 1, this Discussion Paper assesses the involvement of youth and inclusion of youth perspectives in peace at both national and sub-national levels since 2011. Section 2 analyses the challenges young women and men face to their substantive involvement in peacebuilding. Section 3 draws upon national and international good practice, articulating a strategic framework for action to overcome obstacles discussed in Section 2. (For a detailed overview of the methodology used to inform this Paper, see Annex 2.) opportunities and challenges to young men. Other identity factors often supersede age-related identity. Thus, when discussing youth in Myanmar, it is critical to understand other elements of identity that intersect with age, such as: gender, ethnicity, religion, class, disability, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, and Questioning (LGBTIQ), migration, nationality, drug use, among others..."
Source/publisher: Paung Sie Facility, UKaid, SWEDEN, Australian Aid
2017-01-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.86 MB (72 pages)
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Description: "On Feb. 1, 2021, the Myanmar military – the Tatmadaw – shattered the all too brief effort to transition to democracy in Myanmar. Over the past two and a half months, the Tatmadaw has continued its illegitimate effort to undermine the democratic elections from last year and prevent the elected government from taking power. In the face of mass popular opposition and international condemnation, the military has only escalated its use of violence against its own population – systematically stripping away rights and violently attacking protestors and dissidents, reportedly killing over 700 civilians as of Apr. 20, 2021, and detaining more than 3,000. Despite the continued threats and extreme violence, the people of Myanmar have stood their ground and refused to be silenced. On Apr. 16, opponents of the coup from across the political spectrum announced the formation of a National Unity Government (NUG) to resist the military. Just as importantly, the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a grassroots movement aimed at disrupting state functions and crippling the economy in order to undermine the military’s attempt to rule, has been hugely successful in galvanizing collective action since early February. In addition to the tens of thousands of CDM participants walking out of their private and public sector positions, protests across the country have seen massive youth engagement on a scale not seen in a generation. The organizing power has been impressive. Social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and TikTok have been used to spread awareness and coordinate protests, strikes, and other forms of peaceful resistance. The military has taken notice of the CDM’s power, issuing threats against young people protesting and shooting indiscriminately at protestors of all ages, including children. Parallel movements have arisen in areas like neighboring Thailand, with Thai youth protesting their own authoritarian government in solidarity with activists from Myanmar. Today we launch a Just Security series that will take a deep dive into the situation in Myanmar. The series will provide insights that put the coup and civilian response into historical and modern context, deepen unexplored angles on the current crises, and survey possibilities and ways forward over the next six months to a year. This series also aims to elevate policy discussions on a number of issues, ranging from peace and accountability to religion and democracy, asking: What is happening now and why? Within the series, contributions from authors from Myanmar and others working closely on the situation will explore topics such as youth leadership in the CDM and protests, domestic and international solidarity, environmental concerns, the dissolution of rule of law in Myanmar, and what the coup means for ongoing international accountability efforts. Below, we offer an overview of the major themes of the series, along with a timeline of the struggle for democracy in Myanmar. The current uprising against military rule must be understood in the context of these decades-long struggles for peace, democracy, accountability, and justice..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Just Security (New York)
2021-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Category: Anti-coup protesters, Spring Revolution, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Freedom of opinion and expression: - the situation in Burma/Myanmar - reports, analyses, recommendations, Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, violations of, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, Freedom of Movement, violations of in Burma/Myanmar, Human Rights Defenders, Racial or ethnic discrimination in Burma: reports of violations against several groups, Discrimination against the Rohingya, International Criminal Court, Several Groups, Rohingya (cultural, political etc.), International Court of Justice (ICJ) - General, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG), Various groups, Political History, Politics, Government and Governance - Burma/Myanmar - general studies, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Topic: Health, Protection and Human Rights
Topic: Health, Protection and Human Rights
Description: "Move by the National Union Government towards a Federal Union Army will see a more formal conflict develop. OVERVIEW Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG), established by opponents of army rule, declared on 05 May that it would establish a “People’s Defence Force” as protection against government violent attacks towards its members. The statement noted that this was a prelude to establishing a Federal Union Army “in order to terminate the 70-year-long civil war.” The Tatmadaw also responded with heavy weapons after reports that the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) shot down a military helicopter in the vicinity of Konelaw village, Moemauk Township, Kachin State on 4 May. The risk of deterioration within Myanmar was highlighted by Zhang Jun, the Chinese Ambassador to the UN, in one of China’s strongest statements yet, when he warned that further violence in Myanmar could lead to “civil war”. ANALYSIS We predicted in our previous alert (27 Apr: Myanmar Border Area Clashes) that any further violence either along the Thai border area or between the Tatmadaw and the militia units (in this instance the Karen National Union - KNU) would likely escalate. Violent episodes are intensifying: on 4 May bomb blasts were reported in Myaing Township on 4 May, as were further clashes in Chin state, near the border with India, between the Chinland Defence Force (CDF) and Myanmar troops. The move by the NUG towards a Federal Union Army is highly likely in response to these clashes and would build a coordinated force against the Tatmadaw. Indeed, local sources have reported that units have been training “in the jungle” for several months and that militias have been using illegal arms traders to build up supplies of weapons. PREDICTION The move by the NGU to establish a Federal Union Army, along with the intensifying number of incidents, and the UN Chinese Ambassador’s comments points to the high probability that a more formal civil war phase is imminent. Cross border illicit arms trading will see a major increase, whilst the Tatmadaw will likely receive more military support from China, and possibly India; both have geopolitical interests in supporting the Myanmar government. Both militia units and the “People’s Defence Force/Federal Union Army” are likely to receive illicit aid from countries opposed to either India or China. The numbers of IDPs within the country, and refugees seeking shelter on the Thai/Indian border is likely to increase, leading to the possibility of further spread of COVID-19 within the country and region – as Myanmar appears to heading into a third wave of the virus, with no effective vaccine deployment in place. MITIGATION Organisations should carefully consider whether to deploy staff within 10 miles of the border areas – especially the China/Myanmar border region. Vary routes into and out of projects as often as possible. All staff should remove themselves from social media (if internet still available), remove satellite dishes from homes (if outside of main cities), and where possible, organisations should ensure that staff have a removable hard drive, and emphasize strict IT safeguarding protocols. Reinforce use of PPE and checking in protocols..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2021-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Size: 299.32 KB
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Description: "Thank you to so much for having me here at this critical moment in Myanmar. It is an honor to address the Parliament of Germany through these vital important Committees. I am here to brief you on the deepening catastrophic developments crisis in Myanmar that followed the illegal coup d'etat of 1 February. But I also come with a direct appeal from the people of Myanmar: Please support us in this, our darkest hour. Your solidarity and supports in these difficult times mean to us life. We are nearing 100 days since that fateful day when Min Aung Hlaing murderer in chief and his henchmen shattered our democratic aspirations in Myanmar. On that day, like many people in Myanmar, I feared for my life but have survived. Many have not been as fortunate. Since that horrible day, the coup leaders' forces have murdered nearly 800 patriots Nation's heroes of Myanmar and detained over 4,700, with 3,700 of my brothers and sisters currently imprisoned including our State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and our President U Win Myint . Please take note: I say the "coup leaders' forces" and not "Myanmar military forces" because the people of Myanmar have made clear they do not recognize these forces as their own. Indeed, the mission of a nation's military is to protect and defend its people. The forces under the command of murderer in chief, Min Aung Hlaing are doing precisely the opposite - murdering, maiming and arbitrarily detaining the people of Myanmar in ever growing numbers. The people of Myanmar view Min Aung Hlaing and those who report to him as a terrorist organization inflicting devastation on our country and our people. They are detaining people without cause, without explanation, and without hearings. They are beating and murdering on the streets of Myanmar and torturing in prisons. Reports of gender-based violence while in detention are on the rise, with rapes and sexual torture occurring in prisons and on the streets. This should come as no surprise as for decades the Tatmadaw used rape as a weapon against ethnic nationalities in Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Shan, Mon, Rakhine and Chin States..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 126.33 KB 66.42 KB
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Description: "Myanmar's junta-controlled media announced a ban on satellite television receivers on Tuesday, saying outside broadcasts threatened national security and threatening to jail anyone caught violating the measure. With mobile internet access largely cut off in a bid to quell anti-junta protests since the Feb. 1 coup, Myanmar has increasingly appeared headed back to the state of isolation that preceded a decade of democratic reforms. "Satellite television is no longer legal. Whoever violates the television and video law, especially people using satellite dishes, shall be punished with one year imprisonment and a fine of 500,000 kyat ($320)," MRTV state television said. "Illegal media outlets are broadcasting news that undermines national security, the rule of law and public order, and encouraging those who commit treason." In the face of widespread opposition, the junta has struggled to impose order since overthrowing elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and ending an unsteady transition to democracy. Violence has spiralled since the coup and security forces have killed more than 760 civilians, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) advocacy group says. The junta disputes the figure and says 24 police and soldiers have died in the protests. Myanmar media reported that five people were killed by at least one parcel bomb on Tuesday, including an ousted lawmaker and three police officers who had joined a civil disobedience movement opposing military rule. Meanwhile, the Chinland Defence Force, a newly formed militia in Chin state bordering India, said on its Facebook page on Tuesday that its forces had killed at least four Myanmar army soldiers and wounded 10 in a clash overnight. The Myanmar army did not comment on the claim. Villagers had found the beheaded body of a junta appointed local administrator in the northwestern Sagaing region, independent broadcaster DVB reported, a day after another local official was stabbed to death in the biggest city, Yangon. Reuters was unable to reach local police for comment. Pro-democracy supporters held protests on Tuesday in the second-biggest city of Mandalay, including one by education staff calling for a boycott of schools and universities when they reopen in June, Myanmar Now reported. The junta said it had to seize power because its complaints of fraud in a November election won by Suu Kyi's party were not addressed by an election commission that deemed the vote fair. Suu Kyi, 75, has been detained since the coup along with many other members of her party..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-05-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: UNODC, Narcotic Drugs, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing, Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control
Sub-title: The inclusion of Lt-Gen Than Hlaing in the conference rejects the advice of the UN Secretary-General's own adviser not to legitimise or recognise the military coup regime
Topic: UNODC, Narcotic Drugs, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing, Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control
Description: "The staging of the 64th Session of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) from April 12-16 was the latest annual meeting for the Vienna, Austria-based United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), for which the CND serves as the governing body and provides policy guidance. It would probably have passed out without much notice, except that it served as a coming out of sorts for Myanmar's military junta. The conference appears to signify the first time that a senior figure in Myanmar’s regime—in this case, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing—has participated in a UN forum since the February 1 coup. As Myanmar's newly installed deputy minister for home affairs, a department that controls both the police and the Special Branch, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing has played a central role in the ongoing violent crackdown that has seen nearly 3,600 people arrested and more than 766 killed in the country’s blood-stained streets. In his remarks at the event, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing made no reference to the bloodshed carried out by the police under his command, preferring instead to focus on other things. “Myanmar has made various efforts to eradicate drugs as a national duty. Special anti-drug operations are being carried out annually,” he said in a speech that was delivered remotely. The fact that this year’s conference for the UNODC’s governing body was conducted online due to the Covid-19 pandemic spared the Austrian government the embarrassment of having to host a senior junta member officially blacklisted by both the European Union (EU) and the US for his role in the ongoing crackdown on anti-dictatorship protests. “[P]olice forces acting under the authority of Lieutenant General Than Hlaing have committed serious human rights violations since 1 February 2021, killing civilian and unarmed protesters, restricting freedom of assembly and of expression, arbitrary arrests and detention of opposition leaders and opponents of the coup,” the EU's sanctions announcement reads. It goes on to describe Lt-Gen Than Hlaing as “directly responsible for decision making concerning repressive policies and violent actions committed by police against peaceful demonstrators and is therefore responsible for serious human rights violations in Myanmar/Burma.”.....Dissonance within the UN interagency response: Despite what the EU, the British, Canadian and US governments—who have all sanctioned the senior junta figure—may think of Lt-Gen Than Hlaing, his participation at the CND was a victory for Myanmar military chief and coup leader Min Aung Hlaing in his ongoing effort to expel Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun from his seat in New York as Myanmar's Permanent Representative to the UN. Kyaw Moe Tun has come out against the coup, much to the irritation of the junta, and refused to vacate his seat where he has continued to call on the UN and foreign governments to “consider the desire of the people.” Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun has maintained that he continues to represent Myanmar's civilian government and that “the coup must fail,” triggering a diplomatic showdown that appears destined to be played out before the UN Credentials Committee, a nine-member body currently headed by Tanzania. Myanmar dissidents are concerned that by giving a platform to Lt-Gen Than Hlaing, the UN is signaling that it has already decided to recognise the new junta and disregard Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun. Lt-Gen Than Hlaing's participation at the CND conference, which was highly publicised in Myanmar military-run media, has also been perceived by some as signifying a change in the stance of UN Secretary-General António Guterres. Although the Secretary-General had previously claimed he was “appalled” by the junta’s crackdown on the Myanmar public, he took part in the CND alongside Lt-Gen Than Hlaing. An April 29 statement released by the advocacy group Progressive Voice noted that 410 Myanmar civil society organisations and prominent activists denounced Lt-Gen Than Hlaing's inclusion at the CND. “The UN has not only failed to act as the brutal military junta commits crimes against humanity, it is now acting to legitimize and offer a platform to those who are murdering innocent people by the hundreds, including children,” read the statement. “It is disheartening to see such lack of respect for human rights displayed by the very institution that is mandated to protect and encourage respect for human rights. It is all the more shocking to see a UN institution with a mandate to prevent crime, corruption and terrorism feting an international criminal.” As the UNODC’s governing body, the CND reports to and is one of the functional commissions of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). The ECOSOC is itself under the UN General Assembly, where Kyaw Moe Tun continues to sit. It remains to be seen how the struggle between Kyaw Moe Tun and the Myanmar junta will play out across other UN agencies and departments. When reached for comment for this article, Jeremy Douglas, the UNODC's regional representative for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, explained that the UNODC was not responsible for the inclusion of Lt-Gen Than Hlaing at the CND. “Invitations to the 2021 CND were sent to all UN MSs [Member States] sometime in 2020 by UN HQ [headquarters] as they are for all other UN commissions,” Douglas wrote in an email. According to Douglas, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing and other Myanmar participants’ names were submitted by Myanmar’s ambassador to Vienna, Min Thein, who, in addition to being accredited to Austria, serves as Myanmar's representative to the UN offices based there. While invitations to states may have been sent last year, online registration for individuals representing those states at the conference appears to have taken place from late March until early April—well after Myanmar’s coup, and Lt-Gen Than Hlaing’s February 2 appointment to his position. “The composition of Myanmar’s delegation was known to the UN in New York HQ before the CND as they received confirmation of the nominations, as was the UN Resident Coordinator and UN system in Myanmar,” Douglas said. He noted that “the participation of the delegation does not in any way indicate a change in the position of the Secretary General or the UN in Myanmar, the region or globally, including UNODC, OHCHR etc.,” Douglas added. In his correspondence, Douglas did not elaborate on what this position entailed. Apart from ignoring the advice of Ambassador Kyaw Moe Tun, who has maintained that the military coup council is illegitimate, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing’s inclusion at the CND also defies the recommendations of the UN Secretary-General's own Special Envoy for Myanmar, Christine Schraner Burgener. She has called on the international community to “not lend legitimacy or recognition to this regime.” Schraner Burgener's comments were echoed by Progressive Voice, who have demanded that the UNODC and CND to “immediately end all ties with the illegitimate military junta and recognize and work with the National Unity Government, the legitimate governing body representing the people of Myanmar.”......No acknowledgment of the coup: Public comments by UNODC staff since Myanmar’s coup have largely overlooked the violence perpetrated against the public by the police and military forces. They have instead focused on what the UNODC believes are the ramifications of the situation in Myanmar for the global drug trade. The UNODC's Douglas explained to Channel News Asia, a Singaporean broadcaster, in a February 26 interview that the UN drug agency was concerned that what he referred to as the “redeployment” of security personnel could sideline anti-drug interdiction efforts. “What we do sense is that law enforcement redeployment, which is occurring within the country because of the emergency decree, may position the police to new places, meaning that they're not able to do what they would normally do. Search for drugs, follow-up investigations, so it could be a huge distraction which traffickers can take advantage of. So we're expecting that type of behaviour, opportunistic behaviour, to take place, which is very normal for organised crime,” he said. In another interview with AFP on March 26, Douglas predicted an increase in synthetic drug production due to the economic slowdown brought about by the coup. “The best way to make big money fast is the drug trade, and the pieces are in place to scale up," Douglas explained. Similarly, a UNODC press release issued on February 11 about Myanmar also made no mention of the military’s seizure of power. It was an omission that the agency's many Myanmar critics have attributed to UNODC's partnership with the very police reinforcing the coup. These critics have also suggested that the agency’s consistently dire predictions about surges in drug production and distribution are indicative of the UNODC's own struggle for relevance and renewed funding in a region where the agency’s police partners have been accused of rights abuses, incompetence and collaboration with the very drug traffickers they are supposed to be fighting against. According to an independent evaluation of the UNODC’s Myanmar Country Programme published in May 2020, the agency’s budget during a multi-year project period beginning in 2014 was listed US$42 million. It had reportedly managed to raise just over half of this amount. The evaluation also noted that at the time the Myanmar program was designed, it was “not developed within the framework of conflict-sensitive and ‘do no harm’ programming,” pointing out that this was “not common practice for UNODC programming.” This was a requirement only added by the UN in 2018 to meet the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.....Pro-military bias and major reporting errors: In early 2020, the office of military chief Min Aung Hlaing announced that during raids in northern Myanmar, security forces had seized over 143 million methamphetamine tablets, 441 kg of crystalline methamphetamine and vast amounts of chemicals and laboratory equipment used in drug production. The UNODC heralded the raids and described the operations as the largest ever methamphetamine manufacturing bust in the Golden Triangle. “What has been unearthed through this operation is truly off the charts,” the UNODC's Douglas said at the time of the bust, which took place in northern Shan State's Kutkai Township. Despite the headlines, it has been unclear how many people have been charged with crimes in connection with the raids, or whether the figures provided by Myanmar officials concerning the seizure were accurate. Unsurprisingly, in his remarks at the April conference in Vienna, Lt-Gen Than Hlaing did not provide updates on any outcomes related to the supposedly giant drug haul in Kutkai. He instead focused on the results of the latest annual joint opium survey conducted by the UNODC and Myanmar’s Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control. The committee is a government entity that, until the coup, was headed by Myanmar’s previous police chief, Pol Lt-Gen Aung Win Oo. The UNODC’s annual reports concerning Myanmar have come under criticism for demonstrating a pro-military bias that ignored realities on the ground and appeared to reinforce the military's agenda. For example, the UNODC claimed in its 2018 Myanmar Opium Survey that, “in Kachin State, the highest density of poppy cultivation took place in areas under the control or influence of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA).” This conclusion contradicted the actual data collected in the surveys, including the maps printed in the report which showed that Kachin State's opium fields were in territory controlled not by the KIA but by the Border Guard Force—units officially under the control of the Myanmar military. As the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) pointed out in a strongly worded letter to the UNODC's Douglas rebutting the report, “It can be clearly seen that the very high opium density area in Sadung lies in the government-controlled BGF area, and not in the KIA area.” “Frankly, siding with the Myanmar government to cast unsubstantiated aspersions against the KIA will only hinder, not support, peace-seeking efforts,” the KIO warned the UN drug agency. The area that the KIO was referring to has long been the fiefdom of the Myanmar military-allied militia leader Zahkung Ting Ying, who originally split with the group in 1968. The veteran warlord was described by a US counter-narcotics official in 1997 Senate testimony as “someone associated with drug trafficking.” It is a view shared by members of the Kachin State-based anti-drug movement Pat Jasan who have protested in front of the former parliamentarian’s home and dispatched vigilantes to destroy poppies in BGF territory. As the Transnational Institute (TNI), an Amsterdam-based think tank that has criticised the KIO for being too heavy handed in its drug control efforts, noted, “Our local sources […] confirm the KIO claim that there is presently no substantial opium cultivation in KIO-controlled areas.” TNI went on to say that “it is unclear how the UNODC arrives at its completely opposite claims about Kachin State, but it seems to be based on wrong assumptions about who ‘controls’ which areas.” Thanks to Lt-Gen Than Hlaing's central role in the junta’s war on Myanmar's civil society, the next time the UNODC makes such errors in its reports there may be no one on the ground in Myanmar to point them out..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-05-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: While the anti-coup movement is ostensibly about who rules – the military or the people – embedded in it are four tendencies that, with the world’s help, will radically remake Myanmar society for the better.
