Discrimination: standards and mechanisms

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Description: * Combating discrimination against indigenous peoples * Combating discrimination against migrants * Combating discrimination against minorities * Combating discrimination against people with disabilities * Combating discrimination against women * Combating racial discrimination * Combating religious discrimination
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A Commentary by DPAG and TNI Gender norms affect everyone: people of all genders and ages, people in urban and rural areas, people with high-paying and low-paying jobs, people who use or do not use drugs, as well as people living with health statuses of all kinds. Paired with one’s socioeconomic backgrounds, gender norms and inequalities come in different shapes and sizes, and so do visions of gender justice. As part of our exciting journey exploring the endless multitude of gender just visions, we spoke with Sakura (30) and Noe Noe (26), two transgender1 women working as peer educators and advocates at the Myanmar MSM and Transgender Network (MMTN), an organisation specialised in HIV prevention and care related activities in various parts of Myanmar. Our conversation with Sakura and Noe Noe shows that there is so much that the HIV movement – particularly that involving transgender women – can teach us about gender justice. HIV care for transgender communities in Myanmar: Slow and uneven There are approximately 270,(external link)000 people living with HIV in Myanmar, according to 2021 data. The number of new HIV infections in Myanmar has decreased each year, from almost 30,000 in the early 2000s to around 11,000 in 2017. Myanmar has also performed reasonably well(external link) when it comes to providing treatment access for people living with HIV, and is facilitating viral suppression for 95 percent of those on treatment. Programmes involving PrEP (pre-exposure prophylaxis), a prescription medicine that can reduce one’s chance of becoming infected with HIV, are available since its inclusion in Myanmar’s National Strategic Plan IV 2020-2025. However, both the COVID-19(external link) pandemic and the political crisis that erupted in 2021(external link) have undermined HIV related programmes, along with the wider healthcare system on which such programmes rely in Myanmar. Stigma and criminalisation continue, in particular related to sexuality, gender expressions, and drug use, weakening any attempt to curb HIV-related morbidity and mortality. This disproportionately harms marginalised communities such as sex workers, people who use drugs, men who have sex with men (MSM)2, and transgender people already suffering from socioeconomic exclusion or exploitation. In the context of HIV response and related data in Myanmar, transgender women have typically been categorised in the MSM population(external link), even though many of them do not identify as men. Meanwhile, as underlined by Sakura, HIV prevention and care services (including the PrEP programme) in Myanmar were initially targeted only towards the so-called MSM community, and “only a couple of years back the PrEP programme was widened for the transgender community,” added Sakura. “Transgender people often face discrimination not only due to their gender [expressions], but also because society tends to associate them with HIV spread and infection,” explains Sakura as she describes her HIV prevention work in six townships across Yangon, as well as parts of Rakhine and Mon State. Indeed, a 2021 report by the UNFPA(external link) shows that transgender women are more likely to experience violence and discrimination compared to others who do not identify as heterosexual or cisgender3 (such as – but not limited to – people identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer4, or LGBTQ+5), who are already highly vulnerable to stigma and abuse, including in medical settings. “Prior to Covid, there seemed to be more teasing and stigma targeting the transgender community, but now transgender people seem to have more freedom and mobility,” added Sakura as she talked about the growing visibility of transgender and other LGBTQ+ people, including in social movements across Myanmar. “Societal perspective has been slowly changing for the better, because there have been more social media and online campaigns against discrimination, for instance in the form of videos. These online campaigns are more attractive nowadays, and social influencers – like famous make-up artists – are involved in talking about topics that are considered taboo such as sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR(external link)), PrEP, et cetera,” explained Sakura, sounding optimistic about the post-Covid changing attitudes towards transgender people. Nevertheless, many people still do not take transgender people seriously. Noe Noe, who is now involved in a SRHR education project of MMTN, was previously reluctant to be fully involved in this work because she was afraid of being discriminated against. She said, “when trying to educate the general population [about SRHR], some people don’t want to listen to us and they don’t respect us. Some people would tease and insult us.” So how does one persevere and keep doing this challenging work? When we asked her, Noe Noe answered, “my strategy is to be as patient as possible. Sometimes I want to respond to those who insult and tease me, but I have to control my emotions. The Buddhist teaching of ‘tolerance’ helps me to ‘tolerate’ those insults and instead focus more on the goal of the work.” Beyond the so-called ‘key populations’ At MMTN, part of Sakura’s responsibilities is to provide HIV awareness training amongst various men who have sex with men and transgender communities. These include training and