Armed conflict in Burma - attacks on civilians

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Description: "... Paletwa, MYANMAR – Following persistent efforts, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has successfully obtained access and delivered food to people affected by ongoing armed conflict in Samee Town of Paletwa Township in Chin State. “Thanks to the support of the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement and the Chin State Government, WFP food has reached communities in Samee,” said Stephen Anderson, WFP’s Country Director in Myanmar. “Priority now is to provide lifesaving assistance to people affected by conflict in other parts of southern Chin State, including those in and around Paletwa Town. We continue to appeal to all parties to grant WFP and our partners access so that we can reach those who need our support.”.."
Source/publisher: World Food Program
2020-04-03
Date of entry/update: 2020-04-04
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Description: "This Incident Report describes events that occurred in K’Ser Doh Township, Mergui-Tavoy District, in October 2023. On October 25th, State Administration Council (SAC) Infantry Battalion (IB) #403 arbitrarily arrested a 31-year-old male villager named Ko J--- whilst they were patrolling through his village in K’Ser Hkler area, K’Ser Doh Township. The reason for Ko J---’s arrest is unknown. Local villagers later found his dead body buried in a shallow grave in a nearby village. This incident caused insecurity and fear among villagers, causing many villagers to seek safety by fleeing to nearby villages or towns to evade potential harm.[1]..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2024-03-22
Date of entry/update: 2024-03-22
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Description: "This Situation Update describes events occurring in Tha Htoo (Thaton) Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, during the period between September 2022 and January 2023, including constant indiscriminate shelling committed by the State Administration Council (SAC) resulting in property destruction, casualties and fear. On November 10th 2022, SAC Military Training Number #9 arrested Kaw Kya Ther villagers by accusing them of being informants for the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and detained them in the camp. As a result, fighting broke out between SAC and PDF, and SAC conducted indiscriminate shelling in the area. On January 11th 2023, the SAC indiscriminately shelled mortars into Maw Lay village tract in three different instances, injuring three villagers, after a drone attack by the local PDF and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). On February 9th 2023, SAC Artillery Unit #314 fired mortars into plantations in Shwe Yaung Pya village tract, injuring another civilian. Villagers are facing livelihood insecurities as a result.[1] Arbitrary arrest of villagers, fighting and shelling On November 10th 2022, State Administration Council (SAC)[2] Military Training Number #9, under Light Infantry Division (LID)[3] #44, based in Ah Lan Ta Ya camp arrested Kaw Kya Ther (Htoe Bo Lin) villagers [unknown number], from Way Raw (Win Yaw) village tract[4], Tha Htoo Township, accusing them of being spies for the People’s Defence Force (PDF)[5]. The next day, on November 11th at about 8:42 pm, fighting broke out between PDF forces, combined with the local Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[6], and SAC Military Training #9 at Ah Lan Ta Ya camp, which is led by the Deputy Battalion Commander [unknown name] and Major Chit Win Thu. During the fighting, SAC shelled eight rounds of mortar into Kaw Kya Ther village, Way Raw village tract, Tha Htoo Township. Therefore, six houses owned by Kaw Kyaw Ther villagers were damaged by the mortar shells’ explosion. During the fighting, three SAC soldiers including Major Chit Win Thu were killed, PDF soldiers confiscated some ammunition from the SAC, and rescued the detained Kaw Kya Ther villagers. Constant shelling conducted by SAC soldiers into villages Since the 2021 coup in Burma, indiscriminate and deliberate shelling conducted by the SAC has been one of the most common attacks [against civilians] happening in Tha Htoo Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. For instance, the SAC K--- army camp, under the command of LID #44, is located in the centre of K--- village, Maw Lay village tract, Tha Htoo Township, beside the village’s main road. SAC troops usually conduct shelling in K--- village [since their camp is located in the centre, and so they shell the surroundings]. One villager from K--- village, Naw[7] H---, reported to KHRG: “I can’t even count [the number of shelling incidents]. Sometimes, they [SAC] shelled every day. […] Three months ago [around September 2022], a mortar landed on my house. And the shrapnel hit my aunt’s house too. […] They [SAC] shelled [mortars] regularly.” Since the [2021] coup, SAC soldiers in Tha Htoo Township have conducted shelling into the villages surrounding their army camps as retaliation after being attacked by local KNLA or PDF soldiers. Other times, they [SAC soldiers] have done it [conduct shelling] when receiving information from their informants about an imminent attack by KNLA and PDF. However, sometimes the SAC has conducted shelling for unknown reasons. Some of the mortars landed on farms and plantations owned by villagers and nearby villages, such as Y--- village, P--- village, L--- village, or K--- village. Some mortars landed in the villages, beside houses, schools and monasteries. Therefore, local villagers, especially villagers who live close to the army camps, have been facing high [security] risks to their lives and fear. They have also suffered injuries and property damage and destruction. According to Naw H---, the witness from K--- village: “Sometimes [mortar shells landed] in our village, near the school, near the monastery, ... Children who attended school know best [have experienced it]. Children [in school] were scared and cried loudly. […] During a shelling [incident in 2022], young children like my nieces were only seven and nine years old. They told me: ‘Moegi [term of affection for women]! [Hearing] mortar shells’ [explosion] sound makes me feel scared. We dare not to walk on the first floor [of the school]; we stay on the ground floor under the bed. Moegi! When the school closes, pick me up, okay?’. I feel pity for the children. […] My niece is only nine years old. She is very intelligent. She said: ‘Moegi, once the shells landed nearby, and I was scared, so I cried and the teacher hugged me. [All children in] the whole school were crying.’ When I heard that, my heart Ummm [felt worried; anxious]!” In January 2023, the army camp in K--- village was operated by SAC battalions under LID #44 and some of their soldiers were based in the monastery. On the morning of January 11th 2023, local PDF and KNLA attacked K--- army camp with a drone. As retaliation, the SAC indiscriminately shelled about five mortar rounds around K--- village area. Two of the mortar shells landed in K--- village, in the Muslim community area. The mortar shells injured two villagers, and killed two of their bulls -which cost about five million kyat [2,378 USD[8]]. It also destroyed one motorcycle, and several parts of their house. Another house was also damaged. The two victims are married and have children. Their children were safe because they were at school. The damages caused major impacts on the family’s livelihood and well-being. After the incident, their neighbours immediately took them to the local W--- clinic, under the Karen National Union (KNU)[9]-controlled territory, for medical treatment. On the same day, from 7 pm to 11 pm, SAC battalions under LID #44 based in K--- army camp shelled three more mortar rounds in K--- village. Two mortar shells landed on a villager’s rubber plantation and one mortar shell landed beside a villager’s house. Before this shelling incident [in the evening], no armed group, either PDF or KNLA, had attacked them [the SAC] and villagers did not receive any prior warning about the shelling. Villagers do not know why the SAC indiscriminately conducted the shelling [in the evening]. The two mortar shells that landed on a rubber plantation also damaged one farm hut, including the roofing. Fortunately, the hut owner was not in the hut [during the incident] so nobody got injured or killed. At about 11 pm, another mortar shell landed beside a villager’s house in K--- village and the shrapnel injured a 52-year-old villager, named Saw[10] O---, on his thigh. The incident happened when he was visiting his friend; the house owner. He was outside of the house chatting with the house owner who was inside the house. The victim explained [to KHRG]: “When I was going [to the friend’s house], [I heard] the sound of [mortars] exploding coming from K--- [army camp] two times. […] When there were no more sounds, I went to the villager’s [his friend’s] house in the village. Soon after I spoke one or two words [with the house owner], mortar shells landed [beside me]. And the shrapnel hit me. […] As soon as I got hit, I fell down. […] My blood flowed down [he sustained heavy blood loss], so it got dark [he fainted].” After, villagers surrounding the incident place went to help Saw O--- by providing first aid, bandaging the wound with a longyi [piece of clothing]. Villagers brought him to a monastery by motorcycle to get medical treatment from an SAC medic who is based in the monastery. The SAC medic injected some [unknown] medication and bandaged the wound. During that night, villagers could not bring him immediately to the Thaton Town hospital [run by the SAC] because of the curfew (enforced by the SAC between 6 pm to 6 am) and the risk of stepping on landmines on the way planted by armed groups. Therefore, he had to wait the whole night and then villagers took him to Thaton hospital the next morning by car. The cost was 50,000 kyat [23.78 USD] for transportation and he had to be in the hospital for eight days. The total cost was about one million kyat [475.51 USD] for medical treatment. According to the victim, Saw O---: “When we went [to the hospital] and I got the X-ray, shrapnel was visible [in the test result]. The doctor took out everything [all shrapnel]. The shrapnel was very big and very long.” When KHRG conducted the interview on January 26th 2023, Saw O--- had already been discharged from the hospital. He could not walk properly yet, so he was not able to work on his farm for his family livelihood. He still had to go to the hospital for further treatment and checks. Therefore, he struggled financially to pay the medical fees for the whole medical treatment. On February 9th 2023, at 10:06 am, SAC Artillery Unit #314 fired 80mm mortars into the rubber plantations near I--- village, Shwe Yaung Pya village tract, Tha Htoo Township, in KNU-controlled territory. Two mortar shells landed in a rubber plantation, damaging 13 rubber trees owned by a villager named Naw A---. A 52-year-old villager named Saw B---, from I---, was minorly injured by the shrapnel on his face, near the eyebrow. Further background reading on the situation of indiscriminate shelling in Southeast Burma can be found in the following KHRG reports: “Taw Oo District Short Update: House burning, indiscriminate shelling and air strikes by the SAC in Htaw Ta Htoo Township (September to November 2023)”, March 2024 “Dooplaya District Situation Update: SAC indiscriminate shelling and healthcare and livelihood challenges (February to April 2023).”, February 2024. “Mu Traw District Situation Update: SAC air strikes, arrest of villagers, and indiscriminate shelling causing casualties, and landmine explosion, March 2022 to February 2023”, January 2024. Striking Fear: Impacts of State Administration Council (SAC) shelling on villagers' lives in Southeast Burma (January to October 2023), December 2023. Footnotes: [1] The present document is based on information received in December 2022 and January 2023. It was provided by a community member in Doo Tha Htoo District who has been trained by KHRG to monitor human rights conditions on the ground. The names of the victims, their photos and the exact locations are censored for security reasons. The parts in square brackets are explanations added by KHRG. [2] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup. [3] A Light Infantry Division (LID) of the Burma Army is commanded by a brigadier general and consists of ten light infantry battalions specially trained in counter-insurgency, jungle warfare, search and destroy operations against ethnic insurgents. They were first incorporated into the Tatmadaw in 1966. LIDs are organised under three Tactical Operations Commands, commanded by a colonel, three battalions each and one reserve, one field artillery battalion, one armoured squadron and other support units. Each division is directly under the command of the Chief of Staff (Army). [4] A village tract is an administrative unit of between five and 20 villages in a local area, often centred on a large village. [5] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalized the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army. [6] The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) is the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU). [7] Naw is a S’gaw Karen female honorific title used before a person’s name. [8] All conversion estimates for the kyat are based on the February 7th 2024 mid-market exchange rate of 1,000 kyats to USD 0.48 (taken from https://wise.com/gb/currency-converter/mmk-to-usd-rate). [9] The Karen National Union (KNU) is the main Karen political organisation. It was established in 1947 and has been in conflict with the Burma government since 1949. The KNU wields power across large areas of Southeast Burma and has been calling for the creation of a democratic federal system since 1976. Although it signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, relations with the government remain tense. [10] Saw is a S’gaw Karen male honorific title used before a person’s name..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2024-03-11
Date of entry/update: 2024-03-11
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Sub-title: Six are critically injured after being struck by shrapnel in a monastery compound, locals said.