Description: "Myanmar is in the throes of a profound political crisis, but the solution must extend beyond the question of who’s in charge of government. The resistance to the Tatmadaw’s takeover has been spearheaded by the youth. Members of so-called Generation Z have learned from their elders in the 1988 pro-democracy movement, but this “Spring Revolution” is not like their parents’ failed revolution. The battle is lopsided – the military has more guns and more money than the people right now – but, with action from the international community, it is entirely winnable. The prize will not only be democratic government, but a far more just, inclusive and united society, thanks to four progressive tendencies embedded in the youth-led movement.....Genuine democracy: The first of these tendencies is a demand for genuine democracy that moves beyond past compromises. The events of the past three months mean the masses are no longer willing to settle for a return to the pre-coup status quo. This revolution aims to complete, once and for all, a process stalled since 1962: the creation of a federal union and the removal of the Tatmadaw from politics. Many people reluctantly accepted the military-drafted 2008 Constitution because they believed it would help move the country towards democracy. The National League for Democracy’s 2015 victory under that charter gave them hope for a better future. The military unequivocally dashed those hopes on February 1. Those that weren’t already convinced now know that a “partial democracy” is a contradiction of terms, and that a power sharing agreement with the Tatmadaw is a road to nowhere. To that end, people are striking, peacefully protesting, boycotting and performing acts of civil disobedience, hoping to paralyse the military’s ability to govern, even if it means deep personal and economic pain. They are now considering any means necessary to finally remove the military from politics. They’ve called on the international community and the United Nations to invoke the principle of the Responsibility to Protect and, despite the slim-to-zero chance that this call will be heeded, they continue collecting evidence of the Tatmadaw’s crimes against humanity, hoping to hold the coup makers accountable under global bodies of justice, such as the International Criminal Court. Even the idea of armed revolution has become popular, with the National Unity Government declaring its ambition to establish a People’s Defence Army that would later be integrated into a “federal army” alongside ethnic armed groups already fighting for autonomy in their own states. Young people are reportedly flocking to areas under the control of ethnic armies to receive weapons training. But the idea of an armed offensive against the Tatmadaw, however emotionally gratifying now, may be ill advised in the longer term. For one, the military has superior weapons and greater resources than all of its challengers combined, and it has survived countless armed insurrections since its founding. Additionally, the technical and practical challenges of unifying many geographically dispersed armed groups with varying political goals into a single force may prove overwhelming. Still, the growing popularity of the idea among young and old alike – many of whom are getting a first-hand experience of the depths of the Tatmadaw’s brutality and inhumanity for the first time – is a testament to the desperate desire, shared by almost everyone, to rid the country of this notorious institution, which has impoverished its citizenry and tarnished the national image for more than half a century.....Across ethnic lines: The second critical tendency of the Spring Revolution is a desire to shatter pernicious national mythologies. Generations of Myanmar people have been conditioned to believe a distorted version of history – something this movement is helping to right. For more than 70 years, minority ethnic groups have felt betrayed by the majority Bamar, who, instead of bringing about the democratic federal union promised in the 1947 Panglong Agreement, have continued to maintain their political and social dominance while marginalising minority voices. The military has systematically reinforced these divisions since General Ne Win seized power in 1962 through divide-and-conquer tactics. In propaganda spread through the schoolroom and state-controlled media, successive military regimes portrayed ethnic insurgent groups as bandits led by warlords who posed a threat to the nation. Most Bamar live in regions untouched by conflict and did not understand that ethnic armed groups had taken up arms as political actors with the universal ambition of autonomy. They had little knowledge of the suffering and abuse – the abductions and arbitrary killings, the use of systemic rape as a weapon of war and subjugation – that ethnic groups have endured at the Tatmadaw’s hands. Perhaps the most significant result of the Spring Revolution is the unprecedented unity that has developed between the Bamar and other ethnic nationalities. The use of lethal force by security forces – their indiscriminate shooting into homes and apartments, their targeting of aid workers, their looting and wanton vandalism – have helped lowland Bamar understand what their ethnic compatriots have endured for decades. Moving displays of Bamar sympathy have sprung up, and people – largely the youth – are publicly apologising for not speaking out in the past.....Toppling taboos: A third tendency of the Spring Revolution lies in its critique of religious orthodoxy and antiquated social norms. This is particularly noticeable in attitudes towards women and girls, who have been central to the protest movement, displaying just as much commitment, creativity and courage as their male counterparts – both on the frontlines and in the rooms where strategy is made. Women have harnessed traditional beliefs to challenge misogyny and the military in creative ways, notably using the fear among many men – particularly those within the Tatmadaw – of losing their male essence, known as hpone, by passing below women’s garments. As security forces moved in to quash protests around the country, female-led groups of demonstrators hung women’s htamein (longyi) from clotheslines strung over streets and roads, knowing that superstitious, conservative soldiers would be reluctant to pass beneath them. In many cases, they were right. Junta forces often stopped to burn the garments before passing beneath them. The demands for gender equity have permeated aspirations for new government leadership as well: about half of the National Unity Government members announced on April 16 are women. And despite the enormous respect accorded to senior Buddhist monks, young protesters have been quick to criticise monks who express support for the coup makers. After Wazipeik Sayadaw, a Shan State monk with close ties to junta chief Min Aung Hlaing, reportedly advised the senior general to “shoot protesters in the head”, portraits of the monk turned up strung alongside htamein at protests in Yangon’s Sanchaung Township. This was a challenge to the monk directly, but also to a misogynist belief that even representations of monks are too sacred to be displayed near “lowly” women’s clothing. When Sitagu Sayadaw, a highly influential senior monk in Sagaing Region well known for his philanthropic work and Buddhist scholarship, publicly supported the coup, scores of Buddhist social media users were quick to post scathing criticisms of him online. Western readers, accustomed to open critiques of the clergy, may find this nothing to write home about. But these moves – which even parents, senior relatives and religious leaders that do support the movement likely found deeply uncomfortable – are unprecedented, given the hierarchical relationship between laypeople and the Sangha. This revolution is changing mindsets: formerly untouchable elders are being revaluated with a critical eye, often facing social punishment campaigns from young people willing to judge them on their actions rather than their venerated status.....The Rohingya divide: The final tendency of the Spring Revolution may also be its most complex. This movement has, like nothing before it, forced a reckoning with longstanding prejudices against the Rohingya – though there are gradations to how much progress has been made in this realm. Undoubtedly, there has been a much-needed growth in acceptance of the persecuted minority, and an overdue recognition of their plight. Social media users have tweeted what seemed like heartfelt apologies to the former United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Ms Yanghee Lee, for their past hate speech against the Rohingya “and against me personally because I used the name ‘Rohingya’ while speaking about their plight”, Lee recently wrote in Nikkei Asia. Such apologies were “unthinkable just a few months ago”, she added. Early on in the protests, multiple demonstrators posted photos of themselves holding signs expressing support for the Rohingya, and remorse for ignoring or denying their suffering in the past. But while unity has emerged on abolishing military dictatorship, standing with ethnic nationalities, and building a more progressive, open society, divisions remain over the Rohingya, with opinion roughly divided into four groups. The first still regards the Rohingya as illegal immigrants with no real right to a dignified life in Myanmar, insisting on calling them “Bengali” no matter how they self-identify, or how many generations have lived here before them. People of this mind may never be convinced. The second acknowledges that the Tatmadaw committed crimes against humanity and possibly even genocide against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017, but still holds that most Rohingya are foreign interlopers who are not entitled to live in Myanmar. Most among this tribe also refuse to recognise “Rohingya” as a legitimate ethnic designation. The third recognises the atrocities the Rohingya have suffered at the hands of the Tatmadaw and also accepts that many have lived in Myanmar for generations, entitling them to some form of citizenship, but only a second-class, “Bengali” citizenship, since they are not among the 135 indigenous “races” who automatically receive citizenship under the racist, military-drafted 1982 Citizenship Law. The final group is, sadly, likely to be the smallest in size. This group accepts the Rohingya’s right to citizenship and to self-identification as “Rohingya”. These thinkers reject the arbitrary distinctions between “officially recognised” groups and others – ideas pushed on the populace by the xenophobic Ne Win, the country’s first coup maker and military dictator. They insist that Myanmar should have only one category of citizenship, free of racial distinctions. Until this last understanding is more widely shared, we’re doomed to spawn a crippled form of democracy.....Towards a more just future: This revolution is truly unprecedented, in its demands and its sophistication, and it has the potential to transform society and deliver a new nation of more just structures, values and norms. We are confident of victory, but it will take perseverance. More than 750 people have been killed by junta forces, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. Despite the rising death toll, people remain undaunted. When soldiers crack down in the daytime, they hold candlelight vigils at night. Instead of confronting security forces head on, people are finding new ways to resist, such as with sticker campaigns and quickly dispersing flash mobs. Civil servants and critical private-sector workers are refusing to return to their jobs, shuttering banking and payment services, hospitals, rail travel and cargo movement. Military-made products like Myanmar Beer and Red Ruby cigarettes have been targeted for consumer boycotts, tanking these brands and draining the Tatmadaw of revenue. The forms of resistance keep multiplying. Just how long it will take may depend on the international community. Each day that justice is deferred, more will die. The movement’s goals are deeply aligned with the values and prerogatives that most Western nations espouse. If these nations can replace empty admonishments with serious moves against the Tatmadaw’s funding – more robust sanctions on extractive industries, for a start – we may be able to realise the more just future we all strive for sooner rather than later..."