outreach efforts to curb the spread of HIV through education and referral programmes. “Our awareness training covers issues related to sexual and reproductive health and rights, sexual orientation, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics, and sexually transmitted infections (STI). We also address practical STI prevention strategies such as the systematic use of condoms, information and assistance for HIV testing, and more,” said Sakura as she elaborated on her work with MMTN. Though MMTN’s work seems to focus more on the specific needs of men who have sex with men and transgender communities, Sakura and Noe Noe argue that a large part of their – and other peer workers’ – responsibility is to reach beyond the so-called key populations (namely MSM and transgender communities). In other words, HIV prevention and care work is not only about reaching out to the communities stereotypically associated with HIV, but also about building connections with the wider society. “During our awareness raising programmes, we talk with family members, friends, and other people around those who identify as MSM or transgender. Even police officers come and listen sometimes, even though we are not specifically targeting them,” according to Sakura. Similarly, MMTN’s new peer-led SRHR education project, for which Noe Noe is now preparing to be a champion trainer, consists of education curricula tailored to three categories of target groups – LGBTQ+ communities, young people, and the general public (notably cisgender and heterosexual people). This means Noe Noe and 13 other champion trainers will be covering all topics related to sexual and reproductive health and rights. They are now getting ready to educate others about practical matters such as family planning, but with a more holistic approach that embraces people of all genders and sexualities. Indeed, when it comes to HIV prevention and care, Sakura and Noe Noe highlight the importance of demystifying gender and sexuality amongst the general public by engaging in meaningful conversations with people who do not necessarily or openly identify as queer, taking into account that social stigma (or conversely – acceptance and solidarity) influences public health. Marginalisation and discrimination tend to push people away from the very support system from which they could benefit – be it health, social, or otherwise. This not only increases the vulnerability of marginalised communities, but magnifies overall public health risks which at the end of the day impact everyone, albeit in unequal ways. Gender and class Born, raised and based in Yangon, Sakura began working as Assistant Project Officer at a leading HIV clinic for transgender communities several years ago. She joined MMTN in February 2023. Prior to her involvement in the HIV movement, Sakura worked as a make-up artist. “I became involved in this movement because I wanted to help improve the health and education of transgender women,” and based on her experience operating in the field, Sakura wishes that her fellow community members could go beyond survival economies – from make-up and flower industries to sex work – and take a more prominent role in community mobilisation and movement for progressive change. The barriers to such an aspiration seem insurmountable sometimes, as Sakura notes how transgender women are more socially and economically disadvantaged when compared with men who have sex with men (let alone compared with other groups more privileged due to their class, gender, or sexuality). She recalled her own lived experience, resembling those of other transgender women around the world(external link), “compared to MSM, I’ve been more discriminated against by family members,” and “we often see that transgender communities seem to be less [formally] educated than MSM. It is generally harder for transgender people to find jobs or livelihoods.” Noe Noe, who unlike Sakura was born and raised in a small city outside Yangon, then added, “many of my transgender friends in rural areas died due to HIV. Many of them don’t know about or don’t have access to antiretroviral treatment, or they may not have the means to access it.” Difficulties in accessing healthcare, educational and livelihood opportunities mean that many transgender people6 have to rely on informal/survival economies such as sex work and/or drug-related livelihoods (such as small-scale drug selling), which remain highly criminalised in Myanmar, affecting people whose existence challenges the gender binary and/or heteronormative norms. This is why sex workers in particular are highly vulnerable to HIV infection and related risks. Meanwhile, gender affirming healthcare7 is still lacking and largely inaccessible for transgender communities. Coupled with economic hardship and social stigma, this exacerbates the mental health toll(external link) of being transgender in Myanmar. Inequalities also prevail between those residing in urban and rural areas, or between more ‘developed’ and more remote areas. “Gender norms tend to be more rigid in rural and remote areas. Boys get bullied in schools or rejected by family members for expressing more feminine traits, and they have not even started crossdressing yet. This has a lot to do with people’s limited understanding of gender and sexuality,” explained Noe Noe. Such experiences of rejection and isolation tend to have long-lasting impacts on one’s life, and oftentimes these experiences extend well into adulthood. As added by Sakura, “transgender people tend to have self-doubt, maybe because since we were very young we have never really been accepted [by others]. Even when applying for a job at a place like MMTN, for example, we might have this inner fear that we won’t be accepted, even though we have the same skills as others who are not