Description: "A drone test by pro-junta militia injured 13 children in Myanmar, residents told Radio Free Asia. Regime soldiers working in collaboration with the Pyu Saw Htee militia are responsible for a weapons accident that occurred on Saturday, locals said. The militia is made up of pro-junta supporters, veterans and Buddhist nationalists. The drone, carrying several bombs, flew over Sagaing region’s Kale township, close to the Chin state border. Soldiers are permanently stationed in Kale township’s Aung Myin Thar village, leading them to believe the attack was an accident, they added. A resident who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons told RFA on Tuesday that a drone mounted with explosives flew over a nearby monastery compound when it suddenly crashed and exploded. Thirteen children playing in the monastery’s soccer field were injured when the bombs detonated. “The military junta gave weapons to the Pyu Saw Htee members and they were testing them to carry out bombardments with drones that evening. The bombs fell on the soccer field where the children were playing,” he said. “Six of the children were critically injured. Some of them were hit in their faces and eyes. Some had to have their limbs amputated.” The children who are critically injured are being treated at Kale city’s military hospital, while the remaining seven are being treated at Kale General Hospital in the township’s capital, he added. All victims are between the ages of eight and 15 years old, but identifying information is not known at this time. The junta’s Ministry of Information released a statement on Tuesday saying that the accident was fake news, reporting that the blasts in Aung Myin Thar village were due to landmines planted by terrorists. RFA contacted Sagaing region’s junta spokesperson Sai Naing Naing Kyaw for more details, but did not receive an answer. According to data compiled by RFA, 1,429 civilians have been killed and 2,641 were injured by junta airstrikes and heavy artillery from the Feb. 1, 2021 coup until Jan. 31, 2024..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2024-02-21
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-21
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Description: "Air strikes by the Myanmar military killed 17 civilians – including nine children – as they gathered to attend church last month, Amnesty International said in a new investigation. The strikes, at approximately 10.30am on Sunday 07 January, struck close to Saint Peter Baptist Church in Kanan village in Sagaing region, near the country’s western border with India. More than 20 people were injured. Witnesses told Amnesty International that two children were killed by the first set of explosions while playing football in front of a nearby school. Many of the other victims were trying to run to safety when the second air strike hit. The attack damaged the church and school, as well as six civilian houses. “The Myanmar military’s deadly attacks on civilians show no signs of stopping,” said Matt Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme. “The world cannot continue to look the other way while the Myanmar military relentlessly attacks civilians and civilian targets, including churches, schools and hospitals. Countries and companies around the world must stop the flow of jet fuel to the military, to protect civilians from further catastrophe. “These attacks must be investigated as war crimes, and the UN Security Council should refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. The perpetrators of these crimes under international law must be brought to justice.” Amnesty International interviewed four witnesses to the attacks, one person who visited Kanan after the attack and saw the bodies of those killed, and another person with knowledge of military operations in the area. The organization also analysed 99 photos and videos of the strikes and their aftermath, including images of those killed and injured. All of the structural damage caused to the school, church and nearby homes is consistent with air strikes. The combined photo and video evidence indicates at least three impact locations, with craters consistent with aircraft bombs of approximately 250kg each. Satellite imagery taken after the strike also confirms significant damage to the school, adjacent structures and nearby homes, all consistent with an air strike. The Myanmar military has denied responsibility for the attack, claiming no planes were flying in the area that morning. However, Amnesty International reviewed a video taken during the strike which shows the distinctive swept-wing silhouette of an A-5 fighter jet flying over the village. In Myanmar, only the military flies A-5 jets, which were imported from China. Amnesty International previously documented how the Tada-U military air base, near Mandalay, is often used to launch aircraft in strikes aimed at Sagaing. Satellite imagery of Tada-U, taken shortly before and after the strike, shows active A-5 operations on the airfield. In three separate postings on a group messaging channel reviewed by Amnesty International, flight spotters on the ground indicated they witnessed a fighter jet taking off from Tada-U air base at 10am; an A-5 flying northwest over Kalewa, in the direction of Kanan, at 10.26am; and then an A-5 landing from the northwest at Tada-U at 10.56am. The locations, directions and timings of these observations are all consistent with an attack on Kanan at approximately 10.30am. Sources interviewed by Amnesty International said they had been told that members of a local People’s Defense Force (PDF) – one of many local armed groups formed since the coup to oppose the military’s rule – had planned a ceremony at the village school later that day. However, based on consistent witness accounts, fighters do not appear to have been present at the time of the strikes, which killed and injured civilians only. Even if the military believed there may have been lawful targets present, it dropped several large bombs on a residential area at a time on Sunday when civilians were gathering for church, and struck again as civilians fled in panic. As such, these attacks were indiscriminate at a minimum, and should be investigated as war crimes. Last week, Amnesty International called again for the sale or transfer of jet fuel to Myanmar to be suspended after its investigation suggested the military were still importing fuel despite sanctions being placed on individuals and companies linked to the supply chain. ‘We can’t sleep when we think about what happened’ The Myanmar military has repeatedly attacked civilians and civilian objects – often destroying or damaging schools, religious buildings and other key infrastructure – in the three years since carrying out a coup. Kanan – a village of an estimated 7,000 people – is located just north of the town of Khampat in Tamu township. Most of its residents are ethnic Chin, and practice Christianity. Residents of Kanan said that, prior to these strikes, they had not directly experienced armed conflict since the February 2021 coup. However, on 07 November 2023, a coalition of resistance forces seized Khampat from the military following four days of clashes. The military attempted to retake the town with a series of ground offensives in December, but was unsuccessful and retreated after a week, according to local media reports. Witnesses told Amnesty International of the devastation caused by the air strikes on 07 January 2024. A 56-year-old community worker said he saw a jet flying overhead as he prepared to leave his home for the nearby church. Moments later, the first strike hit approximately 200 meters from where he was standing. He hid in his family’s rice storage shed with his wife and two children, just before another strike hit. Around 15 minutes later, he went to assist the injured and collect the bodies of the dead, which he described as “distressing”. Amnesty International reviewed photographs of the aftermath of the strike, which showed that one of the victim’s bodies had been dismembered, and that others had suffered catastrophic head injuries, also as described by witnesses. A 68-year-old man, who was inside the church when the first bomb struck, said: “We only knew about it when the bomb fell. We didn’t hear the plane. We were singing inside the church when it happened. The church’s ceiling collapsed and windows were broken, so people inside the church fled outside.” A 43-year-old market vendor, who was struck on the head by falling debris as he attempted to leave the church, told Amnesty International the second strike hit people who were running for their lives. He said: “Everyone was scared and fleeing and trying to get home, and the second air strike hit at that moment. There is a road behind the church, and it hit the people who were running home.” A 40-year-old man said the traumatized community remained on constant alert fearing further attacks. He said: “Even when we hear the sound of a motorbike, we are frightened thinking of a plane coming. We can’t sleep when we think about what happened… [The attack] has left emotional scars. We can’t go to church.” The damage caused, as well as fear of further attacks, forced the majority of villagers to flee, seeking refuge in nearby villages, farms and forests, or across the border with India. Many of those displaced are relying on support from relatives, local religious and charity groups, and host communities to survive. Background Since the February 2021 coup, Myanmar has experienced a severe escalation of human rights violations. Amnesty International’s May 2022 report, ‘Bullets rained from the sky’: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, found Myanmar’s military had subjected civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions and the systematic looting and burning of villages. An August 2022 report, 15 days felt like 15 years: Torture in detention since the Myanmar coup, documented torture and other ill-treatment when Myanmar’s military interrogated and detained individuals suspected of being involved in protests. A November 2022 report, Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, called for a suspension of the supply of aviation fuel to prevent the military from carrying out further unlawful air strikes. Amnesty International also documented an air strike on an internally displaced persons camp in Kachin State 09 October 2023, which killed at least 28 civilians, including children..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2024-02-08