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Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 1 May, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) has not yet confirmed any fallen heroes today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of May 1, a total of (3508) people are currently under detention; of them (82) are sentenced. 1356 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. 1 May 2021 marked International Labor Day. AAPP honors the active participation of the entire labor movement, who have been on the front lines of this Spring Revolution. People across Burma continue to fight against injustice and dictatorship. Today, seven civilians, who did not even take part in the protest were arrested after the junta forces arrived in vehicles and attacked the strike in Insein Township, Yangon Region. Two civilians were ordered to stop while riding a motorcycle near 38×39, 78th Street, Mandalay City, Mandalay Region and were shot in the abdomen and knees when they did not stop, last night The terrorist group is now repressing charities. In Myitkyina this morning a group of 11 youth involved in a free food campaign and around 30 people were arrested by junta troops in soldiers and police uniforms at gunpoint. In Mandalay Region, Mogok Town, Kyat Pyin Ward, the Ruby Yadanar clinic was looted and all medical supplies worth around 1,500,000 kyats (US$965) were taken by the junta group. Yesterday evening in Bago Region, Pyay town, two funeral vehicles belonging to the Moe Metta Funeral Service were seized. The junta does not even exempt charity and philanthropy from its violent acts. The terrorist group is systematically targeting those who they want to arrest, and is now targeting the ward administrators and former administrators across the country. In Dawei Township, Tanintharyi Region, more than 20 former ward administrators have been detained since April 29 and some administrators from Myeik and Kawthaung have also been arrested. On April 29, Ngaputaw Township the ward administrator of Ngup Kaung was kidnapped, On April 30, the administrator for Ward 11, Mandalay Region, Pyin Oo Lwin Township was also arrested. The terrorists are arresting and detaining influential people in society, the junta are trying to establish their administrative power in incendiary ways. It has been 90 days since the coup and the situation inside Burma remains extremely unstable. Administration, the judiciary, legislature collapsed, media attacked. A so-called agreement at ASEAN leader meeting on Burma has not had a significant impact on the coup. A closed-door meeting was also held by the UN Security Council yesterday but likewise no specific agreement was made. People across Burma are facing brutal junta perpetrated violence on a daily basis. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-05-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 29 April, (759) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (3) fallen heroes today. (1) from Pyapon Township in Ayeyarwady Region died on 29 April. (2) from Mandalay and Kani Township in Sagaing Region were killed previous days and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 29, a total of (3461) people are currently under detention; of them (80) are sentenced. 1276 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Today people across Burma continued to protest in different ways against the military coup despite the brutal crackdowns and repressions. This morning, plain clothes junta forces in private cars armed with guns in ShweBo Town, Sagaing Region, crashed into the main protest group. Junta forces threatened, swearing, at the protesters. Thereafter, one woman from the strike was arrested. Arrests are being made in private cars, not military trucks or police cars. This is because the terrorists are attempting to cover up their acts of violence, and make it more difficult for civilians to report on the junta’s actions because they are using private vehicles. Last night, a night protest was cracked down on and one civilian got shot on his thigh in Pyigyidagun Township, Mandalay Region. Terrorists are committing unlawful shootings and killings day after day. Last night, a young man was shot in the abdomen and died on the spot near Zegyo Clock Tower on 84 road, Mandalay City. He was trying to run away after the military stopped him for a motorcycle check. A local man was shot and wounded in the abdomen and arm by the terrorists in Auk Kwin Village, Pyapone Township, Ayeyarwady Region last night and died this morning. In addition to this, two civilians were arrested and detained last night, one of whom died. The junta forces are becoming more violent each day. Civilians are being treated like enemies. The junta forces were using slingshots and throwing stones at an apartment because they did not turn the lights off after 10 pm, destroying the windows in Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township, Yangon Region. Daily lives of the civilians are being threatened by the junta through these relentless actions. A group of 50 junta troops in plain clothes and police uniform stormed the house of Ko Zin Maung Phyo’s yesterday in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei District. The Dawei District Students Union member is evading a Penal Code 505(a) warrant. They broke into the house at night, smashing the doors and destroying everything in the house. The junta troops also seized the farm and land registration papers and all the other documents. The junta are also targeting arrestees and brutally torturing civilians into confession. Two villagers from a village in Kani township, Sagaing Region, were arrested on April 27. One of them was told to pick up the dead body next day. The body of the fallen villager was found with wounds consistent with torture. As long as the dictatorship does not end, the security and dignity of civilians will continue to deteriorate. Protest leaders, politicians, and activists are being prosecuted by the junta forces under several laws. Wai Moe Naing, the leader of the Monywa strike, has been charged under seven sections, including the Penal Code Section 505-a, and three more sections, including Penal Code Section 124. The junta has tried to imprison dissidents for as long as possible under various sections of the law. This is the practice of successive dictatorships. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Myanmar’s junta has effectively ignored the terms of a five-point agreement reached in Jakarta last weekend
Description: "Nearly a week after Myanmar’s chief coup maker met with leaders of the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) last Saturday to discuss the crisis in the country, reports of abuses by the military continue. The ASEAN meeting, held in the Indonesian capital Jakarta, reached a five-point consensus that aimed to end the ongoing violence, which has already claimed more than 750 civilian lives in less than three months. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who made his first trip outside of Myanmar since seizing power on February 1 to attend the emergency summit, appears to have backed away from the terms of the agreement since returning to the country. The day after the meeting, coverage of the summit in state-run newspaper The Mirror made no mention of the five points, which included plans to allow representatives of the regional grouping into the country to observe the situation on the ground. On Tuesday, however, the regime announced that it would only move forward with this and other points in the agreement once the country had become “stable”. Meanwhile, it continues its efforts to restore stability through brute force, killing at least seven people during and in the days immediately after the Jakarta summit, in direct violation of its commitment to end violence against civilians.....Ongoing abuses: The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which has documented the regime’s arrests and killings of protesters and other civilians, said that the ASEAN meeting had failed to achieve the desired results. “On the night after the meeting, the junta’s armed forces continued to commit atrocities against civilians, including women, in plain sight,” it noted in a statement released earlier this week. On the day of the summit, a young man was shot dead by plainclothes policemen in Mandalay, while a woman arrested in Myaung Mya, a town in Sagaing Region, died shortly after being taken into custody on the same day, according to AAPP. There was also one other civilian death reported in Yezagyo, Magway Region, on Saturday, followed by two more the next day—one in Kawthaung, in Tanintharyi Region, and another in Yangon’s Insein Township, AAPP records show. Since then, there have been at least two more fatal shootings of civilians, including one of a fried-rice vendor in Mandalay on Monday and another in Kayah State’s Demoso Township on Tuesday. In another attack, a woman in Kayin State’s Phaya Thone Su Township sustained serious injuries last Saturday after she was shot by the military and hit with a car while she was taking part in an anti-coup motorbike rally. Besides using lethal force, soldiers and police have kept up a steady campaign of harassment against civilians in an effort to break their resistance to military rule. Residents of Yangon report that regime forces come into their neighbourhoods every night after curfew to prevent people from banging pots in protest against the coup. “They came onto our street last night and started threatening anyone who dared to bang a pot. They used very vulgar language and fired at people’s houses with slingshots. It happens every night now,” said one Yangon resident who asked not to be identified. On Sunday, a group of women in Yangon’s Mayangone Township were forced to bang their pots and dance in the street while soldiers watched and laughed. If they stopped dancing, the soldiers hurled insults at them and threw stones at their houses, AAPP said in a statement that recounted a number of similar incidents involving attempts to humiliate civilians. “Forcing women to hurt their dignity in public, and treating civilians as if they were enemies, are cruel acts that the military continues to lawlessly commit,” the group said in its statement. In another incident that took place in Yangon’s Mingalar Taung Nyunt Township last Saturday, a transgender woman was forced to wear a man’s longyi and mocked by regime forces. Many remain undeterred by this behaviour, however, as ordinary citizens continue to register their rejection of the military’s overthrow of the elected civilian government. A resident of Yangon’s Tamwe Township who complained about the junta’s persistent efforts to disrupt the lives of civilians said that he and most of his neighbours refused to be intimidated. “They curse at passersby, interrogate them for a while, and then let them go. When they came to my door, I closed it and they threw stones. But we will continue to demonstrate against them. We won’t be ruled by these people,” he told Myanmar Now.....Intensifying pressure: While ordinary citizens do their best to cope with the heavy military presence, those taking part in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) are coming under growing pressure to end their efforts to deny the regime control of the state. Among those most under threat from the junta are healthcare workers, who spearheaded the CDM in the early days after the coup. In the months since, the movement has been joined by many other public employees and emerged as a major stumbling block to Min Aung Hlaing’s ambitions. Frustrated by its inability to break the CDM, the junta has in recent weeks stepped up its efforts to arrest the movement’s leaders and put them behind bars on trumped-up charges. Since April 13, military-controlled television has broadcast the names of at least 20 health professionals who have been charged with incitement and issued with arrest warrants. At least 300 medical workers are now on the regime’s wanted list. On Tuesday, a failed attempt to apprehend a doctor in Yangon’s South Okkalapa Township resulted in the arrest of her father and younger sister, according to a relative. The doctor, Yu Sandar Moe, has since gone into hiding, the relative told Myanmar Now. According to a statement released by the University of Medicine (1) Students Union on Saturday, a total of 46 medical workers and students, including 29 striking doctors, have been arrested since the coup. The junta has also threatened to revoke doctors’ passports and medical licenses if they join the CDM. Private hospitals and charity clinics that accept CDM doctors will also have their licenses taken away, the junta said. Other prominent figures in the anti-coup movement have also been targeted for arrest. On Saturday, regime forces carried out a raid on a monastery in Sagaing Region’s Yinmabin Township in an attempt to arrest a monk who has led protests in the area. It was the second time this month that the junta had failed to catch the monk. On April 2, soldiers surrounded the village of Thabyay Aye to arrest him, but locals fought back with homemade rifles. Four villagers were killed in that clash, which also reportedly resulted in military casualties. At least six people were killed earlier this week during clashes elsewhere in Yinmabin. The recent efforts to crack down on protests have also forced tens of thousands of people from 30 villages to flee as soldiers set up camp in the area. Meanwhile, civilians armed with hunting rifles in southern Chin State’s Mindat Township claim to have killed 30 regime soldiers during four days of fierce clashes that began last Saturday. Amid concerns that the situation in Myanmar still threatens to spin out of control, Mann Win Khaing Than, the chief union minister of the recently formed National Unity Government, called on ASEAN to ensure that the regime abides by its agreement to deescalate its use of violence..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Junta report presented to ASEAN on Myanmar's political situation revealed a tortured relationship with the bloody truth
Description: "Myanmar’s junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing arrived at the recent Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Jakarta with justifications for his February 1 coup compiled in a neat document entitled “The Current Political Situation in Myanmar.” Written in a first-person account redolent of a court case defense summation, the 118-page paper outlines the alleged fraud and corruption at last November’s elections that motivated the coup and subsequent responses by the military, or Tatmadaw. The military’s electoral fraud allegations had been mounting for months since the nationwide polls, and its insistence that 10.4 million votes were fraudulent is as implausible as when the accusation was aired by military officials days before the coup, which acted to form the State Administration Council (SAC) and topple the National League for Democracy (NLD) government. The document absurdly uses screen grabs of statements from the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, United States Secretary of State and international media to demonstrate “the election as not free and fair due to ballot rigging”, when the related statements predominantly criticized constitutional provisions preserving Tatmadaw power and the disenfranchisement of Rohingya Muslims. It also manages to heap blame solely on the NLD for the pre-election cancellations that deprived some 1.4 million people the vote. But it is the document’s self-deluded description of the nationwide protests that erupted in response to the coup and suspension of democracy that is most glaring. It outlines five stages of progressively severe protest to justify the military clampdown. First, as the junta sees it, there were peaceful protests led by the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). The narrative in this section almost commends protestors for their ingenuity and spontaneity, with several pages of photos of colorful demonstrations. The second stage, however, is characterized as “riots”, the third stage “anarchistic mobs” and the fourth stage “insurrection”, with alleged provocateurs summarized as “NLD radicalist (sic), destructionists, bad guys…Federal Army idealists.” The fifth stage slugs the protests as “terrorism…the worst stage ever.” The report outlines the alleged destruction of property with protesters “utilizing immature children as human shield.” It shrilly says “on the pretext of democracy they (NLD and demonstrators) are exercising mobocracy and tyranny of the majority.” In a picture diagram of the supposed five stages, the document bids to justify the junta’s arrests and use of force to counter “protester actions”, but utterly and blindly fails to document its violent assault on the country and its people over the last three months. According to the report, the list of casualties includes six dead Tatmadaw with 45 injured and five dead Myanmar Police Force (MPF) with 12 inexplicably “Fall” and 253 wounded. From February 1 to April 15, it says 64 police stations, the majority in Mandalay, were destroyed by fire. It also claims 62 war or village administration offices, 52 offices, 16 roads, 13 banks, and 105 other buildings were destroyed. Security forces also claim to have seized 3,118 shields, 694 slingshots, 14,183 pellets, 1,114 improvised explosive devices (IEDs), 16 guns, and 4,630 “firebombs.” Now compare this with the more credible summary of state repression compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which lists 755 protestors killed, 4,496 arrested with 3,448 still detained and an unknown number of casualties nationwide as of April 27. This contrast in assessments has obviously irked the SAC, with the Ministry of Home Affairs this week threatening AAPP with “severe action” for its contradictory reporting. By any measure, though, contrasting the AAPP’s data with Min Aung Hlaing’s ASEAN-friendly account is an exercise in cognitive dissonance and revelation of the SAC’s inability to generate remotely credible fake news. The military document also summarizes an ASEAN-appeasing five-part future work plan, which like the previous military regime’s “Seven Step Road Map to Discipline Flourishing Democracy” that preceded it its military-crafted 2008 Constitution, includes a “work in progress” approach that will allow the Tatmadaw to set the tempo and timetables of supposed state-building. The five stages will include reconstituting the Union Election Commission and establishing correct voter lists; prevention of Covid-19 and a vaccination drive; the recovering of businesses affected by the pandemic; “Restoring Eternal Peace with NCA”, without acknowledging the 2015 ceasefire agreement is already dead; and finally, free and fair multi-party elections. This section, like a lot of Tatmadaw plans, has a “Waiting for Godot” aspect. In summary, the briefing booklet evokes the metaphor of a student “passed who cheated on his exams” to decry alleged NLD meddling and corruption in the elections. SAC propaganda also recently referenced the “Harry Tan” incident of 1956, where a seventh-grade student involved in protests was famously shot dead by police, the first student killing of the post-independence era, to perversely besmirch the NLD and its “cheating on democracy.” Clearly, the SAC is more comfortable in a bygone era than the future as it asserts the current takeover of state power is more like the 1958 military “caretaker government” and therefore not a real coup, a word it has barred harassed local media from using. It has called on the regional bloc for “understanding the root causes and the reality of current situations, and hopes for ASEAN cooperation.” In sum, the booklet is even more crude, shrill and unnerving than the usual lame efforts that pass for propaganda from the Tatmadaw’s True News Information Team. Rather, it is a slapdash scrapbook with all the hallmarks of a late minute submission than a serious authority seeking regional and global understanding. Hysterical headlines and highly suspect figures of destroyed property and alleged crimes is an insight not into obtuse authoritarian bluster but sheer self-deception. The SAC issued a statement on Monday suggesting ASEAN “review the information booklet circulated at the meeting before comments are made relating to the current political situation.” Tatmadaw propaganda has always revealed a tortured relationship with truth, but the report’s justifications for the coup and the one-sided narrative of grievance and violence is a pathological projection of a severe conscience: guilt pours over its crude pages. The Tatmadaw leadership is likely aware most of their “news” is sheer bunk and largely designed to convince themselves and their rank and file rather than the general population and wider world. It’s also unclear if the coup confessional is a SAC initiative or the efforts of the US$2 million funded shill Ari Ben-Menashe and his Dickens and Madson public relations firm hired by the junta to launder its global reputation. The booklet has the legacy blend of previous military regimes’ propaganda in the early 1990s, with an obsession with “evidence” and an assembly of grievances to justify seizing state power from untrustworthy civilian politicians and unruly subjects — all designed to downplay their own extreme violence. The booklet is useful evidence for the case against ASEAN interventions in Myanmar: it’s akin to submitting inane scribbles and scraps for a final semester assignment at university and expecting the indolent yet corruptible faculty to pass you regardless of the quality. Clearly, the SAC realizes with cynical acuity that with ASEAN it doesn’t need to make much of an effort; mere attendance makes the grade. The Tatmadaw also knows the game plan ahead. Indeed, they have confronted these ritualized, regional admonishments before without repercussion. ASEAN will embark on yet another limp, ineffectual engagement strategy, promising dialogue and assistance. The West and United Nations will sigh relief that their support for ASEAN’s efforts absolves them of anything other than issuing strong statements, imposing a smattering of sanctions and be assuaged that a prolonged dialogue “process” is underway. Urgently needed humanitarian assistance for millions of people affected by state violence then becomes hostage to these elite maneuvers. For those in the West who actually do care about the future of Myanmar, this booklet should spark distress that the Tatmadaw is determined to drag the country back into a stone-age dictatorship, with ASEAN as its usher. That is the real danger of the junta’s disinformation screed. By engaging with the SAC’s justifications for extreme violence, international interlocutors are inculcating the generals’ delusions. ASEAN is, as ever, the preferred prophylactic for Western inaction on Myanmar and is tantamount to selling the nation’s democratic resistance down the river. David Scott Mathieson is an independent analyst working on conflict, peace and human rights issues on Myanmar..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Press Freedom
Sub-title: Crackdown on Media Aimed at Hiding Security Force Abuses
Topic: Press Freedom
Description: "Myanmar security forces have launched a full-scale attack on the country’s media, targeting journalists for arrest, raiding the offices of newspapers and online media, and banning five outspoken media outlets. At least 71 journalists, including a Japanese freelancer, have been arrested, of whom 48 remain in detention. In the latest escalation, the junta is including journalists in the nightly broadcast of individuals “wanted” by the authorities. Every day brings new reports of additional journalists being detained. The authorities have charged many of those detained with violating a new provision in the penal code, adopted by the junta after the February 1 coup, that makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” Those convicted face up to three years in prison. It is clear that in today’s Myanmar, “false news” is any news the junta doesn’t want the public – or the world at large – to hear. The crackdown on journalists is part of the junta’s larger effort to suppress coverage and deny the reality of serious rights abuses the military is committing across the country. Facing international outrage over the killing of more than 750 people by security forces, authorities have accused the media, which it says “does not want peace and stability in the country,” of “plotting to mislead the international community and the public.” The junta has also threatened “severe action” against a local group, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, that has been tracking arrests and deaths, accusing the group of releasing “incorrect data” and harming “state stability.” The authorities have imposed severe restrictions on the internet, making it very difficult for people to access or to share information. Mobile internet data and wireless broadband have been turned off for more than six weeks, and Facebook and other social media platforms popular in Myanmar have been blocked since the coup. Despite the challenges and risks, Myanmar’s journalists and ordinary citizens continue to document atrocities and share information with the world. For daring to share what is happening in Myanmar, they are in the military’s crosshairs. They urgently need and deserve the international community’s attention and support..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: A brutal crackdown in Yangon’s Hlaing Tharyar Township in mid-March triggered an exodus of migrant workers. As protests subside, many are heading back to the big city but are finding that work is scarce.