transgender. This is why many transgender people end up doing jobs typically reserved for transgender people.” Another significant – yet often taken for granted – challenge is “the fact that many transgender people do not have mobile phones and social media due to their low living standards. This makes it hard to reach them and to involve them in peer-to-peer engagement and work,” added Sakura, illustrating how precariousness often stands in the way of sustainable collective mobilisation. Determined to change this, Sakura emphasised once again, “what’s most important for me is to help educate fellow transgender friends, and stress the need for better job opportunities so we could have higher standards of living.” On top of all that, Sakura and Noe Noe underlined the importance of meaningful work for the transgender community, “our involvement in this movement is not necessarily about the money. It’s also about setting examples and opening doors for others from our community, In the past we were only pawns, but now we’re becoming role models,” said Sakura, passionately, after which Noe Noe added, “when I go out into the community and educate others, I am doing something big for society, not just for myself.” Disrupting the gender binary Sakura explained, “in Myanmar language, we use the term ‘Ah Pwint’ to refer to a transgender woman, and this term literally translates to ‘open flowers’. But to refer to MSM, ‘Ah Pone’ is more often used, and it literally means ‘closed flowers’, mainly because MSM tend to be more closeted [in comparison with transgender people] and many of them need to pretend and hide.” Perhaps it is through this act of following (albeit unwillingly, for some) heteronormative standards of masculinity (and straight-passing) that ‘Ah Pone’ seem to have relatively smoother access to more formal and well-paying jobs. ‘Ah Pwint’, on the other hand, tend to face more frequent rejections due to their bolder gender expressions and more importantly due to the rigid and sexist ways society fabricates womanhood. One can observe that “’Ah Pone’ can more easily blend in,” said Sakura, as we discussed why only one (Noe Noe) of the 14 champion trainers working on the MMTN’s new peer-led education project is transgender. However, this is not to say that all transgender women are uniformly bold in their gender expressions, and not all men who have sex with men – either those identifying as gay, bisexual, or otherwise – (want to) pass as straight and/or face no challenges in navigating life, work, and relationships. Further, both Sakura and Noe Noe warn that individual choices are constantly shaped by one’s surroundings. “Some people may choose to present as ‘Ah Pone’ because there are certain factors that prevent them from crossdressing or expressing their more feminine side. Perhaps their biological family don’t accept that, or perhaps they themselves do not accept that. But in the [MMTN] office, we [‘Ah Pwint’ and ‘Ah Pone’] work together. We consider each other as family. No one has to hide their identity here, and the office is a safe space for people to be themselves,” added Sakura. Queer communities in Myanmar are also increasingly using the term ‘Ma Pone Ma Pwint’ (meaning ‘open or closed flowers’) to describe the common overlap between ‘Ah Pone’ and ‘Ah Pwint’, in so doing denoting the complexity of one’s gender, sexual expressions, and more interestingly how they disrupt rigid norms tied with the gender binary.8 After all, our identities and expressions – gender, sexual, or otherwise – are complex and nuanced. As human beings, we cannot be neatly put into boxes, nor can our gender and sexuality be turned into mutually exclusive categories. Self-labelling can feel empowering for some, and it can help us reclaim identities traditionally discarded by mainstream society, similar to the way the previously derogatory term ‘queer’ is so widely used across the globe today. Without the HIV movement, much of this would have remained a distant dream. From public health to gender justice In Myanmar, the HIV movement is closely linked with – and in many cases plays an important role in pushing for – public health programmes to address HIV. In essence, these public health programmes are not specifically aimed at advancing queer rights, but in reality, they end up (and in fact, they wouldn’t be as effective without the act of) visibilising and empowering queer communities, especially those living on the margins due to their socioeconomic and health struggles. Despite their challenging situations, many of them are heavily involved in HIV activism, shaping the movement as influential leaders. “Now I’m at a place where I provide awareness and information to the general public. When we go out into the field and do this work, people see us differently. They see me as a transgender person doing something for the wider society, and it’s almost like they are envious of me, and they might think, ‘if she can do it [this kind of important work], then I should be able to do it’,” said Noe Noe. Further, by debunking myths and taboos around gender and sexuality (and how they affect one’s socioeconomic status), the HIV movement embraces people outside the queer community who tend to be cast out or forgotten by more mainstream activists. Here, we can think of ethnic women who engage in sex work or women who use drugs, who unfortunately remain underrepresented in women’s organisations, and while many of them come from poor and/or working class backgrounds, their distinct needs and struggles are rarely incorporated in the agendas of workers movements. As such, HIV advocacy, despite carrying a primarily public health goal, helps brings intersectional oppression (and struggle) to the surface, and revealing inequalities amongst people typically seen as a monolith from the outside. It is through this work that the HIV movement enriches our perspective on gender justice, one that goes beyond the stereotypical needs of only cisgender and heterosexual women, but one that acknowledges and embraces the diversity of intersectional struggles. Tags MYANMAR COMMENTARY MYANMAR The term ‘transgender’ is “used most often as an umbrella term and frequently abbreviated to ’trans.’ Identifying as transgender, or trans, means that one’s internal knowledge of gender is different from conventional or cultural expectations based on the sex that person was assigned at birth. While transgender may refer to a woman who was assigned male at birth or a man who was assigned female at birth, transgender is an umbrella term that can also describe someone who identifies as a gender other than woman or man, such as non binary, genderqueer, genderfluid, no gender or multiple genders, or some other gender identity.” Source: https://lgbtqia.ucdavis.edu/educated/glossary. Reflecting on the experiences of and lessons learned by Sakura, this commentary largely focuses on the particular challenges faced by those identifying as transgender women, whose experiences of stigma, violence, and discrimination resemble – yet can be more severe, albeit underestimated, than – those faced by cisgender women. The term ‘men who have sex with men’ has been used since the late 1980s and its abbreviation MSM since mid 1990s, primarily within the context of public health in general and HIV response in particular. The use of the term is considered helpful mainly by those in health and academic sectors for its focus on behaviour (as opposed to identity) which “might put someone at risk for an infection such as HIV or monkeypox”. From this point of view, arguably, "[p]revention strategies that target people based on 'what you do' rather than 'who you are' reach more people who may be affected by a public health concern, including heterosexual men who have sex with men, rather than limiting outreach just to those who identify as gay or bisexual." See: https://theconversation.com/men-who-have-sex-with-men-originated-during-the-hiv-pandemic-to-focus-on-behavior-rather-than-identity-but-not-everyone-thinks-the-term-helps-189619 Nevertheless, similar to the term ‘women who have sex with women’, the use of the term MSM risks underestimating the complexity and nuances of one’s sexuality and gender (and how it interacts with discriminatory policies and norms), reducing same-sex or same-gender relations as merely sexual, and disregarding the significance of self-labelling ("and, by extension, their self-determination"), “community, social networks, and relationships in which same-gender pairing is shared and supported." See: https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2004.046714. The term MSM is used throughout this commentary because it was the term commonly referred to by Sakura, the respondent. ‘Cisgender’ is used to describe someone whose gender identity largely corresponds with the biological sex assigned at birth. ‘Cisgender’ is thus fundamentally distinct from ‘transgender’. Previously known and used as a derogatory term against non-heterosexual people, the term ‘queer’ is now increasingly used to refer to identities and expressions outside heterosexual and/or cisgender norms. It is sometimes used as a catch-all term including all identities under the LGBTQ+ banner, and/or used to imply the complexity of one’s sexuality, gender, and relationships. The abbreviation LGBTQ+ or extended variations of it (such LGBTQIA+, which includes ‘intersex’ and ‘asexual’) is often used as an umbrella term for gender and sexual identities and expressions outside cisgender and heteronormative standards, which are highly diverse. However, we note that people’s gender and sexual identities and expressions can be complex, nuanced, intersectional, and fluid. Thus, gender and sexual identities and expressions cannot be neatly turned into labels and/or categories that one can easily assign to (groups of) individuals. In addition, due to social and legal frameworks in Myanmar (and many other jurisdictions across the globe) that marginalise and criminalise gender and sexuality outside cis-heteronormative standards, numerous individuals may – for the safety of themselves and their loved ones – choose to hide their identities and expressions, and in so doing they comply with cis-heteronormative standards, thereby ‘passing’ – or ending up being categorised – as cisgender and/or heterosexual. Transgender, non-binary, and gender non-conforming people are highly diverse and have diverse experiences. This commentary is based on a conversation with Sakura(‘s experience and insights), hence the piece’s main focus on transgender women in Myanmar. Needless to say, the experiences of transgender women cannot be generalised, and surely they cannot be generalised for other transgender people, such as transgender men and genderqueer or non-binary people, amongst others. According to the World Health Organization, gender affirming healthcare can “include any single or combination of a number of social, psychological, behavioural or medical (including hormonal treatment or surgery) interventions designed to support and affirm an individual’s gender identity.” See: https://www.who.int/standards/classifications/frequently-asked-questions/gender-incongruence-and-transgender-health-in-the-icd. For people whose gender identity and expressions do not align with their sex assigned at birth (and the gender norms that come with it), gender affirming healthcare can help enhance their quality of life, especially their mental health (see: https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/10.1089/trgh.2015.0008), while lack of access can lead many to seek unsafe and/or illegal interventions. It is important to note that each person has their own unique experience and preference when it comes to gender affirming healthcare, and not every transgender person chooses to undergo medical interventions such as hormone therapy and surgery. Furthermore, cisgender people can also access gender affirming healthcare, for example “cisgender men who take testosterone therapy, cisgender women who undergo breast augmentation.” See: https://www.healthline.com/health/what-is-gender-affirming-care#access Though beyond the scope of this commentary, there are many other terms and concepts being used in Myanmar to refer to the different gender and sexual identities and expressions. The term for transgender man for example is ‘yout ka shar’..."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute ( Amsterdam)