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-08
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Description: "Poor decision-making and an inflexible strategy are compounding the junta’s losses and driving discontent among army commanders. On 5 January, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) accepted the conditional surrender of the Laukkaing Regional Operations Command, giving it control of Laukkaing city, the prime objective of the joint anti-junta Operation 1027. One hundred kilometres to the west, the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) has expelled junta forces from large towns and strategic roadways and gained near-total control of its primary area of operation. On the other side of the country, in Rakhine State, the Arakan Army’s (AA) campaign has accelerated in recent weeks, resulting in the rapid retreat of junta forces. And yet the impact of Operation 1027 is not confined to the battlefield, with the junta’s failure to stem its losses stirring deep dissatisfaction among its ranks according to sources close to the army and regime. After spending three years on the sidelines, the Brotherhood Alliance, comprising the MNDAA, TNLA and AA, entered the post-coup war by launching Operation 1027 along the border with China in late October 2023. The blitz has expelled the regime from swathes of territory in the country’s north and inspired fresh attacks by opposition forces elsewhere. This month’s conflict update explores recent battlefield developments and analyses what went wrong for the regime’s forces in northern Shan State, where a new ceasefire came into effect on 11 January.....Following two rounds of talks brokered by Beijing, junta forces ceded control of Laukkaing city to the MNDAA on 5 January. About 2,400 personnel, including six brigadier generals, were granted safe passage as a part of a negotiated withdrawal.....Junta soldiers managed to disable or destroy some of their larger weapon systems before leaving, but were required to surrender their small arms.....The Myanmar armed forces expelled the MNDAA from Laukkaing in 2009, so the city’s capture marks the end of a nearly 15-year campaign to ‘return home’. The MNDAA is now effectively in control of the Kokang Self-Administered Zone (SAZ). In December 2023, Chinese officials began pressuring the Brotherhood Alliance to de-escalate and negotiate with the junta. The MNDAA mostly complied, having already won itself a favourable bargaining position. The TNLA’s progress had been more limited. The group responded to Chinese pressure by instead accelerating assaults on junta bases and towns. The MNDAA assisted its partner by sending units to fight in TNLA uniforms.....The TNLA is now effectively in control of the Palaung SAZ, the heartland of the Ta’ang people. It also secured a land bridge to the Myanmar–China border by capturing Namhkam Town on 18 December. The TNLA has made inroads outside the SAZ as well. Ta’ang fighters captured Namtu Town on 28 December, and occupied the town of Kutkai after the junta withdrew on 7 January.....TNLA fighters also captured Monglon and a small base outside Mongmit Town. The bases lie near or along a key weapons-smuggling route that links Shan to both Kachin and Myanmar’s interior.....Though the junta retains an isolated presence at Muse, the country’s largest border gate, it has lost control of the two most important roads linking Myanmar to China. Many of the units forced out by the Brotherhood Alliance have regrouped in Lashio......After a slow start, the AA’s offensive in Rakhine and southern Chin states began to accelerate in late December.....The AA has overrun more than 20 outposts across Paletwa Township, Chin State. On 15 January, AA fighters captured Paletwa Town.....Though some regime outposts remain, the AA is now the dominant force in Paletwa. Control here opens access to the Indian and Bangladeshi borders, and an alternative supply route via Matupi, Chin State.....The fighting between the AA and the regime has implications for regional development. A key segment of India’s Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, a US$500-million effort to link Kolkata with Mizoram, runs through Paletwa.....On 7 and 8 January, the AA fired rockets at the Dhanyawadi naval base on Ramree island, just ten kms from the terminus of the Sino-Myanmar pipeline. China plans to build a Special Economic Zone and deep-sea port on the island.....Elsewhere in the country, opposition forces continue to experience advances and setbacks.....Inspired by Operation 1027, a coalition of Karenni resistance groups began a large-scale assault on Loikaw, the Kayah State capital, on 11 November. Despite the initial capture of about half the city, the offensive has stalled.....But the operation forced the regime to pull its forces from other positions around the state, allowing the Karenni resistance to consolidate control across remote areas and several small towns.....In the southeast, an opposition coalition involving elements of the Karen National Union (KNU) and People’s Defense Forces (PDF) tied to the National Unity Government (NUG) has not recreated the territorial successes seen elsewhere.....An early December assault on the town of Kawkareik failed, but the fighting over the past month has disrupted Asian Highway 1, the main trade route between Thailand and Myanmar.....In early November, coalition forces captured the police station and bridge at Chaung Hna Khwa, on the border of Mon and Kayin states. Regime forces retook the village on 29 December, though the bridge is now destroyed.....On 4 January, a joint KNU and PDF unit destroyed a small bridge along the road somewhere between the towns of Kyauktaga and Phyu. That same day, opposition fighters reportedly downed powerlines near the village of Zee Kone.....In early November, PDF fighters linked to the NUG took part in the capture of Kawlin and Khampat, the first towns to fall in Sagaing Region. The NUG now claims to administer both.....To deny the NUG’s ability to govern, the junta has adopted a strategy of attacking civilians in the towns, probably with the aim of making the areas uninhabitable.....On 28 December, junta soldiers stationed in Wuntho Town fired shells at Kawlin, which lies just 12 km to the south. Four civilians, including two children, were reportedly killed. Six more civilians were killed by a second artillery attack days later.....On 7 January, a regime airstrike on the edge of Khampat reportedly killed 17 civilians, including nine children. Twenty more civilians were wounded.....Junta missteps compound losses As early as the second week of Operation 1027, Chinese officials acting as mediators suggested to the junta that it allow the MNDAA and TNLA to administer their own areas. The junta refused to concede territories it had not yet lost, like Laukkaing, and opted to fight it out instead. But the army ultimately failed to launch a counter-offensive or utilise available resources to defend its remaining positions. Though some battalions pivoted to mobile defense, many were left to guard exposed or isolated hilltop positions and so they were overrun, partially destroyed, or forced to surrender. Sources indicated that Naypyidaw’s inflexible strategy and the avoidable losses that followed have harmed morale among ground commanders. The army’s withdrawal from Laukkaing on 5 January forfeited its greatest bargaining chip, yet it is unclear what, if anything, the junta received in exchange. According to various reports, the second round of talks held between 22 and 24 December had not produced a concrete agreement on the fate of Laukkaing. Surprisingly, the withdrawal took place before all sides convened in Kunming, China for a third round of talks on 10 and 11 January. This suggests that the city’s commanding officers may have prematurely withdrawn, leaving the junta with little to no leverage over its opponents. Media reported that the six brigadier generals were detained upon arriving in Lashio after the withdrawal. A source confirmed that at least five of them are facing court martial. The ceasefire deal struck on 11 January appeared to freeze the conflict along the new lines of demarcation that the Brotherhood won by force, so the regime’s acceptance is indicative of a decisive defeat, rather than a compromise. Moreover, the junta can no longer access the border area in Shan State, raising the prospect of a long-term inability to tax a significant portion of the country’s trade with China. Its losses now include large towns like Hseni and Kutkai, which were not necessarily primary objectives for the Brotherhood Alliance. By refusing to bargain, the junta has lost more territory, depleted its fighting strength, allowed the capture of large arms and munitions stockpiles, and precipitated a crisis of confidence among its officer corps. Several sources close to the regime and army have indicated widespread dissatisfaction with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, and even consideration of a leadership change among at least some internal elements. While the territorial losses inflicted by Operation 1027 do not pose an existential threat to the regime, the embarrassment of the defeat and its impact on morale could potentially generate some internal instability. Yet any effort to sideline Min Aung Hlaing will be difficult. Since the coup, the junta leader has carefully consolidated his power by removing potential rivals from important positions (the regime announced a reshuffle of several senior officials immediately after the fall of Laukkaing). Although Min Aung Hlaing has lost respect, unseating him would also equate to challenging the long-standing norms of the Tatmadaw, which most senior officers still view as sacrosanct. Moreover, it would be hard for any reform-minded faction to initiate a negotiated transition, given how deeply the regime is reviled both at home and abroad..."