Description: "On April 18, the second day of the traditional Myanmar year, Yangon Region’s outer western Hlaing Tharyar Township was busier than it had been in a month. With the Thingyan holiday over, large numbers of people were entering the heavily industrialised township on motorbikes, in taxis and aboard light trucks loaded with their belongings. They were returning to the scene of a massacre. Pitched battles on March 14 between well-armed security forces and protesters wielding home-made weapons left at least 58 protesters dead, according to a local network of volunteer medical groups, and several factories were burned down. That same day, the junta declared martial law in the township and in neighbouring Shwepyithar – a draconian new security regime, where civilians can be hauled directly before military tribunals and handed death sentences, that was later extended to four other outlying, industrialised townships in Yangon. Fearing a wider crackdown, and with many having already lost their factory jobs amid the near-collapse of the garment sector, tens – possibly hundreds – of thousands of migrant workers fled to their home towns and villages. Hlaing Tharyar, whose population had swelled to close to a million thanks to a decade of steady migration from the countryside, suddenly resembled a ghost town. But after more than a month away, and with protests in decline because of brutal suppression by soldiers and police, many of those who fled have begun making their way back to the commercial capital. They were largely driven to return by a lack of jobs in the countryside, but with increased factory closures and reduced output, and a steep decline in the wider economy, many are struggling to find new work and to meet the expenses of living in the city, raising the prospect of hunger and further waves of displacement. Ma Nwet Yi Win, a former workplace union leader at a shoe factory in Hlaing Tharyar, joined the mid-March exodus and left for her home village in Ayeyarwady Region’s Ngapudaw Township, but is now back in Yangon. Returning to the city to find work was the only way for the migrant workers to survive because there are no jobs for them in the villages, she told Frontier. “If Yangon is stable and it’s safe to live there, the people will return. They have to return if they want a job or the opportunity of going abroad to work,” said Nwet Yi Win, who lost her job at the shoe factory after it closed permanently on March 24. Nwet Yi Win said ultimatums from factory managers to resume work or be fired had prompted some workers to return to their jobs in early April. She said many had been afraid of returning to Yangon because of the military’s “inhumane oppression”, including regular raids on homes to arrest political opponents, but were worried about losing their jobs. However, according to Hlaing Tharyar residents, even those who still had jobs in the township’s dwindling number of operational factories largely chose not to return until after the mid-April Thingyan holiday. Ko Aung Ye Min, who works at a noodle factory in the township, had ignored a less severe order from his bosses for employees to resume their jobs on April 1 or forfeit their Thingyan holiday pay. “I don’t care about the money – I have to take care of my life and if I had returned to work on April 1, I might have been risking death,” he said, referring to the threat of Tatmadaw crackdowns. Aung Ye Min said that, like him, most of the factory’s employees did not return to work until April 20, by which time a sense of stability seemed to be returning to Hlaing Tharyar. Ko Min Min Soe, a taxi driver in Hlaing Tharyar, said migrant workers who returned to their rural homes after the violence in mid-March had to rely on motorbikes because taxis were unavailable. Taxi drivers did not want to risk their vehicles being damaged in a fresh bout of unrest, he said. However, the reduction in protests and return of migrant workers since Thingyan is keeping him and other taxi drivers busy. “I already have three orders for trips to bring back migrant workers from Kyaiklat [Township, Ayeyarwady Region], Ahpyauk [town in Yangon Region’s Taikkyi Township] and Kawhmu [Township, Yangon Region],” he said. “Each trip is worth about K50,000. Three or four workers are pooling their money and hiring my car together,” he said. But even if some of the township’s bustle has returned, the landlords of dormitory blocks – where much of the migrant workforce is housed – say Hlaing Tharyar’s population is still well below pre-coup levels. U Aung Hlaing Win, 55, who owns four hostels in Shan Kyaung ward in eastern Hlaing Tharyar, said about half his rooms were vacant. “Before Thingyan, some of my hostels had no tenants. I have begun receiving tenants since April 18, but the situation is totally different to before the coup. My hostels used to be full and I had to turn people away,” he told Frontier. Aung Hlaing Win added that the ward was still quiet with many shops closed because their owners were yet to return to Yangon. “Most of the migrant workers in our ward are from Rakhine State and Ayeyarwady Region. They come here to work in factories or run small businesses like shops. It seems that some are still wary about returning to Yangon because they think it is not safe yet, but they might return by the end of April,” he said. Labour activist Nwet Yi Win also expects many more workers to return to the township because they will need jobs to support themselves and their families. But most will likely be disappointed, she believes, and will find themselves no better off than in their rural homes. “After the military coup, many [garment] factories closed permanently because of a lack of orders from abroad, so I don’t know how those people will find another job,” she said. “Because of the COVID-19 situation, we also cannot go to neighbouring countries to find work.” Despite losing her job at the shoe factory, Nwet Yi Win still makes some money from reporting labour issues to non-government organisations, but she mainly relies on financial support from her family. Jobs are harder to find because even factories that have continued operations have downsized their staff, as orders and income have plummeted. Ma Su Myat Nwe has been looking for work since she was laid off from a Hlaing Tharyar garment factory in February. After more than two months, she is thinking of giving up the search and leaving Yangon for good. “I might go to Lashio where my parents work at a restaurant,” she said. “Although I don’t have to pay for accommodation because I’m staying at my brother’s home [in Hlaing Tharyar], it’s not going to work in the long term.” Those lucky enough to keep factory jobs have meanwhile seen their earnings reduced thanks to the 7pm curfew imposed under martial law. Although only an hour earlier than a nationwide curfew that has been in place since February, it deprives factory workers of the opportunity to earn overtime pay in the evenings. This supplementary income enabled them to not only meet the expenses of living in Yangon but also send money to their families and maybe save some for the future. “If we don’t work overtime, we will receive only K150,000 a month, but if we work overtime our salaries rise to about K220,000. Every factory worker wants to find a job that includes overtime,” said garment factory worker Ma Thida. Her workplace now closes at 4:30pm each day, she said, to ensure workers have time to return home before curfew. However, labour activist Nwet Yi Win said that, even without a curfew, there would likely be few opportunities to work overtime. Orders have plummeted because the garment sector, which dominates Hlaing Tharyar’s industrial zones and was already severely weakened by the economic fallout from the pandemic, relies heavily on demand from European countries that have strongly condemned the coup, she explained. Some companies, such as H&M and Benetton, have already stopped sourcing from Myanmar. Factory worker Ma Thida said she was relieved to still have a job, despite not being able to earn overtime, but was no longer able to support her family in her home village. She had been sending her family K100,000 a month before the coup, she said. Meanwhile, creeping inflation is making it harder to even support herself. “My income is lower than before, but the prices for basic commodities have risen. It’s harder to make ends meet,” she said. “I don’t expect the situation to be good, but I hope it won’t get worse.”..."
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In the early hours of February 1st, 2021, the Myanmar military known as the Tatmadaw seized power of the country. The coup led to the ousting of democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi and brought Myanmar's decade long experiment with democracy to a crashing halt. A mass uprising soon broke out across the country. The security forces responded by launching a brutal crackdown against the protesters, turning some areas of the capital, Yangon into battle zones. But why did the army stage a coup and shatter the hopes and dreams of many of its citizens? Will the violence and protests in the streets help restore democracy in Myanmar?..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNA Insider" (Singapore)
2021-04-08
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The pro democracy unity government in Myanmar which includes members of Aung San #Su​ Kyi's party, says it will not enter talks until the junta releases all political prisoners. Souteast Asias regional bloc has been holding talks with the leaders of the miltiary who seized power on February 1st. Since then massive protests have been held against the coup, hundreds of civilians have been killed and many more arrested. Wai Hnin Pwint Thon campaigns officer at #Burma​ Campaign UK, and the daughter of a man currently serving a 65-year jail sentence in Myanmar for his part in the 2007 protests gave us her talke on the current situation. She says negotiations will have to happen but that talking with the #Myanmar​ military is futile..."
Source/publisher: "France24" ( Paris)
2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s parallel government on Wednesday rejected holding talks with the junta that seized power in early February until the military regime releases more than 3,000 political prisoners, rebuffing a plan by the country’s Southeast Asian neighbors. Leaders of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) met last Saturday and signed a “five-point consensus” on resolving the crisis by halting army violence against civilian protesters and holding talks. Members of the pro-democracy National Unity Government (NUG), formed on Apr. 16, said they will not engage in dialogue until detained leaders from the previous civilian-led government, including deposed State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint, are freed. They also want ASEAN members and other nations to recognize the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar. “In order to have a meaningful dialogue, it is very clear that it is only possible if our leaders who are being detained are freed,” Kyaw Moe Tun, Myanmar’s permanent representative to the United Nations, told RFA, speaking for the NUG. “We believe that only when they are freed will the talks be fair and meaningful,” he said. Many leaders, other officials, and lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) were arrested by the military during and after the Feb. 1 coup, while those who evaded arrest have formed the NUG. Political leaders and analysts in Myanmar said ASEAN’s stance on the crisis was unfair to pro-democratic forces and would prolong the current military dictatorship. They also said that the release of the more than 3,400 people who are being detained by junta forces is a key condition for resolving the crisis. Security forces, including police, have conducted violent crackdowns on anti-coup protesters in cities and towns nationwide, at times using deadly force. More than 750 people have been killed since the coup began, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a Thailand-based human rights group.....Proposal deserves support: Nandar Hla Myint, spokesman for the military-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), said ASEAN’s proposal deserves support. “I believe ASEAN is serious about the situation of individual countries in the region, and at the same time it adheres to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of another country, so it came up with something acceptable to both sides,” he said. The five-point agreement calls for an ASEAN envoy and delegation to visit Myanmar to meet with concerned parties, but junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has said that the visit would be considered only if there was internal stability. A political analyst who declined to be named said the regime leader’s comment could mean that the crackdowns will continue and that the visit will be put off. “None of the five demands in the agreement calls for the release of detained leaders,” he said. “Min Aung Hlaing has no intention of releasing them. Who are they going to negotiate with, then, if the unlawfully arrested leaders are not released? There is no need to hold discussions with anyone.” Myint Oo, an NLD lawmaker from Bago region who won a seat in the November 2020 elections, said the political crisis could not be solved by ASEAN’s recommendations and that the grouping’s suggestions were an insult to people protesting peacefully for democracy. “Look at the way ASEAN said that both sides should cease violence, as if it was the peaceful protesters who were using violence. This fact alone is offensive to the gentle and peaceful citizens who are staging this Spring Revolution,” he told RFA. Thein Tun Oo, executive director of the pro-military think tank the Thayninga Institute for Strategic Studies, said he believed the military council would comply with ASEAN’s points if the demands were in line with a law enacted in the national interest. “We believe we can do everything we can in the national interest within a legal framework.” he said. “We certainly see it will move forward step by step. It might not move as speedily as they would expect, but each of the five demands could be implemented at appropriate times.”.....Junta outlaws AAPP: Continuing its drive to cut off the flow of information about killings and arrests in the crackdown, the junta outlawed the AAPP after accusing the group of producing biased information and incorrect data that hurt the stability and rule of law in Myanmar. The Ministry for Home Affairs under the State Administration Council, as the junta government is known, announced on Monday that it would take action against the AAPP for releasing what it said was inaccurate data to intimidate and cause anxiety among civil servants and the public, which could be interpreted as inciting violence. The AAPP publishes daily updates on the numbers of people killed, arrested, and released by the military and police in connection with anti-junta. The statements have been cited frequently by foreign governments, media, and other international organizations. Pro-army pundit Thein Tun Oo agreed with the junta’s move, saying AAPP reports are “weak in background checks or references, and the numbers get inflated.” The AAPP, however, said it has compiled lists of detainees since the day of the military coup along with the names of the dead, places where the attacks occurred, dates of deaths, and causes of death. “Everything is recorded with photos and video recordings and the data published daily,” the organization said in response to an RFA query. The military regime is attacking the AAPP because it is recognized by the U.N., foreign governments, and rights groups as a credible source of information about political prisoners in Myanmar, said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “They are trying to silence a very important organization that is doing a very difficult job. It is an attempt to keep the outside world from hearing what is happening in Burma,” he said.....More protests, arrests: Sporadic demonstration in support of the NUG and anti-junta protests continued to be held in townships in Yangon, Mandalay, Sagaing, Bago, and Tanintharyi regions as well as in Shan and Kachin states. The AAPP said the death toll as of Wednesday was 756 and that 3,449 people were arrested, while another 1,237 people were in hiding while facing charges. At least two people were killed and 15 were arrested amid protests and clashes between demonstrators and security forces on Wednesday, witnesses said. In Sagaing region, a military corporal was killed during a brief clash between the Tamu People’s Defense Force and Myanmar soldiers Tuesday evening near the Indian border, residents said. Soldiers took away the body of Corporal Aung Aung, a local soldier who had joined the Civil Disobedience Movement of striking workers in March, they said. In the Sagaing town of Monywa, where residents have been holding daily anti-junta protests, soldiers took away nine people from three neighborhoods Tuesday night, locals said. “Nine got arrested,” said a resident who declined to be named. “They were accused of communicating with underground forces. There had been a series of explosions in the area recently, so their arrests could be connected to that.” An explosion on a bridge in Kachin state Tuesday night caused the structure’s foundation to crack and some rafters on nearby railroad tracks connecting the towns of Myitkyina and Mandalay to catch fire, said a resident of Hopin where the blast occurred. It is not clear who was behind the bombings..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia (RFA)" (USA)
2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Unidentified attackers launched assaults on two Myanmar air bases on Thursday, with blasts reported at one base and rocket fire seen at another, media and a witness said. The attacks come after three months of turmoil in Myanmar triggered by a Feb. 1 military coup. There was no claim of responsibility or any confirmation of any casualties in the attacks. A military spokesman did not answer calls seeking comment. In the first attack on Thursday, three blasts went off at an air base near the central town of Magway in the early hours, the Delta News Agency reported in a post on Facebook. Security checks were stepped up on roads outside the base after the blasts, the news portal said. Later, five rockets were fired at one of the country's main air bases, at Meiktila, to the northeast of Magway, reporter Than Win Hlaing, who was near the base at the time, said in a post. He also posted a video clip that included the sound of what appeared to be a rocket flying overhead followed by a blast. Reuters could not verify the clip. Since the ouster of an elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, pro-democracy protests have rocked cities and towns, and the military has cracked down with lethal force, killing 756 people, according to an activist group. Reuters is unable to confirm the casualty toll. Fighting between the military and ethnic minority insurgents has also flared since the coup with the military launching numerous air strikes in border lands in the north and east. While the armed forces have been battling insurgents in frontier regions for decades, attacks on such high-profile military facilities in central areas have been rare. HOPE FADES: The growing insecurity comes as hope fades for a bid by Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbours to find a path out of the crisis. The 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) held a meeting on Saturday in the Indonesian capital with the junta leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and later said they had reached a "five-point consensus" on steps to end violence and promote dialogue between the generals and their civilian rivals. But the junta has declined to accept the proposals, saying it would consider them "when the situation returns to stability" and provided the recommendations facilitated the military's own roadmap. Myanmar's pro-democracy unity government, formed to oppose the junta, ruled out talks on the crisis until all political prisoners are released. In an indication of the military's determination to crush dissent, state television announced late on Wednesday that authorities were seeking to charge one of the main leaders of the pro-democracy protests with murder and treason. Wai Moe Naing, 25, was arrested on April 15 when security men rammed him with a car as he led a motorbike protest rally in the central town of Monywa. The state-run Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper reported that Wai Moe Naing's group was linked to several explosions of "homemade grenades" in Monywa. "In addition, they also tortured and brutally killed two police officers ... on March 26," the newspaper said. It is unclear if Wai Moe Naing has a lawyer...."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Just under six months ago, the people of Myanmar delivered a landslide victory to Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy Party. It was the 75-year old's second election win, and it made the military so furious that it seized power in a coup on the first day the new parliament was due to sit. Since then hundreds of people opposing the military regime have been shot dead and thousands have been arrested. South-East Asia correspondent Mazoe Ford reports, and a warning, her story contains some distressing images..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: ABC News (Australia)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Three months after the coup, four brothers tell how they joined protesters fighting the junta before fleeing for the border. The young men only had a moment to study the river before rushing into the waist-deep water. The brothers – ranging in age from 15 to 21 – were unfamiliar with the border area and afraid of being seen. On the run from Myanmar’s military, they pushed on into the Thaunggin River. After just a few minutes of wading, they stumbled into no man’s land. Moments after crossing the river, three smugglers dressed in military fatigues met them. After handing over 6,000 Thai baht (US$200) and exchanging a few words, the smugglers led them deeper into the woods and then to safety in Thailand. Three months after the military coup on 1 February, four Burmese brothers have told the Guardian of how they were inspired to join the fight against the military – and how their involvement in protests in Yangon that turned violent eventually forced them to flee at the end of March. Safely outside the country, the brothers have given an account of brutal military repression and their decision to take the fight to the military in a bid to prevent further violence. Their journey would take them from peaceful protest in Yangon to petrol bombing police stations and running for their lives. Lin*, 21,the eldest of the four brothers, said he had watched the coup unfold from his home in western Thailand, close to the border. Seeing the death toll mount amid growing military brutality he felt compelled to join the resistance movement, and soon his three younger brothers and two cousins from different parts of Myanmar followed him to Yangon. At 15, Za* is the youngest of the brothers. He said he took part in the resistance because he wanted to stop the violence on the streets. “Look at how many people they have killed in the past two months. If we don’t do anything and just let it happen so many more innocent people will die,” Za said. Joining the protests: The men met up in Yangon and for the first few days joined the peaceful protests. Soon, they became part of a nightwatch team protecting residential neighbourhoods from night-time raids by security forces. Armed with sticks and swords they say they helped women, children and the elderly move around safely. As they continued to demonstrate, some teams of frontline protesters began discussing the possibility of hitting back, Lin says. “People started saying we need to fight back. But they didn’t know how, and they were scared.” Lin says he was concerned it was just what Myanmar’s military, also known as the Tatmadaw, was hoping for. They told how they joined a small minority of protesters on the frontlines squaring off against security forces, using molotov cocktails and slingshots in what they said they believed was a legitimate form of self-defence against the military’s automatic weapons. But it was not without cost. During one attack on a police station, Lin says one of the team died after being hit in the head by a rubber bullet. He was in his 50s. “I don’t want my children to grow up in the situation that my generation and the older generations did,” says Moe*, 18, another of the brothers. The first attack: It was about 11pm when the group carried out its first attack on a police station. Lin describes how they moved towards the building, with more people joining the group as they got closer. Some were carrying molotov cocktails, others were armed with slingshots and swords, he says. But when the men edged near to the police station, the group hesitated. Lin says: “At that time I was aggressive, I was mad, no one was willing to throw the cocktail bomb. “I came back [to Yangon] thinking I was going to be a peaceful protester … but if I needed to be another thing, then I will be that, too,” Lin said. “So I took the molotov and went up to the [overpass] bridge.” The bottle landed right on top of a pile of rubbish leaning against the building. Flames started to shoot upwards towards the roof, Lin says. “We wanted to scare them,” he says of the Tatmadaw. “You make us feel unsafe, then we want you to feel unsafe too.” Lin says a truck full of Tatmadaw soldiers arrived, and the group started retreating. Footage seen by the Guardian shows teargas rounds whizzing past them as they fled. The group could hear the sound of people celebrating in their homes as they sprinted past. “It was like we were coming back from war.” Over the next few days, the brothers, along with a handful of other teams, targeted multiple police stations. Lin says he doesn’t believe they injured anyone in the attacks. They were unsuccessful in burning down the buildings. He says the attacks were psychological warfare and the men felt they had to show some degree of force to counter the military.....‘We had to run’:The campaign continued until the day Lin says they heard one of their friends had been abducted by security forces. “They contacted us and said he died. They tortured and killed him,” he recalls. “We all had to run at that point. They said, ‘One of our guys is gone. We are on the run now. You should too.’” They agreed it was time to leave. The brothers woke up early to begin their trip east to Hpa-An, the capital city in Karen state, close to the border with Thailand. The day after they left their apartment in Yangon, a neighbour told them police had searched it. After laying low in Hpa-An for a few days, they finally got the call to leave. They would have to make the cross near Myawaddy, a town known for its casinos and entertainment venues. After just a few minutes of wading through the river, they stumbled into no man’s land. Moments after crossing the river, three smugglers dressed in military fatigues met them. The smugglers demanded their payment upfront before they moved the brothers to a secret location. After paying the troops, the group hiked for another 20 minutes in the dark to a bunker where they were told to wait. “We were afraid of them because they were strangers with guns and we were in their place,” says Htet*, 18, another of the four brothers. “If they wanted to do something they could’ve and we didn’t have anything to stop that.” At around 3pm they were told it was finally time to go. They walked along a dirt path that would lead to a paved road, their guide told them. After more trekking on their own, they found their way out of the woods. They had made it. The group crossed the border at a time when Myanmar’s military had killed more than 550 people and detained nearly 3,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. “It was a hard decision to make to come here. Even though we are safe and comfortable, we want to be back there. But it was just too dangerous,” Lin says. “But the good thing was I had my brothers. I wouldn’t have been able to handle it alone.” *Names have been changed to protect identities..."