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s1 political and legal institutions have been rapidly changing since the 2010 general elections—the first multi-party contest in fifty years. The elections were followed by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the major- ity of other political prisoners in 2010 and 2011, the National League for Democracy’s victory in the 2012 by-elections, and the revival of diplomatic relations with the United States.2 Lessons from elsewhere suggest that times of political liberalization are opportune moments for domestic lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights movements to emerge, as activists enjoy greater civil-political freedoms to raise rights consciousness, speak out against oppression, and organize collectively.3 Therefore, while Myanmar’s military regime transitions into civilian rule and democratic institutions, this article examines the sociolegal conditions of its sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) minorities,4 highlights their collective efforts at— and prospects for—legal redress, and points to future research directions. Grounded in ongoing fieldwork in Myanmar and Burmese communities in Thailand since 2011,5 this article provides the first account of the legal and human rights status of SOGI minorities in Myanmar and the emergence of an indigenous LGBT rights movement. SOGI minorities in Myanmar routinely suffer human rights abuses: The British colonial legacy of Section 377 of the Penal Code still criminal- izes same-sex sexual relations; wide statutory powers enable a corrupt police force to persecute them in their everyday lives; and they lack legal redress for discrimination and abuse inflicted by family members, employ- ers, teachers, and others in their social circles. However, even before the political transition, Myanmar’s LGBT rights activists had begun to address these issues, building ties between migrant and grassroots communities in their home country to seed a movement that eventually coincided with the country’s democratization. Hence, since 2012, they have organized the first International Day Against Homophobia (IDAHO) and Transgender Day of Remembrance (TDoR) events in Yangon and other cities,6 conducted research to document human rights abuses, called for legal reform, and made political alliances. Exiled activists living in Thailand are also returning to Myanmar. As they take advantage of larger political and legal reforms, they are faced with the challenges of seeking decriminalization of same-sex relationships, as well as addressing the police persecution that is symptomatic of Myan- mar’s corrupt and arbitrary legal system. These future challenges and the ways in which LGBT rights activists have thus far overcome repressive laws to organize collectively shed light on the political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. After providing background on Myanmar’s political transition, this article sets out the legal context, emphasizing restrictions on civil-political liberties that suppress collective organizing. Next, it explains local understandings of SOGI minorities. Then, it analyzes their legal environment, detailing the laws, police abuse, and other forms of discrimination against them. After that, it examines how Burmese activists overcame legal obstacles to build a fledging LGBT rights movement with grassroots support. The conclusion discusses future challenges for the movement and distills broader lessons for Myanmar’s political transition. fifty years of military dictatorship. What is geographically today’s Myanmar fell to British rule following waves of colonization.7 To control widespread crime and disorder, which arose at least partly in response to their colonial invasion, British administrators introduced repressive laws, such as the Un- lawful Associations Act of 1908 and the Rangoon Police Act of 1899, that have had long-lasting impact on civil-political liberties.8 In 1948, when the Union of Burma gained independence from the British, it inherited these repressive laws but also envisioned liberal demo- cratic governance that provided for constitutional protection of fundamental liberties.9 However, ethnic-identity politics immediately troubled the former colony,10 which offered ethnic minorities little meaningful devolution of power within its “quasi [ethnic]-federal structure,”11 and armed groups overran a significant portion of its territory within the first decade of independence. The short period of liberal democracy ended when a caretaker military gov- ernment took power in 1958 and then cemented military rule with a coup in 1962. The military government later promulgated the 1974 constitution and declared Burma a one-party socialist state, solidifying its dictatorship under a centralized, totalitarian state structure.12 In 1988, after twenty-six years of military rule and severe economic mismanagement, a mass, student-led uprising erupted throughout urban areas. General Ne Win stepped