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Source/publisher: International Institute for Strategic Studies (London)
2024-01-19
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-19
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Jan 8 to 14, 2024 Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Mandalay Region, Rakhine State, Chin State, Shan State, and Kachin State from January 8th to 14th. Military people arrested, beat, and extorted the civilians who did not have NRC cards or Smart cards in Ayeyarwady Region. Military Junta killed 8 civilians from Sagaing Region and Mandalay Region. About 20 civilians died and over 20 were injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. 2 underaged children were injured and 2 died when the Military Junta committed abuses. Civilians left their places 8 times because of the Military Junta Troop’s matching and riding..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2024-01-17
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "UPDATED at 10:05 ET on Jan. 2, 2024. The end of the junta is near amid mass desertions and surrenders of junta troops, said Myanmar’s shadow government on Monday. “We have seen the mass deserting and surrender of the military council soldiers unprecedented in military history ... Looking at these, it can be said that the end of the [junta] military council is near,” said Duwa Lashi La, the acting president of the National Unity Government (NUG) during his new year’s address. “Junta troops are facing the situation where its soldiers are either surrendering or being captured in battles on a daily basis,” said the interim leader, adding that 550 military junta soldiers have surrendered during "Operation 1027" by the rebel Three Northern Brotherhood Alliance. The alliance, which includes the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army, has overrun dozens of military outposts and camps and taken control of several key cities in northern Shan state since launching their offensive on Oct. 27. The rapid gains are the biggest setbacks experienced by the military since it took over the country in a February 2021 coup, prompting junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing in late November to issue a rare acknowledgement of the rebel’s successes. Analysts suggest that the civil war may be at a turning point -- although that is far from clear at present. Duwa Lashi La also cited a statement by the Karen National Union, or KNU, as saying that more than 18,000 military soldiers have been killed in the KNU-controlled areas since the coup. The acting president’s speech came a few days after an intense battle between the anti-junta Arakan Army (AA) and junta troops in Paletwa township, Chin state, on Dec. 29, 2023. As a result of the battle, more than 80 military junta soldiers crossed the border and fled to India’s Mizoram state, according to Paletwa residents. India-based the United News of India reported on the same day that 83 junta soldiers entered Tuisenlang village on the Mizoram-Myanmar border. UNI stated that the junta soldiers would be sent back to Myanmar, noting that there were four instances in November and December last year when junta soldiers escaped to the Indian state of Mizoram. A Paletwa resident who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals told Radio Free Asia last Thursday that the military council troops had fled to the Mizoram side, fully armed. The resident added, however, he could not confirm whether the junta soldiers were repatriated to Myanmar. As of Tuesday, the junta’s military council has not commented on the soldiers who fled to India. Aung Cho, junta council’s spokesman for Chin state and Chin state’s secretary, by phone, has also not responded to RFA’s inquiries..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2024-01-02
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-02
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Sub-title: How HRW Documents Wartime Abuses, Advocates to Protect Civilians, and Promotes Justice
Description: "Armed conflict dominates the headlines, from the hostilities in Israel and Palestine, to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, to the militaries and militias committing atrocities in Sudan. For nearly four decades, Human Rights Watch (HRW) researchers have investigated international armed conflicts and civil wars, reporting on violations of human rights and the laws of war, and working to protect civilians caught in the crossfire. But what exactly does this look like? We sat down with Human Rights Watch’s Executive Director Tirana Hassan to discuss how the organization – which has been defending human rights since 1978 – operates in times of armed conflict and how teams of people specializing in research, communications, and advocacy work together to compel world leaders to protect civilians and push for justice. What does Human Rights Watch do when conflict erupts? We seek to keep civilians safe during fighting by pressing warring parties to respect international humanitarian law, also known as the laws of war, which are the rules that guide and limit warfare. Human Rights Watch’s job is not to say whether war should be waged or not, but to make sure the conduct of warring parties respects the law. It’s clear what humanitarian organizations do during conflict – they work to get civilians food, water, and shelter, and help those at risk to be protected. What is our role? We have worked in armed conflicts for decades, from the civil wars in the Americas in the early 1980s to the current hostilities in Israel and Palestine today. We have warned the international community of potential armed conflicts and the risks that violations of the laws of war pose for civilians. Our researchers document the conduct of the parties to the conflict and any laws they have violated during the fighting. We analyze this evidence and bring it to the warring parties, using our findings to lean on them – or convince governments around the world to lean on them – to change their conduct and protect civilians caught in the middle, as is their legal duty. We also campaign for justice and accountability before national courts and global courts, like the International Criminal Court, when violations amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide. Your answer leads me to another question – can Human Rights Watch’s work prevent conflict before it starts? Our work can help prevent armed conflict by shining a spotlight on the human rights abuses that are the root cause of so much fighting in the world. When security forces abuse the populations they are meant to protect, when governments repress ethnic, national, or religious groups, when free media or the internet is shut down and when journalists are killed, allowing disinformation to flourish, when weapons flow into places that lack governance. Our research on violations like these, and our advocacy to get governments to change course and respect rights, can help stem tensions that often lead to armed conflict. What type of laws-of-war violations do we look at? The laws of war that we use today to protect civilians – also known as the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and its additional protocols – were created in response to the atrocities and inhumanity of World War II. These laws have been adopted by all countries and govern how a war is fought to limit civilian suffering as much as possible. Warring parties – including national armed forces and non-state armed groups – don’t have carte blanche to do anything they want. They must respect international humanitarian law as well as international human rights law, which remains in effect. International humanitarian law says that the warring parties are required to distinguish between civilians and combatants when carrying out attacks. Detainees are also protected from mistreatment and torture. The laws make sure civilians have access to food, water, and somewhere safe to live. International humanitarian law also protects essential civilian institutions and services, including hospitals, medical staff, markets, schools, and aid workers delivering life-saving assistance. Taking hostages is a violation, as is recruiting children to fight. Places of worship, such as mosques and churches, and key cultural and historical sites are also protected. For example, when Taliban forces detained and then summarily executed some members of the former Afghan government’s security forces, that was a serious violation of the laws of war. We have people with different research specialties across Human Rights Watch. When conflict hits, who does what? We deploy multidisciplinary teams because conflict affects people in different ways. We have teams of country experts who have been working in and on these situations for a very long time. So, for example, when covering the conflict in Sudan, our Sudan researcher helped gather evidence on the ground and led our efforts to push governments to do more to stop abuses and protect civilians. For the conflict in Ukraine, our researchers specializing both in Ukraine and Russia are essential. The overwhelming majority of abuses are by Russian forces in Ukraine, but some also take place in Russia. Human Rights Watch also has a Crisis and Conflict division, with researchers who are trained for and have experience working in conflict zones and crisis situations. This year they documented abuses in Sudan, Ukraine, Haiti, and Israel/Palestine. Armed conflicts also affect different groups of people differently. In Ethiopia’s Tigray region, we documented how Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces, as well as local militias, used sexual violence, including rape, mainly against women and girls. Our Disability Rights Division documented that civilians with disabilities and older people in Gaza were unable to flee the Israeli government’s bombing and faced difficulties accessing necessities and aid under Israel’s blockade. Our health and human rights experts can speak to the health effects of sieges and blockades, which are violations of international law if they are used to deny civilians food and water. Children, we know, are disproportionately affected by conflict, and our colleagues specializing in children’s rights have documented how schools have often been used by warring parties as bases or weapons depots. Our work has led to soldiers vacating schools in Thailand, Somalia, Yemen, the Central African Republic, India, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Increasingly in conflict, our researchers can’t get close to where the abuses are happening because it’s unsafe or they are blocked from entering the country. Thanks to our Digital Investigations Lab, we can use technology to corroborate and strengthen our on-the-ground research and eyewitness testimony we’ve been told over the phone or a messaging app. These researchers scrape the internet for open-source evidence from photos and videos that people post on social media. They also conduct digital analyses to confirm that what they find is true, and they triangulate photos or videos depicting abuses with satellite imagery and geospatial analysis to confirm their accuracy. We used satellite imagery in Myanmar in 2017 to help show the torching of 700 buildings