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2021-04-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As of 28 April, (756) people are now confirmed killed by this junta coup. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) compiled and documented (1) fallen heroes today. This (1) fallen hero from Tedim Township in Chin State was killed last night and documented today. This is the number verified by AAPP, the actual number of fatalities is likely much higher. We will continue adding as and when. As of April 28, a total of (3449) people are currently under detention; of them (79) are sentenced. 1237 have been issued arrest warrants; of them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment with hard labour, who are evading arrest. We are verifying the recently released detainees and continuing to document. Since the ASEAN leaders meeting on 24 April at least 6 people have been killed by the junta. The junta’s pledge to “refrain from violence” should never have been believed by ASEAN. There is only “one party” exercising violence in Burma. Despite the junta’s ongoing violence on a daily basis, the Spring Revolution intensified across the country, including in Yangon and Mandalay. On April 28, the Yadanarbon and Mandalay University student strikes were attacked by military vehicle and people arrested in Mandalay City, Mandalay Region. Six civilians were arrested, and ordered to raise their hands under the hot sun. The numbers of injured have not been confirmed yet. Since the terrorists arrested Wai Moe Naing, the protest leader of the Monywa strike, by crashing his motorbike, junta forces have continued to crackdown on protests using vehicles and motorbikes. Arrests have continued both day and night using private cars. A 20-year-old young man was shot dead around 10pm last night in Tedim Township, Chin State and his body has not yet been returned to his family from the hospital. The terrorist group is using different forms of repression to put pressure on public servants involved in the CDM movement. If they can not arrest CDM staff, they take family members as hostage; force them to move from the government housing; firing; or charging and issuing warrants under various laws. Teachers from universities, colleges and management level have been forced to come back to work on 3 May at the latest. Families of Budalin Hospital CDM staff members were forced to move from staff housing in Sagaing Region. CDM participation by the civil servant is having a significant impact on the day-to-day running of the administration mechanism of junta. This is why CDM staff are being targeted. The junta coup lifted the FTTH fiber-optic 1 am to 9 am blackout enforced for 72 continuous nights, on 27 April. However, all other internet services are still cut off and the information flow remains restricted. Some social media and news are still banned, for 83 days now. The terrorist group is restricting the flow of information because of the fear civilians will get accurate information and opposition even stronger. The junta is also using Myawaddy TV (MWD) and Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) broadcasts to spread its propaganda. The violation to freedom of press is emblematic of the diminishing human rights in the country. AAPP will continue to keep you informed of verified daily arrests, charges, sentences and fatalities in relation to the attempted coup, and update our lists to the details of these alleged offences. If you receive any information about detentions of, or charges against CSO leaders, activists, journalists, CDM workers, other civilians and fallen heroes in relation to the military and police crackdown on dissent. Please submit to the following addresses: “Our uprising must succeed” Email : [email protected] Facebook : https://web.facebook.com/burmapoliticalprisoners/ Twitter : https://twitter.com/aapp_burma In Solidarity, AAPP..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)
2021-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Business , Crisis and Conflict
Sub-title: Urgently Review All Non-Humanitarian Projects
Topic: Business , Crisis and Conflict
Description: "The Japanese government should immediately review its aid portfolio for Myanmar and suspend non-humanitarian projects that benefit the junta or military, Human Rights Watch said today. Japan should immediately suspend Official Development Aid (ODA) infrastructure projects carried out by Myanmar government ministries and other assistance involving military-controlled entities. Following the February 1, 2021 military coup, the Japanese government stated it would refrain from carrying out new non-humanitarian ODA programs in Myanmar, but it has yet to adopt a clear, public position regarding ongoing projects. The latest figures show that in 2019, Japan provided about 169 billion yen (US$1.6 billion) in loan assistance, 15 billion yen ($140 million) in grant aid, and 6.7 billion yen ($62 million) in technical assistance to Myanmar. “As Myanmar’s security forces gun down protesters on the streets, Japan should not take a ‘wait and see’ approach but should promptly and responsibly review its aid portfolio to Myanmar,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer. “Japan should suspend all non-humanitarian aid projects that benefit the junta or military as part of global efforts to pressure Myanmar’s generals to cease their violent crackdown, release all political prisoners, and restore the democratically elected government.” Ongoing nationwide protests have demonstrated widespread opposition to military rule. The response of the junta’s State Administration Council to the largely peaceful protests has been increasingly brutal. Since the coup, security forces have killed over 750 people, including at least 45 children, and detained an estimated 3,431 activists, journalists, civil servants, and politicians. Human Rights Watch and four other organizations sent a letter to Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi on February 25 saying that the Japanese government should halt non-humanitarian ODA programs to Myanmar. A Foreign Ministry official told Human Rights Watch on April 15 that Japan’s plans for a 100 million yen ($930,000) financial grant to the Myanmar police, originally announced on July 2, 2020, had been “undetermined” due to the coup. The official did not clarify whether the aid has been permanently terminated or suspended, and no public statement has been made regarding this project, or any other ongoing aid project. Another problematic project is the Bago River Bridge Construction Project in Yangon, approved by Japan and Myanmar in December 2016. The project involves a 31-billion-yen loan ($288 million) provided by Japan’s aid agency, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). On March 26, the local media outlet Myanmar Now reported that the project involves the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), a military-owned conglomerate recently sanctioned by the United States, United Kingdom, and the European Union. The report said that a MEC-owned steel mill in Hmawbi, Yangon, is supplying steel for two-thirds of the bridge’s construction and profiting enormously. In response to a March 27 inquiry by Human Rights Watch, JICA confirmed that Yokogawa Bridge Corp., a Japanese construction firm involved in the project, had finalized a contract with MEC and its affiliate in November 2019. A representative from Yokogawa Bridge also confirmed to Human Rights Watch that it has a “business dealing” with MEC, while saying that construction was on hold partly due to a “lack of material resources.” The representative said that the company would “pay close attention to ensuring the safety of those involved in Myanmar and continue discussions with relevant parties on what to do going forward.” The project is also being carried out in conjunction with Myanmar’s Construction Ministry and the Myanmar Port Authority under the Transport Ministry. According to Mohinga, the aid website operated by Myanmar’s Planning and Finance Ministry, Japan is currently funding several non-humanitarian infrastructure projects directly with the Planning and Finance, and Transport and Communication Ministries. Such projects should also be reviewed for possible suspension. Japan has been a leading donor to Myanmar. By 2017, the government had provided more than a total of 1 trillion yen ($9.3 billion) in loan assistance, more than 320 billion yen ($2.9 billion) in grant aid, and 98 billion yen ($912 million) in technical assistance. As of 2017, Official Development Aid from Japan to Myanmar ranked highest among member countries and institutions of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s development cooperation directorate. In November 2016, when Myanmar’s de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, visited Japan, Japan announced that its public and private sectors would contribute 800 billion yen ($7.4 billion) to Myanmar over a five-year period. The Japanese government should trigger human-rights-based conditions enshrined in its ODA charter, which states that “Japan will pay adequate attention to the situation in the recipient countries regarding the process of democratization, the rule of law and the protection of basic human rights, with a view to promoting the consolidation of democratization, the rule of law and the respect for basic human rights.” With respect to humanitarian aid, Japan should maintain such projects but redirect the funds through nongovernmental groups to ensure it is used effectively and directly benefits populations in need. Development aid should be directed only toward basic human needs and where possible delivered through independent nongovernmental organizations. Since the coup, the junta has overhauled the Myanmar Investment Commission and all regional investment bodies, installing nine members, including Lt. Gen. Moe Myint Tun, who is also a junta member. The US, UK, and EU have sanctioned Moe Myint Tun for his direct involvement in and responsibility for what the EU said was “undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar … repressive decisions and for serious human rights violations.” As a military commander who oversaw operations in Rakhine State until 2019, he was also “therefore responsible for those serious violations and abuses against the Rohingya population,” according to the EU. “The Japanese government’s indecisiveness and silence over suspending its non-humanitarian aid that benefits the junta is contributing to the military repression in Myanmar,” Kasai said. “Japan should swiftly and publicly show it is on the side of Myanmar’s people and not the commanders who are behind the arrests and killings of protesters every day across the country.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2021-04-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar security forces shot dead a man in the second city of Mandalay on Monday, national media reported, two days after Southeast Asian leaders said they had reached consensus with the junta on ending violence. Activists opposed to military rule called on people to stop paying electricity bills and agricultural loans and to keep their children away from school, adding to doubts about a regional bloc's push to end Myanmar's post-coup crisis. The man was shot dead at a fried rice shop in Mandalay late on Monday and some other people were wounded, three Myanmar media reported. Mizzima news service also said a woman had been shot dead on a motorcycle in the southern town of Dawei. A junta spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment. With most internet access cut and journalists' movements restricted, Reuters could not confirm the incidents independently. An activist monitoring group says more than 750 people have been killed by security forces as the generals unleashed lethal force in the face of sustained protests against their Feb. 1 coup. There were more protests on Monday, but there were no immediate reports of violence at them. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing reached an agreement at a summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Indonesia at the weekend on steps to bring peace. But the junta chief did not submit to calls for the release of political prisoners, including the leader of the ousted civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi, and the ASEAN accord lacked any timeline for ending the crisis. Activists criticised the agreement that came out of the ASEAN meeting, a so-called five-point consensus that included an end to violence, starting dialogue among all parties, accepting aid, and appointing a special ASEAN envoy who would visit Myanmar. "We deplore the fact that the consensus was reached without any legitimate representation of the people of Myanmar," said a statement in the name of more than 400 Myanmar civil society groups, who said ASEAN should push the junta to hand over to a rival civilian unity government formed by its opponents. The military has not officially commented on the outcome of the meeting but the state broadcaster, citing the ruling military council in its main bulletin, said: "Some of the facts from ASEAN are a good contribution so we will consider that." MORE ACTION Pro-democracy activists have called for an intensification of efforts against the military from Monday by refusing to pay electricity bills and agricultural loans, and keeping children from going to school. "We don't participate in their systems, we don't cooperate with them," activist Khant Wai Phyo told a protest meeting on Monday. The ASEAN agreement did not mention political prisoners although the statement said the meeting heard calls for their release. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners advocacy group says 3,431 people have been detained for opposing the coup. The most prominent is Suu Kyi, 75, who has been charged with various offences including violating a colonial-era official secrets act that could see her jailed for 14 years. She won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and has led Myanmar’s struggle against military rule for decades. Her party won a second term in November. The election commission said the vote was fair but the military said fraud at the polls had forced it to seize power. Suu Kyi appeared via video link for a hearing in her case on Monday and again asked the court for permission to meet her lawyers in person, a member of her legal team said. She has only been allowed to speak to them by video link in the presence of security officials so far. Police told the court they had referred her request to higher authorities and were "working on it step by step", lawyer Min Min Soe told Reuters. Junta spokesman Zaw Min Tun said Suu Kyi had not been allowed direct contact with the lawyers because it could be an avenue for illegal communication with protest leaders and because of the COVID-19 epidemic, according to an interview with Russia's RIA news agency last week. Her lawyers have said the charges against her were trumped up. The next hearing is on May 10..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Violations of religious freedom are increasing and persecution takes place in more than 25 countries, with China and Myanmar among those that have the worst records, according to a report by a Vatican-backed charity. The Religious Freedom in the World Report, covering 2019-2020 and issued on Tuesday, said that in some countries, such as Niger, Turkey and Pakistan, prejudices against religious minorities led local residents to blame them for the COVID-19 pandemic and denial of access to medical aid. The 800-page report was prepared by Aid to the Church in Need International (ACN), a worldwide Catholic charity that studies violations of freedoms of all religions. The latest report put 26 countries in a "red" category denoting the existence of persecution, compared to 21 countries at the time of the last report two years ago. It put 36 countries in the "orange" category denoting discrimination, compared to 17 two years ago. The report describes discrimination as when laws or rules apply to a particular group and not to all, and persecution as when there is an active programme to subjugate people based on religion. "There has been a significant increase in the severity of religiously-motivated persecution and oppression," the report said. It was particularly scathing about China and Myanmar. "The apparatus of repression constructed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in recent years is ... fine-tuned, pervasive, and technologically sophisticated," the report said. The most egregious violations were against Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang "where the atrocities have reached such a scale that a growing number of experts describe them as genocide", it said..... HARASSMENT AND ARREST": In February, the administration of U.S. President Joe Biden endorsed a last-minute determination by the Trump administration that China has committed genocide in Xinjiang and has said the United States must be prepared to impose costs on China. China says the complexes it set up in Xinjiang provide vocational training to help stamp out Islamist extremism and separatism. The Chinese foreign ministry has called allegations of forced labour and human rights violations "groundless rumour and slander". The ACN report said Catholic hierarchy in China "continue to suffer harassment and arrest" despite a landmark deal signed in 2018 between Bejing and the Vatican on the appointment of bishops on the mainland. Reuters reported last year that two nuns who work at the Vatican mission in Hong Kong were arrested when they went home to the mainland for a visit. China was increasing the use of facial recognition on worshippers of various religions, it said. In Myanmar, the report said Rohingya Muslims "have been the victims of the most egregious violations of human rights in recent memory". Last year, the International Court of Justice ordered Myanmar to take urgent measures to protect Rohingya from genocide. The government has denied accusations of genocide. The ACN report said the military coup on Feb. 1 was "likely to make things worse for all religious minorities" in Myanmar, where about 8% of the population is Christian. Africa would be "the next battleground against Islamic militants," the report said. Militant groups were causing havoc in countries including Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria, northern Cameroon, Chad, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia and Mozambique, it said..."