down, but the military eventually reasserted control by killing an estimated 3,000 protestors.13 Amidst the crackdown on protestors, widespread arrests, and torture, the new regime—named the State Law and Order Restoration Council, and later the State Peace and Develop- ment Council—vowed to restore stability and claimed that it would hand over power after elections in 1990.14 However, when the National League for Democracy party won 82 percent of the seats, the junta suppressed the party and continued to hold Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest.15 Ruled by the military since 1962, Myanmar experienced drastic changes in its legal system that undermined judicial independence and hampered the development of common law, inherited from the British.16 The junta gained notoriety for human rights violations, some of which were carried out using such draconian legislation as the Emergency Provisions Act and the State Protection Law, under which Aung San Suu Kyi was detained.17 Meanwhile, urban activists from the 1988 uprising went underground or joined the in- surgency in rural areas. Others fled into political exile and founded human rights organizations overseas, focusing on issues such as ethnic minorities, gender, youth, and LGBT rights. After disregarding the results of the 1990 elections, the junta announced that it would draw up a new constitution. This constitution was finally passed in 2008 by a managed referendum that was widely perceived as il- legitimate.18 While the new constitution provided for a presidential system of governance19 with a bicameral legislature,20 it also reflected the military’s continuous influence over politics. Members of the armed forces are guaran- teed 25 percent of the seats in the Lower House of the Hluttaw (parliament)21 and six out of eleven members of the powerful National Security Council, which selects the Commander-in-Chief.22 Fundamental rights are limited by qualifications, such as “Union security,” “law and order,” and “public order and morality,”23 and come with a revocation clause that allows the military to curtail rights with impunity.24 The first nationwide elections under the 2008 Constitution took place in 2010. Contrary to gloomy predictions,25 President Thein Sein’s govern- ment rapidly implemented reforms, signaling the beginning of transition to civilian rule. Since then, the new government has released the majority of political prisoners, allowed Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy to enter parliament, brokered a near-nationwide ceasefire with insurgent groups (fighting continues in Northern Myanmar), permitted political exiles to return, established the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, abolished pre-publication print censorship, removed restrictions on “politically sensitive” websites, and passed laws allowing independent trade unions and peaceful assembly.26..."
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Source/publisher: Human Rights Quarterly
2015-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The latest outbreak was first detected at a seafood market near Bangkok, prompting a flare-up in online hate speech.
Description: "“Wherever you see Myanmar people, shoot them down,” read one Thai comment on YouTube after a surge of coronavirus cases among workers from Myanmar. The outbreak, first detected at a seafood market near Bangkok, has prompted a surge in online hate speech as well as questions over Thailand’s treatment of millions of migrant workers.....“Myanmar people are being labelled for transmitting COVID-19, but the virus doesn’t discriminate,” said Sompong Srakaew of the Labour Protection Network, a Thai group helping migrant workers. Shifting sentiment has had real consequences, he said, with workers from Myanmar, previously known as Burma, being blocked from buses, motorcycle taxis and offices.....“Myanmar people are being labelled for transmitting COVID-19, but the virus doesn’t discriminate,” said Sompong Srakaew of the Labour Protection Network, a Thai group helping migrant workers. Shifting sentiment has had real consequences, he said, with workers from Myanmar, previously known as Burma, being blocked from buses, motorcycle taxis and offices..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2020-12-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-01-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: Proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 36/55 of 25 November 1981
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Adopted by General Assembly resolution 47/135 of 18 December 1992
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Articles 2, 7, 8, 9, 10
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese/ မွနျမာဘာသာ
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Description: Articles 2, 7, 8, 9, 10,
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Articles 2, 7, 8, 9, 10
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Pwo-Karen
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Description: Articles 2, 7, 8, 9, 10
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Commission on Human Rights resolution 2003/54
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Adopted and opened for signature and ratification by General Assembly resolution 2106 (XX) of 21 December 1965 ..... entry into force 4 January 1969, in accordance with Article 19
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Articles 2.1
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Report of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance ..... Durban, 31 August - 8 September 2001
Source/publisher: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
2002-01-25
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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