in an ethnic Rohingya village in Rakhine State. The images show large burn scars and destroyed tree cover consistent with widespread destruction, corroborating accounts from refugees who described killing and arson by Burmese military, police and ethnic Rakhine mobs. Our Arms Division specializes in all-source weapons analysis and treaty compliance monitoring. Among other activities, they conduct field investigations, book-research, and collaborate with technical sources and research teams to identify the specific type of weapons used by analyzing any remnants, impact craters, and other information that munitions leave behind after they are used. The division also monitors and documents when controversial weapons are used, including incendiary weapons like white phosphorous, which leave people with severe thermal burns. We report on new use of cluster munitions and antipersonnel landmines, which are banned internationally because they are inherently indiscriminate against the civilian population. In addition, the division advocates for stronger international law to better protect civilians from problematic means or methods of warfare in future armed conflicts. And our advocates campaign to stop weapons transfers to armed forces or groups that are likely to use them in violation of the laws of war. What types of research have we done recently? We have been documenting unlawful attacks by Israeli forces and Palestinian armed groups in Gaza and Israel. Israeli forces have apparently unlawfully struck hospitals and medical facilities in Gaza and put civilians at risk by using white phosphorus in populated areas. They have also used explosive weapons in densely populated areas on a massive scale. These strikes have caused large-scale destruction and loss of civilian life. In Lebanon, Israeli forces have killed a number of civilians in unlawful attacks amounting to apparent war crimes. We have also documented that Palestinian armed groups have deliberately killed civilians, taken hostages, and launched rockets indiscriminately into Israel’s civilian areas, which are war crimes. The Israeli government has also cut off basic services, like electricity and water, to the civilian population in Gaza as collective punishment, blocked all but a trickle of aid and food, and used starvation as a weapon of war. These acts amount to war crimes. We use our research to push for justice. Human Rights Watch was the first human rights organization to publish in-depth research on the issue of forced transfers and deportations of Ukrainians. In March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and his children’s rights commissioner, Maria Lvova-Belova, for alleged war crimes involving the alleged unlawful deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children from occupied areas of Ukraine to Russia. How do we get our research in front of key people? Part of our strategy is through the media and strategic communications. We share our unique research with journalists, who cover our work in the news. We leverage new and sometimes local communications channels to get the information not only to those in power, but also the communities who are affected. Our reports are based on detailed investigations, which are more important than ever in a world rife with disinformation. When the world has forgotten about certain armed conflicts, we work to keep them in the news and on policy makers’ agendas. We advocate with people who are in positions to make the changes we want to see. For example, if we document an armed group using cluster munitions, we will go to the warring parties and say these are illegal under international law. If we can identify who manufactured and sold these weapons, we can go to those countries, show them our evidence, and tell them they may be complicit in war crimes. We have also focused on identifying the leaders – like senior commanders in the armed forces – who are responsible for the abuses taking place. Then we can work with governments to implement targeted sanctions or travel bans. For example, we are now pressing the European Union to use sanctions against those responsible for grave violations in the armed conflict in Sudan. It is our job to hold governments and their leaders accountable when they violate their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law, no matter how powerful they are. When a military coalition including the United States and United Kingdom invaded Iraq in 2003, we documented their laws of war violations, including indiscriminate airstrikes that killed civilians and the torture of detainees. We also reported on Iraqi violations. Many years later, that work isn’t over. Righting wrongs is usually a marathon, not a sprint. But it can take time. Human Rights Watch’s documentation of abuses in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s contributed to the creation of war crimes tribunals and the prosecutions of leaders for war crimes. These trials began in the 2000s and continue in 2023. When it comes to our advocacy, where are our advocates located and what does their work look like? Our advocates take our research and engage with people in power to influence the political response to fighting on the ground. Sometimes they are engaging with the warring parties themselves, and sometimes they are urging change among those funding and supporting the warring parties. Our advocates’ goal, in the most general sense, is to make sure human rights are centered in these policy responses. We advocate with multilateral institutions at the global and regional level, whether it be the United Nations, the African Union, or the European Union, or other local and regional bodies that have responsibilities to protect civilians. We have a research presence in about 100 countries, and our advocates and researchers can advocate with governments in each of these countries. We have other advocates based all over the world, including in Tokyo, London, Washington DC, and Johannesburg, and in Australia, Brazil, and across Europe. Here’s an example of what our advocacy looks like. Starting in 2014, we worked to expose the violent crackdown on dissent by Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro government, which led to a spiraling humanitarian emergency and the exodus of millions of people. We shared our research at the UN Security Council and pushed for a UN response, and the pressure we helped generate ultimately resulted in more aid reaching people. Our research was cited by the Biden administration to grant temporary protected status to Venezuelans living in the United States, and by the Brazilian refugee agency to grant thousands of Venezuelans legal status. In short, our research, communications, and advocacy all work together in an incredibly effective way, ensuring that we deploy information in a way that compels those in power to take action. Who does Human Rights Watch work with during conflict? Our advocates and researchers work closely with partners – local human rights and other civil society groups, like humanitarian organizations, labor unions, and faith communities. For example, after armed conflict broke out in Sudan in April 2023, we knew we needed more power behind documenting – and preserving evidence of – the atrocities. Sustained advocacy by Human Rights Watch, combined with the power of the voices of Sudanese and regional partner organizations across Africa, helped lead the UN Human Rights Council to establish an independent international fact-finding mission for Sudan. What are the challenges you face? Today we see a number of conflicts raging where one side or the other – or both – shows little respect for these laws. I know some people can be skeptical of whether international humanitarian law and human rights law helps while a conflict rages. There are armed conflicts where the warring parties don’t seem to be showing any restraint – they seemingly flout these laws without consequence. We’ve seen this in the Horn of Africa since 2020. Government forces and allied militias in Ethiopia’s Tigray region have used rape as a weapon of war and destroyed infrastructure critical to civilians’ survival. They also had cut off the region from food, power, and communications for almost two years. This year, in neighboring Sudan, war has broken out – despite consistent warnings about escalating abuses by the country’s notorious security forces. Eight months later, we’ve documented ethnically motivated attacks on civilians in Darfur, how explosive weapons repeatedly used in urban areas have killed civilians and damaged critical infrastructure in the capital, Khartoum, and widespread obstruction of aid. In both countries, perpetrators of the crimes have faced very few consequences. In Ethiopia, after warring parties signed a cessation of hostilities agreement, international investigations into conflict-related atrocities were jettisoned as Ethiopia’s international and regional partners sought to normalize relations with the federal government. In Sudan, despite investigative efforts, accountability for crimes is just not being made a priority in political discussions. That doesn’t mean we give up. And the laws of war do matter, as they give us a framework to render meaningful judgments against combatants, affording victims and their families a measure of justice. Also, we know that when the laws of war are enforced, including through trials, they can help prevent atrocities by breaking cycles of violence and impunity. Our research shows that, all too often, when justice is scrapped to protect the powerful, these crimes just recur, creating new generations of victims. We’ve seen this in Afghanistan, when warlords granted themselves immunity, and when the International Criminal Court downgraded investigating US abuses in its investigation of alleged war crimes. We’ve also seen this in the Democratic Republic of Congo. If you want to stop recurring abuses, you need justice. And sometimes justice in a courtroom is a long time coming. In Syria, Human Rights Watch and many other groups spent years painstakingly documenting human rights violations and war crimes while those responsible were seemingly getting away with murder. Over 10 years on, though, we see that prosecutions for these crimes are gaining steam. You mentioned that we also campaign for support for justice, including before courts such as the International Criminal Court (ICC). One of our ultimate goals is justice and accountability for abuses. This includes shaping investigations and pressuring governments to arrest people wanted for serious crimes. We also push for effective war crimes courts, and work to secure financial and political support for accountability efforts. We sustain these campaigns for justice over many, many years. This often starts by making sure our published reports are brought to the attention of the international community and to authorities working before national courts, international courts – including the International Criminal Court – and hybrid courts, which are domestic courts containing international elements. Human Rights Watch has also advocated for national authorities to put in place the laws and expertise needed to support the practice of “universal jurisdiction,” under which national judicial authorities investigate and prosecute serious crimes committed in other countries, regardless of the nationality of the suspects or their victims. Over the course of 2020-2022, a German court held a trial on state-sponsored torture in Syria, ultimately convicting a former Syrian intelligence officer of crimes against humanity. A Human Rights Watch report documenting torture in Syria’s detention centers was referenced by the court during the trial. Any last thoughts? If I could wave a magic wand and stop conflicts around the world and bring people to an understanding, I’d do it. But that’s not reality. This is what we do instead. We document war crimes and other abuses. We make sure the world knows what’s happening, and we push for change. It’s not a perfect system, and sometimes it’s a long road to justice. But Human Rights Watch has done this work for decades, and we know from experience that justice is possible, and we do everything we can to make it probable..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-12-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Source/publisher: US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-12-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Abductions, Forced Recruitment Violate Laws of War