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Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-04-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar faces a number of significant stabilisation challenges including frequent natural disasters, environmental challenges and organised crime, in addition to the challenges associated with a nascent democratisation process. This report, however, focuses exclusively on violent conflict and displacement. Myanmar has been afflicted by armed conflict since independence. During the 1960s-1980s, a number of armed groups were able to establish ‘effectively independent micro-states’ (EC, 2016, p. 3). These had their own ‘rudimentary’ governments, service provision, and foreign policies (EC, 2016, p. 3). This situation persists in some parts of Myanmar (EC, 2016, p. 3). The communities currently most at risk of, and affected by, conflict and violence are those living in the Kokang Self-Administered Zone and in other parts of northern Shan State. Other affected communities include those living in Kachin, Rakhine, Chin and Kayin States. The community most affected by the threat of forced displacement is the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group, in Rakhine State. The nature of conflict in these areas ranges from occasional to frequent clashes between armed groups and government forces. In addition to armed conflict, Rakhine State suffers from tensions between the Muslim and Buddhist communities. There were more than 700,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar in 2016 (McConnachie, 2016, p. 4). Moreover, more than 128,000 refugees from Myanmar were living in Thailand in 2014 (UNICEF, 2014, p. 3). According to UNICEF, displacement can constitute a driver of conflict, depending on whether it is forced or not, and on the extent to which host communities are prepared for IDPs. Women and children are reportedly disproportionately affected by migration and displacement, and make up the majority of those who are IDPs and refugees (ibid). The literature identifies a number of sources of resilience in Myanmar, which include:  Institutionalisation of peace-making: Both the previous and current governments declared their commitment to ending conflict in Myanmar. A number of peace initiatives and inter-faith dialogues have taken place in order to mitigate tensions and conflict in the country.  Economy: Myanmar’s economy has considerable potential. A number of economic reforms have been undertaken and economic growth is strong, although it has been slowing recently.  Strengthened civil society: The previous government’s decision to allow issue-driven CSOs to operate in Myanmar has led to a proliferation of such organisations.  Education: The previous government undertook steps to reform the education system in Myanmar in a bid to end discrimination against ethnic minorities.  Release of political prisoners: A significant number of political prisoners have been released since the new National League for Democracy (NLD) led government came to power.  Increased press freedom: Extensive media reform has resulted in a proliferation of ‘alternative’ information and has rendered the government subject to increased scrutiny. The literature identifies a number of policy options for mitigating tensions in Myanmar. International actors could potentially provide support and assistance in a number of areas. These include technical support for the conclusion, implementation and monitoring of ceasefire agreements, and support for an inclusive national political dialogue. They also include various forms of assistance for recovery and development, as well as support for educational reform. There is a sizeable body of literature on Myanmar’s stabilisation challenges. This consists of a mixture of peer-reviewed journal articles, policy briefs, and reports by NGOs and international organisations. While gender is not addressed in all of the papers reviewed for the purposes of this report, a number of papers do look at gender, specifically in the context of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), and in the context of peace-making and peacebuilding..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Governance and Social Development Resource Centre
2017-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 334.77 KB
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Topic: Burma/Myanmar – ethnic conflict – Bamar – Kachin – Rohingya
Topic: Burma/Myanmar – ethnic conflict – Bamar – Kachin – Rohingya
Description: "For four years since March 2011, when an entrenched military junta ceded power to a notionally civilian government headed by President Thein Sein (formerly prime minister in the outgoing junta), Myanmar has sought to make a transition to democracy. 1 One clear comparative lesson from the literature on transitions is that respect for ethnic and religious minorities is essential for the creation of a stable, consolidated democracy. Several components feed into this: protection of both individual and group rights, policies promoting inclusiveness and non-discrimination, and more generally a sense among minority groups that a level political playing field means that they too could one day have the chance to attain majority status. As part of the wider transition, the Myanmar government is sponsoring both a peace process with ethnic armed groups and, more broadly, an agenda of national reconciliation. Alongside peace talks, this has generated several disparate initiatives designed to bring people together across ethnic and religious fault lines. Nevertheless, at a time when low-grade civil conflict continues to plague both Kachin State and northern Shan State, and when sectarian violence remains potent across much of the society, long-standing divisions continue to have real social 1 In 1989, the military junta decreed a series of name changes for the country and many places within it. Burma became Myanmar, Rangoon became Yangon, Karen State became Kayin State, and so on. This article uses the old geographic terminology when focusing on the period before 1989, and the new terminology when focusing on the period after 1989. This usage is not intended to convey a political message..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The University of Hong Kong
2015-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 336.54 KB
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Description: "The international community has shown great interest in the Rohingya1Muslims problem, especially in the aftermath of the violence in June and October 2012.While scores of writers in international media have focused on the subjectivity of the conflict, there are academics and policy-makers pondering what could be done to achieve long-term solutions to the inherent problem. Myanmar2 has experienced myriad ethnic conflicts since its indepen- dence from the British in January 1948, but what makes the Rohingya problem unique and why has it caught the attention of the wider international community? Is it because the Rohingya Muslims are less fortunate community than the other groups or is it because they are distinctive? It is puzzling to see some social or cultural groups within a society tend to express themselves more radically than the others. It is equally intriguing to see how governments often respond differently to such phenomenon. A society may be divided along the lines of culture, religion, political affiliations or other forms of divisions. One dominant theor- etical model social scientists employ to study political stability in a segmented society is “consociational democracy”. 3 Arend Lijphart defines consociational democracy as a “government by elite cartel designed to turn a democracy with a fragmented political culture into a stable democracy”. 4 Under such political arrangement, the elites attempt to form a stable government by accommodating or integrating diverse views and interests of people belonging to different cultural groups. A successful consociational democracy requires that the elites have the “ability to accommodate the divergent interests and demands of the subcultures” and also have the “ability to transcend cleavages and to join in a common effort with the elites of rival subcultures”. The possibility of such cooperation between rival elites would depend on their “commitment to the maintenance of the system and to the improvement of its cohesion and stability” provided that the elites understand the “perils of political fragmentation”.5 Consociational democracy emphasizes the role of “elite behavior” in diverse societies.6 Cooperation between elites within the same group and also with elites of other groups or cultures is essential. In successful consociational democracy, the elites find ways to accommodate different sections of the society by sharing power as well as reaching decisions by means of “consensus” or “unanimity”. 7 In an attempt to find a common ground to establish a grand coalition government, the elites try to achieve two objectives. First, the goal of elites is to settle “conflicts of interest” that may exist among the parti- cipating members. Second, by settling conflicts of interest, the elites also want to achieve a settlement or result that is “most favorable” to their own supporters. The extent to which the elites can reach a consensus agreement is dependent upon how much each participating elite can make “concessions”. The elites know that they cannot solve conflicts of interest unilaterally, and therefore, need to make a strategic “bar- gaining”. One elite’s interest may not necessarily be the same as that of the other elites and vice versa. Such differences would give each elite a chance to bargain for the best possible outcome that involves “competition as well as cooperation”.8 Purpose of Study This article attempts to understand the nature of conflict between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine9 Buddhists of Rakhine state in the Western part of Myanmar in 2012. The violent conflict first started in June, and seemingly subsided for three months, but later erupted again in October. While the two groups blamed each other for inciting the violence, they could not find a mutually acceptable peaceful solution among themselves. The Rohingyas accused the Rakhine state government and the central government of deliberately attempting to eliminate their population and termed the violence as state sponsored ethnic cleansing. The central government denied such allegations, but failed to produce a concrete plan for long-term solutions. In this article, I attempt to explain the underlying factors causing such mayhem and argue that consociational democracy should be pursued to achieve long-term solutions to the problem. However, I must be clear here that consociational democracy cannot work effectively or may even be irrelevant without first addressing the Rohingyas’ citizenship and identity problems. In order to understand the nature of violence in 2012, I will briefly discuss the historical context of the problem. I will then analyze the policies of the Myanmar government toward the issue, and discuss the general perception of the Myanmar people toward the conflict. I will also study the reactions of international community vis-à-vis the Rohingya conundrum. After presenting the different perspectives, I will discuss why I believe consociational democracy is the ideal approach to solve the problem..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs" via "Routledge" (London)
2013-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 105.78 KB
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Description: "From a fenced-off compound close to the Myanmar border in northern Thailand, a rebel leader offers a bleak view of Myanmar's future, as the country is cleaved apart by a military coup. The possibility of a deepening civil war in Myanmar is "high," Gen. Yawd Serk said from his administrative base in Chiang Mai province. "The world has changed. I see people in the cities won't give up. And I see (coup leader) Min Aung Hlaing won't give up. I think there is possibility that civil war might happen." Yawd Serk is an old hand at confronting military rulers. He is chairman of the ethnic minority political organization Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) and founder of its armed wing, the Shan State Army (SSA), which controls large pockets of land in Myanmar's east. His is one of more than two dozen ethnic armed groups that have been fighting against the Myanmar military -- know as the Tatmadaw -- and each other in the country's borderlands for greater rights and autonomy, on and off for 70 years. Since the military seized power on February 1, deposing the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, many of these rebel groups -- including the RCSS -- have expressed support for non-violent nationwide protests against junta rule, and condemned the indiscriminate brutality and deadly use of force inflicted on Burmese civilians by junta-controlled soldiers and police. But as security forces continue their deadly campaign, there are signs the country is reaching a turning point where rebel groups could engage in renewed conflict, while some in the protest movement start to push for armed resistance in a bid to defend themselves. A senior rebel leader and several protesters, whom CNN is not identifying for security reasons, say a small, but growing number of pro-democracy activists are heading into the jungles where they are receiving combat training from ethnic militias. There are also increasing calls from the urban centers for the ethnic rebel groups to do more to protect people from the military violence. A protest group formed by some of the myriad ethnic minorities in the country recently called on 16 ethnic armed organizations to "urgently" protect the lives of the people. And last Tuesday, three rebel groups in the north of the country, which call themselves the Three Brotherhood Alliance, said if the Myanmar military does not stop killing civilians, "we will join the spring revolution with all the ethnicities for self defense actions." If the military "continues to shoot and kill people, it means the junta have simply transformed themselves into terrorists," Yawd Serk said. "We won't just sit still, we will find every means to protect the people..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
2021-04-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "For many of Myanmar's ethnic minorities, the bloodshed inflicted across the country's towns and cities this week is a continuation of the oppression they have suffered at the hands of the military for decades. The Southeast Asian country is home to some of the world's longest civil wars, where myriad ethnic insurgencies have fought the military, central government and each other for greater rights and autonomy. Some of those bloody conflicts have ebbed and flowed in the borderlands for 70 years. Throughout years of conflict in Myanmar's jungles and mountains, ethnic people have witnessed and been subjected to horrific atrocities including massacres, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture, forced labor and displacement by the armed forces, as well as state-sanctioned discrimination. In 2016 and 2017, the military launched a brutal campaign of killing and arson that forced more than 740,000 Rohingya minority people to flee into neighboring Bangladesh, prompting a genocide case to be heard at the International Court of Justice. In 2019, the United Nations said "grave human rights abuses" by the military were still continuing in the ethnic states of Rakhine, Chin, Shan, Kachin and Karen. This week, that brutality played out on the streets of Myanmar's biggest cities, as the ruling junta launched a systematic and coordinated attack on unarmed peaceful demonstrators calling for an end to the February 1 coup. Witnesses, footage and photographs showed police and the military shooting dead anti-coup protesters, beating detainees and reported extrajudicial killings, while images of crumpled bodies laying in pools of their own blood or being dragged through the streets shocked the world. Determined to fight against those abuses and ensure their distinct voices and demands are heard, ethnic people have loudly joined the nationwide protests, uniting in solidarity against a common enemy. Though many fear further violence and intensified conflict from an unchecked military junta operating with impunity and now firmly in control of the country. "This fight has been since the beginning of the forming of the country itself. We hope that the current fight against the military coup in 21st century might be a new hope for our people," said Chin activist Sang Hnin Lian..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
2021-03-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-03-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Biden administration has formally determined that the military takeover in Myanmar constitutes a coup d'état, a designation that requires the US to cut its foreign assistance to the country. "After careful review of the facts and circumstances, we have assessed that Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's ruling party, and Win Myint, the duly elected head of government, were deposed in a military coup on February 1," a State Department official said Tuesday, using another name for Myanmar. "We continue to call on the Burmese military leadership to release them and all other detained civil society and political leaders immediately and unconditionally." The United States provides "very little" foreign assistance directly to Myanmar's government and "the government of Burma, including the Burmese military, is already subject to a number of foreign assistance restrictions, including statutory restrictions on military assistance, due to its human rights record." The State Department official, speaking on a call with reporters, said the administration "will undertake a broader review of our assistance programs to ensure they align with recent events." That review will begin "immediately" and will "look at any programs that indirectly benefit the military or individual low level officers." "At the same time, we will continue programs that benefit the people of Burma directly, including humanitarian assistance and democracy support programs that benefit civil society. A democratic civilian led government has always been Burma's best opportunity to address the problems the country faces," the official said..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN" (USA)
2021-02-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-02-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has voiced “deep fears” of a violent crackdown on dissenting voices in Myanmar, where the military assumed all powers and declared a state of emergency after overthrowing the civilian government and arresting top political leaders, on Monday.
Description: "“Given the security presence on the streets in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw, as well as in other cities, there are deep fears of a violent crackdown on dissenting voices”, High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet said in a statement on Monday. “I remind the military leadership that Myanmar is bound by international human rights law, including to respect the right to peaceful assembly, and to refrain from using unnecessary or excessive force”, she added. High Comissioner Bachelet also called on the international community to “stand in solidarity with the people” of Myanmar at this time. She also urged all nations with influence to take steps “to prevent the crumbling of the fragile democratic and human rights gains made by Myanmar during its transition from military rule.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: UN News
2021-02-02
Date of entry/update: 2021-02-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Medical staff accuse military chiefs of prioritising their own interests above those of the public during the pandemic
Description: "Staff at dozens of hospitals across Myanmar stopped working on Wednesday as part of a growing civil disobedience campaign, one of the first organised acts of defiance against the military after it ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi. Health workers in 70 hospitals and medical departments in Naypyidaw, Yangon and other towns and cities said they would not work under the military regime, accusing the generals of placing their own priorities above those of ordinary people during the pandemic. “We refuse to obey any order from the illegitimate military regime who demonstrated they do not have any regards for our poor patients,” the organisers said. A Facebook page coordinating the campaign accumulated nearly 150,000 followers in just 24 hours. “They will not stop this movement until the elected government is restored,” said Kyaw, a surgeon at West Yangon general hospital who has gone on strike. “I am upset about being apart from the patients, but I have no regrets, knowing that I did my best to help fight the pandemic,” he said, adding that he had resigned from the government hospital were he worked. Doctors are instead treating patients in their homes and at private clincis. The All Burma Federation of Students Union has also urged other government workers to strike. There have been no reports of street demonstrations against the army, but anger is simmering among the public, who lived under repressive military regimesfor five decades. On Wednesday night, the clanging of pots and pans echoed through the main city of Yangon, as people took to their balconies in a symbolic protest against the military. On social media, many adopted red profile pictures to signal their loyalty to Aung San Suu Kyi, who spent nearly 15 years in detention as she campaigned against military rule before being released in 2010. Within Myanmar, she is widely revered as a heroine of democracy, despite international condemnation over her treatment of the Rohingya..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2021-02-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-02-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: " Myanmar’s military staged a coup Monday and detained senior politicians including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi — a sharp reversal of the significant, if uneven, progress toward democracy the Southeast Asian nation has made following five decades of military rule. An announcement read on military-owned Myawaddy TV said Commander-in-Chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing would be in charge of the country for one year. It said the seizure was necessary because the government had not acted on the military’s claims of fraud in November’s elections — in which Suu Kyi’s ruling party won a majority of the parliamentary seats up for grabs — and because it allowed the election to go ahead despite the coronavirus pandemic. The takeover came the morning the country’s new parliamentary session was to begin and follows days of concern that a coup was coming. The military maintains its actions are legally justified — citing a section of the constitution it drafted that allows it to take control in times of national emergency — though Suu Kyi’s party spokesman as well as many international observers have said it amounts to a coup. It was a dramatic backslide for Myanmar, which was emerging from decades of strict military rule and international isolation that began in 1962. It was also a shocking fall from power for Suu Kyi, a Nobel peace laureate who had lived under house arrest for years as she tried to push her country toward democracy and then became its de facto leader after her National League for Democracy won elections in 2015..."