Description: "(Bangkok) – An ethnic armed group in northern Myanmar has abducted and forcibly recruited civilians fleeing fighting in Shan State, Human Rights Watch said today. Myanmar’s military also has a long record of using adults for forced labor and recruiting children, but getting recent information about unlawful practices in junta-controlled areas is difficult. The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang armed group, should immediately end its abusive practices against civilians, and take all available measures to protect them during hostilities against Myanmar’s armed forces and pro-junta militias. “The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army is violating the laws of war by abducting and forcibly recruiting civilians, putting them at grave risk,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Civilians should be able to seek safety from fighting without fearing that the Myanmar military or ethnic armed groups will force them into their armies.” On October 27, 2023, the Three Brotherhood Alliance – a coalition of the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and Ta’ang National Liberation Army – began Operation 1027, an offensive targeting Myanmar military outposts in northern Shan State. The offensive triggered attacks by opposition armed groups elsewhere in the country. Since late October, fighting between opposition forces and the military has displaced more than 600,000 people, including almost 100,000 in Shan State. Tens of thousands have fled Laukkai, the capital of the Kokang Special Autonomous Zone in northern Shan State, in advance of an anticipated MNDAA assault on the town, which the group formerly controlled. Although the MNDAA assisted those fleeing by opening up previously closed forest roads, the armed unit also confiscated mobile phones and detained an unknown number of people as they left Laukkai, local media and witnesses said. On November 24, the MNDAA abducted seven men as they traveled from Laukkai to Chin Shwe Haw, near the Myanmar-China border. Relatives told the Shan News Herald that the men’s friends last saw them detained on the roadside just outside Chin Shwe Haw, before Alliance Army fighters took them away. The Shan News Herald reported that an MNDAA spokesperson said that Sai Ai Naw, 18; Maung Nyi Ka, 19; Sai Lianghan, 20; Sai Ilaw, 26; Maung Nor Goon, 26; Sai Aung Heng, 27, and a seventh, unnamed 20-year-old man would be assigned to military service. On November 25, a doctor who left Laukkai along the same route said he witnessed many young men pulled over and detained by MNDAA fighters outside Par Hsin Kyaw, a village between Laukkai and Chin Shwe Haw. “They [MNDAA fighters] were pulling over men who were on motorcycles in groups of twos and threes,” he said. They did not pull over couples, and I had one of the female nurses riding pillion, so we didn’t get stopped. But there were scores of young men pulled over and I saw them being rounded up. I was too afraid to stop and look but they were being gathered together and taken away somewhere.” On December 12, the parents of seven other young men who did not arrive home after fleeing Laukkai in late October issued a letter to the MNDAA, pleading for their release. The families wrote, in the letter obtained by Human Rights Watch, that they last saw their sons being led away by MNDAA fighters near Chin Shwe Haw. All those abducted were of Ta’ang ethnicity and came from Man Khite village, Namhsan township, in northern Shan State. The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army operates in northern Shan State along the China-Myanmar border. It was founded as the Communist Party of Burma collapsed in 1989 and agreed to a ceasefire with the Myanmar military later that year. The ceasefire ended in 2009, when a military-aligned faction of the Alliance Army became the Kokang Border Guard Force and was put in charge of Laukkai, where illegal activity, most recently cyber scam centers, has thrived. The MNDAA has attempted multiple times to regain the territory, including Laukkai, that it lost in 2009. Some ethnic armed groups, including the MNDAA, impose quotas requiring villages or households to supply a recruit, who in some cases may be willing to serve. Myanmar’s military and pro-junta militias also use forced recruits, including children, to bolster their armed forces or for other roles such as porters, cooks, or cleaners. In a widely shared video dated December 5 that Human Rights Watch reviewed and verified, an MNDAA official in uniform warns families not to shirk their responsibilities and to ensure those recruited were at least 15 years old and younger than 50. “If [you don’t] have a boy … if you have a girl … if you have three [one must serve],” the official tells a crowd gathered at a monastery in Pang Hseng village, Monekoe township, in northern Shan State. “If you have five, two of them must serve. Got it? If you have five males at home, two of them must serve.” He continued: “So, if you’re thinking about not bringing your sons and daughters because you’re concerned, don’t do that. … One day when they come back because things are peaceful, we are going to collect household registrations and we will know that they did not serve, and we will arrest them for it.” Under international humanitarian law, or the laws of war, applicable to the non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar, warring parties are prohibited from arbitrarily depriving anyone of their liberty, including through abductions and forced recruitment. Parties must treat all civilians humanely; arbitrary deprivation of liberty is incompatible with this requirement. In September 2019, Myanmar ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which obligates non-state armed forces not to, “under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities persons under the age of 18.” The 2019 Myanmar Child Rights Law also forbids recruiting anyone under 18 into the armed forces or non-state armed groups. In 2023, the United Nations secretary-general's annual report on children in armed conflict identified the Myanmar military as responsible for the majority of the cases the UN had verified as recruiting and using children the previous year. However, the report also named the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army as having recruited up to seven children and separately, abducting up to seven others. The UN special rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, has also received various reports that the Myanmar military’s recruitment and use of children has increased since the 2021 military coup. “Governments with any influence over opposition and ethnic armed groups in Myanmar should impress upon them that violations by the Myanmar armed forces never justifies abuses by their own forces,” Pearson said..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-12-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-21
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Description: "Myanmar economic recovery falters as conflict and inflation weigh Broad-based slowdown anticipated across productive sectors YANGON, December 12, 2023—Little economic growth is expected in Myanmar in the near term, as rising conflict, trade and logistics disruptions, kyat volatility and high inflation combine to negatively impact businesses and households, the World Bank’s semi-annual Myanmar Economic Monitor said. Myanmar’s economy is projected to grow by just 1% over the year to March 2024, according to the report, Challenges amid conflict. Conflict has escalated across much of Myanmar since October, leading to the displacement of an estimated half a million people, disrupting key overland trade routes and increasing logistics costs. Even if conflict does not escalate further, growth is expected to remain subdued over the rest of 2024 and into 2025 given a broad-based slowdown across productive sectors including agriculture, manufacturing, and trade. The size of Myanmar’s economy remains around 10% lower than it was in 2019, leaving it the only economy in East Asia that has not returned to pre-pandemic levels of economic activity. Consumer prices rose by almost 29% in the 12 months ending in June this year, and the more recent drop in the value of the kyat and escalation in conflict have led to further price rises in the months since. Household incomes continue to be severely strained. In surveys conducted by IFPRI in mid-2023, 40% of households reported earning less than in the previous year, with median real incomes declining by around 10 percent. Measures of food insecurity have also worsened. “The economic situation has deteriorated, and uncertainty about the future is increasing,” said World Bank Country Director for Myanmar, Cambodia, and the Lao PDR, Mariam Sherman. “High food price inflation has had a particularly severe impact on the poor, who spend a larger portion of their income on food, and who tend to live in areas where prices have risen at a faster pace." Indicators of business activity have worsened since mid-2023. Firms reported operating at just 56% of their capacity in September, down 16 percentage points from March. Weakness in sales has been a major challenge, particularly for retailers. A special section of the report explores the scope for Myanmar’s garment industry to continue to drive growth in employment and incomes, as it has done for much of the past decade. However, conflict, high logistics costs, trade and foreign exchange restrictions, and electricity disruptions have raised the cost of doing business and reduced the sector’s international competitiveness. “With the operating environment deteriorating and uncertainty about the future increasing, Myanmar’s garment firms have been forced to focus on survival rather than investment and growth,” said World Bank Program Leader and Senior Economist for Myanmar, Kim Alan Edwards. “The scarring effect of recent developments is likely to curtail Myanmar’s longer-term development potential, in the garment industry and across the broader economy”..."
Source/publisher: World Bank
2023-12-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Pushbacks Endanger People Fleeing Airstrikes in Karenni State
Description: "(Bangkok) – Thailand’s government has pushed back thousands of Myanmar refugees at the border, putting their lives at risk in Myanmar, Human Rights Watch said today. In late October 2023, the Thai military began forcibly returning refugees who had been sheltering in border areas to Myanmar’s Karenni State. Many soon returned to Thailand, fearful of being trapped or targeted in renewed clashes in southeastern Myanmar. “The Thai authorities should stop pushing back recent Myanmar refugees and allow them to seek protection in Thailand,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The return of many of these refugees to Thailand just days after being pushed back indicates their fear for their safety in Myanmar.” Thailand has sheltered about 90,000 refugees from Myanmar across nine refugee camps since the mid-1980s. After the February 2021 coup in Myanmar, at least 45,000 additional Myanmar refugees fled to Thailand. While the Thai government has allowed these new arrivals to stay in informal temporary shelters near the border, it has also intermittently pushed them back. None of these new arrivals are permitted to enter existing refugee camps and Thai officials place strict restrictions on their movement and access to humanitarian aid and services. In July, about 9,000 Myanmar refugees sought safety in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son district due to frequent airstrikes in Karenni State. Thai authorities initially permitted them to stay in the informal temporary shelters. On October 21, the Thai military verbally ordered the refugees to return to Myanmar within two weeks. After the order, the shelters where they had been living emptied as people walked back across the border into Karenni State, a journey that takes four to five days. Many went to Doh Noh Ku, where there is a settlement for internally displaced people. Pushbacks were still occurring on October 27, when a coalition of armed ethnic and resistance groups began an offensive against the Myanmar military in northern Shan State. Opposition forces elsewhere in Myanmar then also carried out attacks against the military, which responded with airstrikes, including in Karenni State. By November 27, more than 2,387 Myanmar people had again fled Myanmar, crossing back into Thailand’s Mae Hong Son district. People who had just returned to a temporary shelter in Mae Hong Son district said that Myanmar military jets flew over the Doh Noh Ku camp before carrying out airstrikes on November 14 and 15. They said at least three bombs struck inside the camp, but that most people had already fled the camp again by that time. “I had just reached the area outside Doh Noh Ku after walking five days with my family from here [in Thailand],” said a 52-year-old woman. “We didn’t go into the camp, but we watched the planes from afar. When they started dropping bombs, we ran back straight away…. I’m so scared, I get scared at the sound of thunder now.” Sources on the ground said that the Thai military maintained that these new refugees had been in Thailand for more than three months when their stay in Thailand should be temporary. Officials also said there had been no recent armed clashes on the border so these people could return to Myanmar. Finally, Thai authorities claimed they were straining services meant for refugees in established camps. The multiple and forced displacements, and lack of security or access to humanitarian aid is exacerbating the strain on these already marginalized communities, Human Rights Watch said. “I’ve fled at least seven times since leaving my home earlier in the year because of the airstrikes,” said a 45-year-old woman. “You run to one place because you think it’s safe but nowhere is safe.” Since the 2021 coup, the Myanmar junta has carried out a nationwide campaign of mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. More than two million people have been internally displaced and more than 95,000 refugees have fled to neighboring countries. Thailand should facilitate cross-border aid to internally displaced people in Myanmar and enable increased humanitarian aid to refugees in temporary shelters in Mae Hong Son district and other areas along the border. Thailand should also provide protection and support to all refugees, including permitting the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to undertake refugee status determination. Mass pushbacks, coerced or otherwise, may amount to a breach of Thailand’s obligations as a party to the UN Convention Against Torture and violate the customary international law principle prohibiting refoulement, the forcible return of anyone to a place where they would face a genuine risk of persecution, torture, or other ill-treatment, or a threat to their life. “The Thai government should permit newly arrived Myanmar refugees access to humanitarian aid and help those seeking protection,” Pearson said. “Thai authorities shouldn’t push back refugees facing grave risk in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Oct 22 to 31, 2023 Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Kachin State, Shan State, and Bago Region from October 22nd to 31st. Military Junta arrested over 50 civilians and used them as human shields within a week. They burnt and killed 5 civilians from Tabayin Township in Sagaing Region on October 27th. After the leaked the information about farmers from Waw Township had to pay money to the Military Junta troop, the Junta threatened and forced them to sign the document that the news is not real and paid in Bago Region. Over 30 civilians were killed and 34 injured by the Military’s heavy and light artillery attacks within a week. Around 11 civilians were arrested and 9 were killed by the Military Junta within a week. Civilians left their places 8 times within a week because of the Military Junta Troop’s matching and raiding. An underaged child died and 7 children were injured when the Military Junta committed violations..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-01
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Description: "We, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are deeply concerned over and condemn the reported bombing that impacted an Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp in the Munglai Hkyet, Kachin State, on October 9, which claimed the lives of many civilians, including children. We reiterate our urgent call to end all forms of violence immediately, particularly those impacting civilians, and exercise utmost restraint to create a conducive environment for an inclusive dialogue toward a comprehensive solution to the situation in Myanmar. We reemphasize ASEAN’s commitment to assisting Myanmar in finding a peaceful and durable solution to the ongoing crisis through the complete implementation of the Five-Point Consensus for peace, security, and stability in the region..."
Source/publisher: Association of Southeast Asian Nations
2023-10-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-18
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Sub-title: Attack in Kachin State Shows Need for Arms Embargo, Aviation Fuel Bans
Description: "(Bangkok) – The Myanmar military attacked a village hosting hundreds of displaced civilians in Kachin State on October 9, 2023, killing 28 civilians, including 11 children, committing an apparent war crime, Human Rights Watch said today. The nighttime attack on Mung Lai Hkyet, which also injured more than 60 people and caused extensive damage to civilian structures, did not appear to be targeting a military objective. Human Rights Watch interviewed five witnesses and reviewed 20 images and three videos of the aftermath of the attack, which suggest Myanmar forces initially conducted an airstrike on the village, then fired a barrage of ground-launched mortars or artillery. Images of areas hit by the initial strike show debris and damage consistent with the effects of shockwaves from large high-explosive bombs delivered by aircraft. Human Rights Watch found no evidence of opposition armed groups in the vicinity of the village at the time of the attack. “The Myanmar military’s repeated strikes and shelling of a village filled with displaced people were either unlawfully deliberate or indiscriminate,” said Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Concerned governments shouldn’t just condemn this reckless disregard for civilian life, they should take meaningful and concrete actions to stop the military from committing future violations.” Mung Lai Hkyet is located about five kilometers from the ethnic Kachin Independence Army (KIA) headquarters in Laiza, near the border with China. For decades, the KIA has been engaged in conflict with the Myanmar military, which has a long record of committing war crimes in Kachin State and elsewhere. When a ceasefire with the KIA broke down in 2011, Mung Lai Hkyet, which was mainly inhabited by ethnic Lisu, began hosting internally displaced people fleeing the renewed hostilities. Clashes in Kachin State have increased since the KIA opposed Myanmar’s military coup in February 2021, causing further displacements to areas such as Mung Lai Hkyet. The KIA has also been training recruits in new armed groups opposing Myanmar’s junta. A resident of Mung Lai Hkyet told Human Rights Watch that despite the KIA’s presence in Laiza, there were no KIA fighters in the village due to a nightly curfew and there had been no fighting near the village leading up to the incident. A Laiza resident told Human Rights Watch that the first explosion was the loudest and could also be felt in Laiza: “It shook everything and then we heard a few more, smaller blasts.” Witnesses told local media that they woke to the sound of the first blast around 11:30 p.m. followed by at least four more blasts. Images of the aftermath show a razed area about 500 meters wide and at least one crater roughly 6 meters deep, splintered wood from buildings, and twisted metal from vehicles. The Laiza resident, who went to Mung Lai Hkyet the next morning to assist, said that villagers described hearing shells hissing through the air as they ran for cover. “It’s a sound we’re familiar with since up here, we’ve all experienced the military’s attacks,” the resident said. “But when you see the damage, it could not just have been shells that did this.” All six members of one family were killed in the attack, while in another family the only surviving members were a 1-month-old and a 3-year-old, the resident said. Among those killed were 10 women, 10 girls younger than 18, seven men, and one 3-year-old boy. Human Rights Watch reviewed a local hospital’s patient registry from October 11 that lists 15 injured survivors, including five children, receiving ongoing treatment. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, a military spokesperson, denied responsibility for the attack in state media and suggested the explosion was caused by explosives stored in the village by the KIA. The Myanmar military has repeatedly conducted airstrikes on populated areas in violation of the laws of war. In April, Myanmar forces killed at least 160 people in an airstrike using a thermobaric bomb – or “fuel-air explosive” – in Sagaing Region. The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project (ACLED) reported that airstrikes in Myanmar have increased every month since February this year. The laws of war prohibit attacks that target civilians and civilian objects, that do not or cannot discriminate between civilians and combatants, or that are expected to cause harm to civilians or civilian property that is disproportionate to any anticipated military advantage. The laws of war require parties to a conflict to distinguish at all times between civilian objects and military objectives, and attacking forces must do everything feasible to verify that targets are military objectives. If there is doubt as to whether an object normally used for civilian purposes, such as a school, is being used for military purposes, it should be presumed not to be. Individuals committing or ordering serious laws-of-war violations with criminal intent, meaning deliberately or recklessly, are responsible for war crimes. The repeated unlawful attacks on Mung Lai Hkyet, without demonstrating the presence of military targets, strongly suggest that the attack was deliberate or reckless. United Nations officials, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and other groups have repeatedly said that the UN Security Council should impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military and measures to cut off its aviation fuel, as well as targeted sanctions on the military’s revenues. The United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and other countries have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military and its business and banking interests, meant to pressure the military to stem abuses and engage with diplomatic efforts over Myanmar’s current crisis. Several concerned governments have taken bilateral steps to block sales or transfers of aviation fuel. Concerned governments should better coordinate to enforce those sanctions and make them more effective, while pressing the Security Council to match them globally, Human Rights Watch said. “The Myanmar military won’t stop committing atrocities until other governments work together to impose real economic restrictions and meaningful blockages of weapons, fuel, and materiel,” Maung said. “The status quo will only bring more war crimes and civilian deaths.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2023-10-17
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-17