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (USA)
2021-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-02-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Agriculture, Camp Coordination and Camp Management, Coordination, Education, Food and Nutrition, Health, Logistics and Telecommunications, Protection and Human Rights, Shelter and Non-Food Items, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Topic: Agriculture, Camp Coordination and Camp Management, Coordination, Education, Food and Nutrition, Health, Logistics and Telecommunications, Protection and Human Rights, Shelter and Non-Food Items, Water Sanitation Hygiene
Description: "The present Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) seeks to mobilize assistance for close to 945,000 people in 2021, in support of the efforts of the Government of Myanmar to aid those affected by humanitarian crises and challenges in different parts of the country. As has been the case for previous years, the HRP places protection at the centre of an inclusive response tailored to the particular needs of the most vulnerable women and men, girls and boys. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 further demonstrated the critical importance of localization in Myanmar. In 2021, the Humanitarian Country Team (HCT) will build on the partnerships with national NGOs and local civil society actors that were strengthened as we adjusted to new operational realities in 2020. We will redouble our efforts to put in place robust channels for systematic two-way dialogue and engagement with affected people, and to capitalize on innovations around cash and voucher assistance to further extend our reach. Humanitarian partners remain committed to contributing to the achievement of durable solutions for displaced people. The National Strategy on Resettlement of Internally Displaced People (IDPs) and Closure of IDP Camps provides a key entry point in this regard. Progress on implementation of the Strategy in 2020 was slowed down by COVID-19 but new opportunities are emerging. Our efforts in this regard in 2021 will seek to create new links across the humanitarian-development nexus, while remaining firmly anchored in the perspectives and concerns of displaced people themselves. In Rakhine, the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State will continue to be an important reference point for engagement between humanitarian organizations and the Government of Myanmar. Our dialogue with the authorities will continue to emphasize the importance of humanitarian access, so that needs can be fully assessed and analyzed, humanitarian activities can be prioritized on the basis of those needs, and the impact of our efforts can be effectively monitored. The Myanmar HCT remains committed to working in accordance with the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, and without any adverse distinction based on region, ethnicity, religion or citizenship status..."
Source/publisher: OCHA (New York) via Reliefweb (New York)
2021-01-27
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 10.58 MB
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Sub-title: No Justice for Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity, Apartheid
Description: "The Myanmar government has repeatedly violated basic civil and political rights, and failed to hold the country’s security forces accountable for atrocities against ethnic minorities, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2021. The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party overwhelmingly won the November 8, 2020, election, which was marred by serious problems. Prior to the vote the government prosecuted its critics, censored opposition party messages, and did not provide equal access to state media. Systemic problems include the continued ethnic Rohingya disenfranchisement, the 25 percent of assembly seats reserved for the military, and the lack of an independent and transparent Union Election Commission. The commission cancelled voting in 57 primarily ethnic minority townships for security reasons, but provided little or no consultation or explanation to affected political parties and candidates. “Aung San Suu Kyi and the ruling National League for Democracy have turned their backs on human rights concerns since taking power, betraying promises to Myanmar’s people to revoke repressive laws and break with abusive past practices,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “By winning a significant parliamentary majority, the NLD has an opportunity to introduce rights-respecting reforms that would protect everyone.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2021-01-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Topic: Explosive Weapons in Civilian Areas , Landmines , Internally Displaced People
Sub-title: Statement of Manny Maung, Myanmar Researcher, Human Rights Watch Subcommittee on International Human Rights Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development
Topic: Explosive Weapons in Civilian Areas , Landmines , Internally Displaced People
Description: "Study of the Impacts of Covid-19 on Internally Displaced People in Myanmar Thank you to the Chairperson and Honorable Members of Parliament for inviting me to appear before this Committee to discuss the impacts of Covid-19 on internally displaced people in Myanmar. My name is Manny Maung and I am the Myanmar Researcher for Human Rights Watch. Decades of conflict have resulted in over 360,000 internally displaced peoples across the country. They are mainly members of ethnic minority communities spread across northern Myanmar, in Kachin and Shan States; in western Rakhine State; and in the southeast near the Myanmar-Thai border. Renewed conflict has created fresh displacements in 2020 in both Rakhine and Shan States. Humanitarian agencies reported that the government did not take measures to ensure that they could deliver emergency aid under the government-imposed travel restrictions to protect against the spread of Covid-19. In October, Human Rights Watch released a report, “An Open Prison without End,” on Myanmar’s detention of 130,000 Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State since 2012.[1] Human Rights Watch found that the squalid and oppressive conditions imposed on the interned Rohingya and Kaman Muslims amount to the crimes against humanity of persecution, apartheid, and severe deprivation of liberty. Starting in August 2017, a military campaign of killings, sexual violence, arson, and forced eviction of Rohingya in northern Rakhine State forced more than 700,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Human Rights Watch determined the Myanmar security forces committed ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2020-12-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Hiding from Myanmar's police, journalist Aung Marm Oo refuses to conceal his anger with the civilian government led by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi as his country prepares for an election later this year. “Democracy is already dead,” the 37-year-old editor-in-chief of Development Media Group (DMG) told Reuters from a secret location where he is in hiding. “They blocked media, restrict media agencies, banned news, punish journalists. Media is the lifeblood of democracy in the country. Without media, how can democracy survive?” When Suu Kyi was released from house arrest by a military junta in 2011, Aung Marm Oo was a student activist living in exile. Her release helped persuade him to return home and enter journalism. The 2016 election that brought Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) to power ended half a century of military rule. But the generals retain strong influence under a constitution that reserves sweeping powers for the military, and 25% of seats in parliament for its appointees. The interior ministry is controlled by the Tatmadaw, the official name of the armed forces, and the freedom of civil society and the media remains restricted in a country plagued by ethnic conflicts..."
Source/publisher: "VOA" (Washington, D.C)
2020-06-12
Date of entry/update: 2020-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "...Following independence in 1948, successive Burmese regimes have fought continuous wars against ethno-religious minorities living on the periphery. The following article analyzes these conflicts through the lens of prospect theory. According to this perspective, regimes are highly sensitive to relative losses and may employ genocidal policies as a means of state-preservation. Our framework applies this theory to three sub-national cases of genocide perpetrated against the Karen, Kachin, and Rohingya ethno-religious groups. Through qualitative case analysis, we unpack multifaceted processes of violence perpetrated against civilians and non-combatants in Burma. Based on our findings, we argue that the Tatmadaw (Burmese military) engaged in genocidal policies, including forced displacement and labor, slash-and-burn tactics, ethno-religious co-optation, and political killings as an instrumental means of preserving the state. Notably, while the military engaged in extreme violence against all three groups, their interest in state preservation varied. Genocidal violence employed against Karen and Kachin, long recognized by the military as “legitimate” groups, was perpetrated to assimilate “hill tribes” into the state. Conversely, violence against the Rohingya evolved with the goal of pushing a perceived “foreign” group out. This study contributes to the growing body of literature within Genocide Studies, linking macro-level theory to sub-national case studies..."
Creator/author:
2018-11-08
Date of entry/update: 2020-04-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : PDF
Size: 1.59 MB
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Description: "Key figures on the national political scene and foreign specialists and observers alike have been puzzled by the rapid transformations taking place in Myanmar1 since 2011. What is happening in this country that was isolated for so long and dominated by its armed forces (or Tatmadaw in Burmese) totally resistant to change or contact with the outside world? In recent months, diplomats from the UN, Asia and the West have rushed to Naypyitaw2 and above all to Yangon to meet with the main opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been free since her (third) release from house arrest in November 2010 and has been a member of the national parliament (hereafter referred to as Parliament) since the by-elections held in April 2012. Strikes and public demonstrations, as well as unions and opposition political parties, are now perfectly legal. The censorship board has been dissolved. The Internet and cell phone industry are booming. The vast majority of the 2,200 political prisoners counted in early 2011 have been released. A human rights commission was even created in September 2011. Foreign journalists and critics have no problem obtaining visas, and tourists are flocking in. Burmese dissidents in exile have begun to return in order to take part in rebuilding an economy still on the sidelines of globalization. Foreign investors and multinational corporations have started to prospect in a “gold rush” atmosphere, as one of Asia’s richest regions in natural resources appears to be opening up..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "SciencesPo." (France)
2013-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 432.75 KB (32 pages)
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Sub-title: Nation building processes in tumultuous times
Description: "The study of the role historiography and public memory play within nation-building processes in Southeast Asia continues to see a steady rise of interest with scholars, governments and in growing numbers also the public eye. In face of continuous local resistance towards national integration, the struggle to define a national identity by converting multiple pasts into a single national narrative remains crucial to authoritarian and post-authoritarian regimes alike. The question of belonging to one nation has yet to be resolved by various communities throughout the region (Aung-Thwin M. , 2012). Especially Myanmar’s challenged government tries hard to create a general Myanmar identity that includes not only the Bamar majority, but also all of the people living on Myanmar territory – with the current exclusion of the Muslim Rohingyas. 1 This nation-building attempt is naturally on terms of the government. The streamlining of regional or ethnic histories and narratives poses new threats and worries to the already suspicious minorities amidst the pacification and reconciliation attempts of Naypyitaw. Successive regimes and leaders have tried to both exploit the ideological groundwork laid in the dynastic, colonial and independence eras and to develop innovative new strategies to convince Myanmar’s inhabitants to overlook what divides them and prioritize what they have in common (Metro & SalemGervais, 2012)..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Dr. Martin Großheim
2015-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.21 MB (47 pages)
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Sub-title: Masculinities, gender and social conflict in Myanmar
Description: "The Union of Myanmar is a complex country context marked by ethnic, religious and linguistic diversity. It has been affected by decades of an authoritarian, isolationist regime and numerous interconnected conflicts, ranging from national-level ethnic political and armed conflicts and a pro-democracy struggle, to broader social-level land conflicts. It has also seen conflicts at the household level, such as domestic violence. In Myanmar, as in other countries, these numerous forms of violence affect men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities in different ways. There is increasing awareness that gender is important in understanding conflict and working towards peace and social cohesion. A growing number of development programmes are dedicated to addressing this. In practice, such programmes have largely focused on women’s participation in political and peacebuilding processes. This focus on increasing women’s meaningful participation in arenas and activities formerly dominated by men is an important aspect of peacebuilding. However, there is another ‘side’ to the gender inequality dilemma, which is less well understood – one that deals with the experiences of men and boys. Social expectations around masculinity are often overlooked (or oversimplified). Masculinities, that is, the social expectations of men to act or behave in certain ways because they are men, can be drivers of conflict or violence. However, limiting work on this to ‘men-engage’-type approaches focusing mainly on mobilising men to prevent sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) can mean overlooking how social expectations of masculinities can also lead to increased vulnerability for men and boys, which is often not recognised or addressed by peacebuilding programming. Understanding masculinities is important, because these masculinity norms – these social expectations – can be mobilised to manipulate the taking of violent actions. For instance, society may invoke the expectations on men to be protectors of their community from perceived external threats, including land confiscations for development projects. Where this means confronting more powerful actors such as state agencies, frustration and pressures can turn into violent action..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Paung Sie Facility, International Alert (London), Phan Tee Eain
2018-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 928.79 KB (52 pages)
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Topic: Rohingya, Ruili, ethnicity, jade trade, borderland, social-symbolic order, human- nonhuman
Topic: Rohingya, Ruili, ethnicity, jade trade, borderland, social-symbolic order, human- nonhuman
Description: "This paper addresses two questions pertaining to ethnicity. First, how do ethnic identifications, alliances, and conflicts play out in social worlds hosting ingrained ethnic hostilities? Secondly, how can we theorize the role of non-human agents in human conceptions of ethnicity and constructions of social-symbolic orders? The discussion is based on events related by Noor; a Rohingya man, who works as a jade trader in the border-town of Ruili in China’s Yunnan province, opposite Myanmar’s Shan state. The paper describes Noor’s motivations for fleeing Myanmar, his experience of Buddhist-Muslim conflicts, his work as a jade trader, and his hobby as a fighting cock breeder. The final section discusses how Noor conceptualizes his ethnic identity and position in a wider social-symbolic order hosting antagonistic ethnic Others by making analogies between nonhuman agents and ethnic humans..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Department of Sociology, Lund University" (Lund)
2016-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2020-01-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 579.92 KB
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Description: "For 70 years Myanmar has been torn apart by ethnic conflicts, dictatorship and religious nationalism that have led to horrific bloodshed, death, destruction, slavery and abuse,” said Cardinal Charles Maung Bo of Yangon. The Southeast Asian nation of 56 million (map) is 88% Buddhist, 6% Christian, and 4% Muslim..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Catholic Culture"
2019-12-03
Date of entry/update: 2019-12-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Myanmar military is continuing to wage fresh atrocities against ethnic minorities in the conflict-riven north of the country, according to a new report by human rights group Amnesty International. The report details harrowing accounts of ethnic Kachin, Lisu, Shan and Ta’ang civilians being arbitrarily arrested, detained and tortured by the armed forces. It also sheds a light on abusive tactics used by ethnic armed groups as they confront the military and fight among themselves to exert control over Shan State, a region rich in mineral resources and also part of the Golden Triangle where much of the world’s opium and heroin is illegally produced. “The Myanmar military is as relentless and ruthless as ever, committing war crimes against civilians in northern Shan State with absolute impunity,” alleged Nicholas Bequelin, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southeast Asia..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Telegraph" (UK)
2019-10-24
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: On October 2, hundreds of people – possibly even 1,000 – gathered in Maha Bandoola Park in Yangon to show support for activists Naw Ohn Hla, Saw Thein Zaw Min and Saw Albert Cho.
Description: "Just hours earlier, they had been sentenced to 15 days’ imprisonment for organising a ceremony to observe Karen Martyrs’ Day. The day marks the anniversary of the deaths of Karen National Union founders Saw Ba U Gyi and Major-General Sai Kay, who were killed in a Tatmadaw ambush in 1950. The trio were released immediately after the sentencing, having already served 22 days. But the outcome angered ethnic rights activists, who said it was further evidence of the government’s continued oppression of ethnic minorities. Why were they detained and charged? Yangon Region Chief Minister U Phyo Min Thein had prohibited them from using the word “martyr” at the event, so they changed the location from North Dagon, on the city’s outskirts, to City Hall and Maha Bandoola Park, right in the centre. Moving the event was a provocative step. The government took the bait. Ohn Hla has been arrested and imprisoned many times over the past three decades. She is unlikely to shy away from a fight. Another stint in prison was always going to be a possible outcome. Lest we think this was a one-off, though, the regional authorities doubled down, filing charges against three women who had protested during a September 27 court hearing for the three detained activists. This story is likely to rumble on: more protests, more charges, more fiery statements. The whole episode underscores the government’s intolerance towards expressions of ethnic minority culture and history – in particular, those that deviate from the official narrative of 135 ethnic groups living in harmony since time immemorial, which, as the lead article in this issue of Frontier shows, is a myth. But it also reflects the government’s remarkable ability to pick pointless political battles. What would have been a relatively small event on Yangon’s outskirts was transformed into a series of demonstrations in the city’s heart that garnered major press coverage..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Frontier Myanmar" (Myanmar)
2019-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Reform of the 1959 Defence Services Act is a necessary step to address ongoing military impunity. The case of Ko Par Gyi’s killing should be reopened to satisfy the State’s international law obligations and deter repetition of serious crimes by soldiers.
Description: "Five years after the death of journalist Ko Par Gyi, the ICJ calls on the Government of Myanmar to reform the 1959 Defence Services Act, which was used to shield soldiers from accountability for involvement in his killing. “The case is emblematic of the 1959 Defence Services Act being used to enable impunity for human rights violations by soldiers throughout Myanmar, by transferring to military courts the authority to investigate and prosecute serious crimes against civilians,” said Frederick Rawski, Asia Pacific Region Director for the ICJ. “Impunity for Ko Par Gyi’s death is another example of this law being used to shield soldiers from accountability for serious crimes,” added Rawski. “Legislators should reform the 1959 law to enable the public criminal prosecution of soldiers for serious crimes in all circumstances, and take other steps to address the accountability gap.” After being detained by police in Mon State and transferred into military detention on 30 September 2014, Ko Par Gyi died four days later in the custody of Tatmadaw soldiers. Unceremoniously buried in a shallow grave, Ko Par Gyi’s death was hidden from his family and the public for weeks. Nobody has been held accountable for his death and his family lacks access to redress, including their right to know the truth..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "International Commission of Jurists" (Switzerland)
2019-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Topic: MYANMAR, WAR CRIMES, JUSTIC, EGENOCIDE, SHAN STATE, RAKHINE STATE, OHCHR, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, RIGHTS, KAREN STATE, UN FACT-FINDING MISSION, MYANMAR MILITARY, 'FLYING TOMATO', UNHRC
Topic: MYANMAR, WAR CRIMES, JUSTIC, EGENOCIDE, SHAN STATE, RAKHINE STATE, OHCHR, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY, RIGHTS, KAREN STATE, UN FACT-FINDING MISSION, MYANMAR MILITARY, 'FLYING TOMATO', UNHRC
Description: "The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (aka Forum-Asia), Progressive Voice and the Karen Human Rights Group are calling on member and observer states of the UN Human Rights Council to take concrete action to ensure justice and accountability for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes perpetrated against ethnic and religious minorities in Myanmar. We are deeply concerned regarding the escalation in conflict, particularly in Rakhine and Shan states, and are urging the UNHRC to broaden the mandate of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar regularly to document and report violations and abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law in that country. Shan state has observed an escalation in conflict since the factions of the Northern Alliance’s Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), Arakan Army (AA) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) carried out attacks against the Myanmar military’s Defense Service Technological Academy at Pyin Oo Lwin in Mandalay Region, as well as a toll gate, customs house and police security outpost on August 15. The military was quick to retaliate, with some of the worst fighting observed in Lashio and Kutkai. In Lashio, the military used Buddhist temples to fire shells into villages, resulting in the death of a 52-year-old farmer. In Kutkai, parents and family grieved the death of three Kachin children due to heavy shelling between the Northern Alliance and the military..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Asia Times"
2019-09-19
Date of entry/update: 2019-09-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Authorities on both sides of the border have failed to stop the trafficking of hundreds of women from Myanmar to China, says a new report released by Human Rights Watch (HRW) on Thursday. The 112-page report, titled Give Us a Baby and We’ll Let You Go: Trafficking of Kachin ‘Brides’ from Myanmar to China, documents anecdotal evidence from 37 victims of the trafficking trade who later escaped, and several families of trafficking victims. The women, originating from Myanmar’s northern Shan and Kachin States, were typically sold for between $3,000 to $13,000 after being lured across the border by the promise of good jobs. Many of the victims testify to being locked up, raped and forced to bear the children of their captors. The report’s author says that China’s now abolished one-child policy, which began in 1979, is a major cause of the current trafficking crisis because it created a gender imbalance in China. Forced to have only one child, Chinese parents often abandoned female babies or had sex-selective abortions in favor of males, leading to a shortfall in the female population of an estimated 30 to 40 million..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Time"
2019-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "A top United Nations official has warned of "serious implications for human rights" in parts of Myanmar after the government shut down mobile data networks. According to Telenor, a Norwegian telecoms firm which operates mobile internet services in Myanmar, on June 20 all mobile phone operators were ordered to "temporarily stop mobile internet traffic in nine townships in Rakhine and Chin State." "The directive, which makes references to the Myanmar's Telecommunication Law, does not specify when the shutdown will end. As basis for its request," Telenor said in a statement, adding that officials "referenced disturbances of peace and use of internet services to coordinate illegal activities." The Myanmar military, also known as the Tatmadaw, has been conducting a major security operation and crackdown in the western province of Rakhine since August 2017, when alleged Rohingya militants attacked police posts. More than 720,000 Rohingya are estimated to have been forced to flee into Bangladesh as a result of the ensuing violence, which US lawmakers and international human rights bodies have said amounts to ethnic cleansing and even genocide..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "CNN"
2019-06-25
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Font: Zawgyi
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Description: "Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi should immediately lift an internet blackout that the government has imposed for more than one month in western Myanmar, Fortify Rights said today. On June 21, the government ordered the shutdown of internet services in nine townships—eight in Rakhine State and one in Chin State—severely impeding humanitarian aid, business, media access, and human rights monitoring. “We can’t move anywhere and now we can’t communicate with anyone,” a Rohingya resident in Maungdaw Township told Fortify Rights. “We are in total darkness.” “The civilian government imposed this blackout, and it can lift it,” said Matthew Smith, Chief Executive Officer of Fortify Rights. “This shutdown is happening in a context of ongoing genocide against Rohingya and war crimes against Rakhine, and even if it were intended to target militants, it’s egregiously disproportionate, affecting an estimated one million civilians for nearly a month.” The Myanmar Ministry of Transport and Communications directed all mobile phone operators in Myanmar to disable internet services in Ponnangyun, Kyauktaw, Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Mrauk-U, Minbya, and Myebon townships in Rakhine State, and Paletwa township in Chin State. The Myanmar military and Arakan Army are fighting in these areas, and many of the areas are sites of previous military-led attacks against Rohingya civilians. A local aid worker in northern Rakhine State who works for an international non-governmental organization told Fortify Rights: “We have no access to information…Providing aid without internet is very difficult. We cannot share information and communicate effectively with the headquarters or other offices to deliver aid.” The length of this shutdown is one of the world’s longest ever and is disproportionately affecting civilians and their protection, Fortify Rights said. A vague provision of the 2013 Telecommunications Law permits the suspension of internet services “when an emergency situation arises” and “for public interest.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Progressive Voice" via Fortify Rights
2019-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Sub-title: Oral statement delivered by Amnesty International during the interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar at the 41st session of the UN Human Rights Council
Description: "Oral statement delivered by Amnesty International during the interactive dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar at the 41st session of the UN Human Rights Council. Mr. President, We thank the Special Rapporteur for her update. We agree that the human rights situation in Myanmar remains critical. In Rakhine State, there has been a major escalation in fighting between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, an ethnic Rakhine armed group, since January 2019. Amnesty International has documented serious violations by the military against civilians, including unlawful attacks, arbitrary arrests, torture and other ill-treatment, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, and forced labour. All communities – including Rakhine, Rohingya, Mro, Khami, and Chin – are being affected, regardless of their ethnicity and religion.1 Similarly serious violations are also ongoing in Kachin and Shan States in northern Myanmar, despite the announcement of a temporary ceasefire by the military in December 2018, recently extended by two months until 31 August 2019. These include unlawful killings, arbitrary arrests, torture and ill-treatment, and the use of landmines. These ongoing violations show the consequences of ongoing impunity for a military which stands accused of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide. The prospect of meaningful justice and accountability in Myanmar is currently almost non-existent. We urge the Council to continue to explore all avenues for international justice and support the swift operationalization of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). Mr. President, There is a worrying erosion of the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly across the country, and we are concerned by a surge in politically-motivated arrests and imprisonment in recent months. Filmmaker Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi has been detained since 12 April 2019 for criticising the military’s role in politics on social media,2 while Rakhine journalist Aung Marm Oo is hiding after learning – through the media – that he faces criminal charges under Myanmar’s notorious Unlawful Associations Act.3 Politically-motivated arrests and detention are made possible by a range of laws which have long been criticised for violating the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly. Repealing or else amending these laws is one area where the current civilian-led government could make important progress, but with less than 18 months until general elections, time is running out. Ms. Lee, Given continuing violations in the country and the authorities’ refusal to cooperate with UN human rights mechanisms, including your mandate, what additional measures do you think this Council should take to address the situation?..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International
2019-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2019-07-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Description: "Humanitarian needs in Myanmar are characterized by a complex combination of vulnerability to natural disasters, food insecurity, armed conflict, inter-communal tensions, statelessness, institutionalized discrimination, protracted displacement, human trafficking and risky migration. In Rakhine, the situation remains tense following the armed attacks and the military operations and violence in 2017 that led to the exodus of over 700 000 people to Bangladesh. In Kachin and Shan states, the escalation of armed conflict caused new and secondary displacements..."
Source/publisher: Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)
2019-01-01
Date of entry/update: 2019-06-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.64 MB
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Description: ''The right to land for all peoples is essential for peace, democracy and development. The recently adopted amendment by parliament to the 2012 Vacant, Fallow and Virgin Lands Management Law (VFV Law) has immediate, deep and far-reaching implications for many millions of rural working people in Myanmar, especially in ethnic nationality regions. The new law has also serious, negative consequences for the country’s development and the transition towards democracy, and ultimately for the prospects for a lasting peace in Myanmar. Across Myanmar, but especially in ethnic borderland areas, the livelihoods and well-being of agrarian communities have, for centuries, been assured through traditional customary land and resource management systems. Many such systems continue to exist, and they command social legitimacy in regulating how people relate to each other and to land and resources at the village level. These systems involve community assertion of authority over the local land and resources, and regulation of their management and use. These systems are often informal, but there is clear understanding within and between villages what land can be used, by whom, for how long, and for what purposes...''
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI)
2018-12-13
Date of entry/update: 2019-01-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "State of the World?s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2013" presents a global picture of the health inequalities experienced by minorities and indigenous communities. The report finds that minorities and indigenous peoples suffer more ill-health and receive poorer quality of care. - See more at: http://www.minorityrights.org/12071/state-of-the-worlds-minorities/state-of-the-worlds-minorities-and-indigenous-peoples-2013.html#sthash.4jaxgXrf.dpuf
Source/publisher: Minority Rights Group (MRG)
2013-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2013-10-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 153.11 KB
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Description: Women in Myanmar have been subjected to a wide range of human rights violations, including political imprisonment, torture and rape, forced labour, and forcible relocation, all at the hands of the military authorities. At the same time women have played an active role in the political and economic life of the country. It is the women who manage the family finances and work alongside their male relatives on family farms and in small businesses. Women have been at the forefront of the pro-democracy movement which began in 1988, many of whom were also students or female leaders within opposition political parties. Burman and non-Burman women. List of women in prison.ADDITIONAL KEYWORDS: forced resettlement, forced relocation, forced movement, forced displacement, forced migration, forced to move, displaced
Source/publisher: Amnesty International USA (ASA 16/04/00)
2000-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "This timely report gives an overview of the major minority ethnic groups and their situation and prospects within Burma today. Major human rights issues are also discussed: extra-judicial killings, displacement of populations, forced labour, illegal use of landmines and child soldiers. The author considers the position of women, restrictions on freedom of expression and the challenges posed by HIV/AIDS and the trade in narcotics."
Creator/author: Martin Smith
Source/publisher: Minority Rights Group
2002-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 640.53 KB
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Description: "Up to a million people have fled their homes in eastern Burma in a crisis the world has largely ignored. Burma?s refusal to release Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, and the boycotting of the constitutional convention this month by the main opposition, has thrust Burma into the spotlight again. But unseen and largely unremarked is the ongoing harrowing experience of hundreds of thousands of people in eastern Burma, hiding in the jungle or trapped in army-controlled relocation sites. Others are in refugee camps on the Thai-Burmese border. These people are victims in a counterinsurgency war in which they are the deliberate targets. As members of Burma?s ethnic minorities - which make up 40 per cent of the population - they are trapped in a conflict between the Burmese army and ethnic minority armies. Surviving on caches of rice hidden in caves, or on roots and wild foods, families in eastern Burma face malaria, landmines, disease and starvation. They are hunted like animals by army patrols and starved into surrender. In interviews... refugees told Christian Aid of murder and rape, the torching of villages and shooting of family members as they lay huddled together in the fields. They recalled farmers who had been blown up by landmines laid by the army around their crops. This report, based on personal testimonies from refugees, tells the story of Burma?s humanitarian crisis. On the brink of the Burmese government?s announcement of a ?roadmap to democracy? for a new constitution, Burma?s Dirty War argues that any new political settlement must include the crisis on the country?s eastern borders. Burma?s refusal to free Aung San Suu Kyi promises more intransigence and an even slower pace of change - with predictable human costs. This report calls on the UK and Irish governments, the EU and the UN to use what opportunity remains from the roadmap to democracy to press for an end to the conflict in negotiations with ethnic minorities. It also argues that the UN must gain access to the areas in crisis - despite the Burmese government ban on travel there by humanitarian agencies. Key recommendations include: * that the Burmese government cease human rights abuses, allow access to eastern Burma by humanitarian agencies including UN special representatives, and engage in dialogue with ethnic minority representatives * that the UK and Irish governments, the EU and the UN fund work with displaced people inside Burma and continue to support refugees in Thailand * that the UK and Irish governments, the EU and UN Security Council condemn Burma?s human rights abuses against ethnic minorities, demand that it protect civilians from violence and insist that Burma allow access to humanitarian agencies The report argues that governments must seize the opportunity presented by the roadmap to push for genuine negotiations between the government, the National League for Democracy and ethnic minority organisations which can bring out a just and lasting peace..."
Source/publisher: Christian Aid
2004-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: This report focuses . . . human rights violations against members of ethnic minority groups. These abuses, including extrajudicial executions; ill-treatment in the context of forced portering and labour; and intimidation during forcible relocations occur both in the context of counter-insurgency operations, and in areas where cease-fires hold. The State Law and Order Restoration Council SLORC, Myanmar?s military government) continues to commit human rights violations in ethnic minority areas with complete impunity. This high level of human rights violations and the attendant political instability in Myanmar pose a major regional security issue for the country?s new ASEAN partners. One dimension of this is the unprecedented numbers of refugees from Myanmar now in Thailand: a conservative estimate of some 200,000 refugees live in Thai cities and in camps along the Thai-Myanmar border. All of the refugees whom Amnesty International recently interviewed, and whose testimonies form the basis of this report, said that they had fled because they could no longer survive under the harsh forced labour and relocation practices of the SLORC. ... ADDITIONAL KEYWORDS: forced resettlement, forced relocation, forced movement, forced displacement, forced migration, forced to move, displaced
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (ASA 16/20/97)
1997-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English and French
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Description: "When you speak another language, that is Burmese, you become Burman instead of Karen. When this happens you?re already dead as a Karen person." "When they are portering, many Shan don?t understand what the soldiers are ordering them to do, and so they may make mistakes and get beaten and tortured by the soldiers." On the eve of the World Conference Against Racism in South Africa, EarthRights International released this report, which documents a widespread pattern of brutal discrimination against ethnic minorities in Burma. The report was researched by EarthRights International staff who interviewed mainly Karen and Shan victims of government-sponsored discrimination, including forced labor, rape, destruction of identities and suppression of language. The report documents state-sponsored discrimination against minorities in schools and government institutions, discriminatory violence in conflict zones, and a pattern of targeting minorities for the worst abuses of forced labor..."
Source/publisher: EarthRights International
2001-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...Amnesty International is concerned about a variety of human rights which are systematically denied to civilians by the Myanmar government, particularly those belonging to ethnic minorities. The routine military interference with the exercise of human rights includes forced labour; forcible relocation; extortion of food, money and other personal possessions; house destruction; and the denial of freedom of movement. During May and June 2004, Amnesty International interviewed 115 migrant workers in seven locations in Thailand who were either working or searching for work. They were members of the Mon, Kayin, Kayah, Shan, Rawang, Tavoyan and Bama ethnic groups, and followed the Buddhist, Muslim, or Christian faiths. They were employed mostly in the fishing, manufacturing, agricultural, construction, and domestic service industries. The interviews were conducted confidentially with the assistance of an independent Bama ? English interpreter. Both the men and women who were interviewed were predominantly from rural areas, although some were from urban centres, including small towns, State and Division capitals, and Yangon. In the last decade hundreds of thousands of workers from Myanmar have migrated to neighbouring Thailand in search of jobs and other economic opportunities. Migrants interviewed by Amnesty International had left their homes in Myanmar for a variety of reasons, including the inability to find a job; confiscation of their houses and land by the military; and fear that if they remained they would be subjected to human rights violations, including forced labour. Many of the young people who were interviewed had come to work in Thailand in order to send money back to their families. However some of them could not save enough to send any money home, but were working in Thailand so as not to be a burden to their parents. Those who had fled from militarized areas in Myanmar were much more likely to have had direct experience of human rights violations at the hands of the Myanmar military. In some areas the vast majority of young people have left their villages in order to work in Thailand. One Mon man from Hpa?an township, Kayin State, told Amnesty International about the situation in his village: "Many people have been in Thailand for the last 15 years, and many more are leaving now. Prices are going up, the population is growing, people are having a hard time feeding themselves and have decided to leave."..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International
2005-09-08
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of men, women and children, both in ethnic minority areas and in central Myanmar, has taken place for decades. This report examines the torture and ill-treatment of women from ethnic minorities in particular by the tatmadaw (armed forces). Ethnic minorities, who make up a third of the country?s population, mainly live in seven states in the country . . . Amnesty International has documented serious human rights violations by the tatmadaw: extra-judicial executions, "disappearances," torture and cruel treatment of ethnic minority civilians, including the rape and sexual abuse of women. Torture in ethnic minority areas generally takes place in the context of forced labour and portering; forced relocation, and in detention at army camps, military intelligence centres, in people?s homes, fields and villages. Many individuals have died as a result of torture or been killed after being tortured. Force and the threat of force is regularly used to compel members of ethnic minorities to comply with military directives - which may range from orders for villages to relocate; to provide unpaid labourers to military forces; to not harvesting their crops. Torture, including rape, is particularly widespread in those states where armed resistance continues and the army is engaged in counter-insurgency operations against armed groups. ... ADDITIONAL KEYWORDS: forced resettlement, forced relocation, forced movement, forced displacement, forced migration, forced to move, displaced
Source/publisher: Amnesty International
2001-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English, French
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