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Description: "The junta’s military likely used one of its largest aerial-delivered bombs during Monday night’s attack at Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Kachin State, according to an investigation by Amnesty International (AI). At least 29 people, including 13 children, died at Mung Lai Hkyet Village in Waingmaw Township on Monday night, while 57 were wounded in the attack, according to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). It said regime troops bombarded the village located about two miles north of Laiza Town—the headquarters of the KIA. “Amnesty International’s weapons expert analyzed photos and videos of the aftermath of the attack, which show evidence of a single massive blast that flattened dozens of nearby buildings – including a church, preschool and many homes – and started fires,” the rights group said in a statement released on Friday. It also confirmed reports that the first blast was followed by others, citing survivors of the attack. The size of the crater and the damage from the first bomb is consistent with the largest aerial-delivered bombs known to be in the inventory of the Myanmar military, AI said. The junta’s military almost certainly used an unguided bomb, which is completely inappropriate for use in the vicinity of civilians, it added. “This murderous assault by the Myanmar military is further proof of their complete disregard for civilian life,” said Matthew Wells, director of AI’s Crisis Response Program. “The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar,” he added. The junta denied responsibility for the attack, saying on Wednesday that a KIA warehouse containing more than 100 tons of ammonium nitrate and weapons exploded. AI’s report said the bomb fell on a large open field near a road with regular vehicle traffic that was unlikely to be an ammonium nitrate storage area. The Myanmar military has an extensive history of carrying out indiscriminate attacks similar to Monday’s, including on other camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs). KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday that the KIA would never put a gunpowder warehouse near civilians. “The [KIA] investigation team found pieces of bombs, and they are examining them,” he said. Mung Lai Hkyet sheltered more than 600 IDPs before it was obliterated. Survivors have been taking refuge in four shelters near the office of Woichyai IDP camp since the attack. They are in great need of humanitarian assistance, a local aid group said. In October last year, junta aircraft bombed an outdoor concert at A’Nang Pa Village in Kachin State’s Hpakant Township, killing at least 75 people. The concert was being held to mark the 62nd anniversary of the founding of the KIA’s political wing, the Kachin Independence Organization. Amnesty International is again calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer Monday night’s attack to the International Criminal Court so that those responsible can be brought to justice..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-10-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-13
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Sub-title: At least 12 children killed, and a reported 57 people injured
Description: "The Myanmar military killed at least 28 civilians in an air strike on a displaced persons camp in an attack that may amount to a war crime, Amnesty International said today. At approximately 11.30pm on 9 October 2023, the Myanmar military launched an attack that hit the Mung Lai Hkyet displacement camp, close to the town of Laiza in Kachin State, near Myanmar’s border with China. Witnesses told Amnesty International that a large bomb exploded near the camp, which was followed by sustained mortar fire from nearby Myanmar military positions. The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar Matthew Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme The camp is home to an estimated 150 displaced families and situated near other civilian homes in Mung Lai Hkyet village. The camp is around three miles from central Laiza, the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/A), an ethnic armed group that has fought the Myanmar military for decades. “This murderous assault by the Myanmar military is further proof of their complete disregard for civilian life,” said Matthew Wells, Director of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Programme. “The air strike on the Mung Lai Hkyet displaced persons camp is the latest in a long list of indiscriminate attacks against civilians committed by the Myanmar military since its coup in 2021, many of which amount to war crimes. “The world must wake up to the horror unfolding daily in Myanmar. The UN Security Council should impose a long-overdue arms embargo, including on the supply of aviation fuel, as the Myanmar military repeatedly unleashes its arsenal on civilians across the country.” Amnesty International’s weapons expert analyzed photos and videos of the aftermath of the attack, which show evidence of a single massive blast that flattened dozens of nearby buildings – including a church, preschool and many homes – and started fires. The blast wave caused catastrophic overpressure and fragmentation injuries to the victims, including fatal wounds to heads, lacerations that exposed organs, and the removal and pulverization of limbs. The size of the crater and observed damage is consistent with the largest aerial-delivered bombs known to be in the inventory of the Myanmar military. Amnesty International believes the Myanmar military almost certainly used an unguided bomb, which is an inaccurate weapon completely inappropriate for use in the vicinity of civilians. The Myanmar military denied responsibility in a statement, saying it was an explosion of a site where the KIO/A stored ammonium nitrate. That explanation is at odds with consistent witness accounts, which noted the explosion served as the start of a coordinated attack. In addition, the bomb fell on a large open field with regular vehicle traffic, unlikely to be an ammonium nitrate storage area. Based on the totality of the evidence, Amnesty International finds the most likely scenario to be a strike with a single unguided bomb. The Myanmar military has an extensive history of carrying out indiscriminate attacks similar to this one, including on other displaced persons camps. Under international humanitarian law, which applies to the ongoing non-international armed conflicts in Myanmar, including in Kachin State, indiscriminate attacks are those that fail to distinguish between military objectives and civilians or civilian objects, and as such are prohibited. Where an indiscriminate attack kills or injuries civilians, it amounts to a war crime. ‘On that night, I even thought that I would die’ Amnesty International interviewed three witnesses of the attack and immediate aftermath. One woman, whose family survived the blast, told Amnesty International: “I went to bed around 10.30pm. While I was listening to news about the conflict between Israel and Hamas on Facebook, at around 11.30pm, a huge bomb fell. “I was staying with my niece in one room, and my sister and other people were staying in another room. I suddenly woke up once the heavy weapons exploded. While I was still laying in my bed, I called out to my family members… I said, ‘We cannot stay here anymore. We need to move’. “As we are IDPs [internally displaced people], we have to live on other people’s land… We did not have a place to dig a bomb shelter. We had to hide in the concrete water drain on the side of the road. We sat there and kept on shouting for help… On that night, I even thought that I would die.” The woman and her nine family members remained hiding as mortar fire landed a short distance away, before escaping to take shelter nearby. She added: “When I look into the future of our [IDP] lives, I feel darkness.” A person staying nearby, who arrived approximately two hours after the bomb exploded, told Amnesty International: “We don’t know how they dropped or fired the first bomb, but we know that the… follow-up firing came from where [Myanmar] military posts are located. “I saw 28 bodies… Almost all [of the] people were killed because of the bomb blast. Some of their heads were destroyed beyond recognition. A mother and two of her children were among the victims. I could not bear it when I saw the baby and children die. I could not control my tears.” According to a list of victims seen by Amnesty International, which appears to have been compiled by the KIO, at least 12 children were among those killed, and at least 57 more people were injured. Another witness living next to the camp, who said he heard the sound of a jet overhead, told Amnesty International the bomb left a huge crater in the middle of a nearby field. He said a Baptist church on a hill, like dozens of other civilian objects near where the bomb fell, was destroyed. He said: “The explosion destroyed all the houses… In Kachin language, this kind of bomb is called a ‘hell bomb’… I had to crawl out of the debris to survive… My whole body is in pain, and my ears are still buzzing from the bombing.” Amnesty International is again calling for the UN Security Council to impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and to refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, so that those responsible for crimes under international law can be brought to justice. Background Since carrying out a coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has increasingly relied on air strikes to attack the civilian population. The KIO/A is one of numerous ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar’s border areas. The Myanmar military and the KIO/A have been engaged in a non-international armed conflict for decades. Fighting between the two forces has continued since the coup, with the KIO/A active in the broader nation-wide movement against the military’s rule. In a May 2022 report, ‘Bullets rained from the sky’: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, Amnesty International found that Myanmar’s military had subjected civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, torture, extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages. A further investigation in October 2022 found that deadly air strikes on a music concert in Kachin State, which killed dozens of people including civilians, appeared to fit a pattern of unlawful attacks. A November 2022 report, Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmar, identified companies involved in the supply chain of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, and revealed new accounts of air strikes on civilians..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
2023-10-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-13
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Description: "By Chiara Torelli On the night of October 10th, 2023, the residents of Mung Lai Hkyet village, in Myanmar's Kachin state, awoke to explosions and tremors as bombs reduced their homes to rubble. In one of the deadliest attacks on civilians since the military coup in 2021, 29 civilians were killed, including up to 13 children, and another 57 injured. Most were internally displaced persons, who had escaped previous attacks on their homes. Local sources suggest the village was targeted by a plane or drone, rather than ground artillery, and place the blame squarely on the military government, who have denied any involvement. Since the coup, on February 1st 2021, AOAV has recorded 1,408 incidents of explosive weapons use in Myanmar, and 2,793 civilian casualties (1,016 killed, 1777 injured). 55% (769) of incidents of explosive weapons use are attributed to non-state actors, in particular the People's Defence Forces, Ethnic Armed Organisations, and local defence forces, but 80% (2,236) of civilian casualties are attributed to the military government. | Perpetrator status | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Non-State Actors | 769 | 343 | | State | 560 | 2236 | | State and Non-State Actors | 1 | 0 | | unknown | 78 | 214 | Explosive weapons use in Myanmar since February 2021 Following the coup, the military government has regularly targeted populated locations with explosive weapons: villages account for the vast majority of recorded incidents of the military government's explosive weapons use, 64% (361), as well as the majority of resulting civilian casualties, 64% (1,426). Public gatherings, which account for only 1% (6) of the military government's explosive attacks, are the second most affected location in terms of civilian casualties, with 9% (193) of civilian harm occurring in these locations. | Location | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Village | 361 | 1426 | | Public gathering | 6 | 193 | | Encampment | 18 | 140 | | Place of worship | 22 | 132 | | Urban residential | 35 | 87 | | School | 14 | 81 | | Other | 10 | 46 | | No information | 30 | 28 | | Multiple (urban) | 4 | 18 | | Hospital | 6 | 16 | | public building | 1 | 15 | | Road | 9 | 14 | | Agricultural land | 9 | 13 | | Police station | 1 | 7 | | Entertainment | 2 | 7 | | Armed base | 27 | 4 | | Market | 2 | 4 | | Commercial premises | 2 | 3 | | Humanitarian infrastructure | 1 | 2 | Myanmar military government's explosive weapons use since 1st February 2021 Ground-launched weapons account for the majority of civilian harm caused by the military government's use of explosive weapons in Myanmar, having killed and injured 50% (1,122) of the 2,236 civilian casualties. However, air-launched weapons have, on average, caused more civilian harm per incident, killing and injuring an average of 6.69 civilians per attack. | Launch method | Incidents | Civilian casualties | | Ground-launched | 366 | 1122 | | Air-launched | 140 | 936 | | Multiple types | 22 | 135 | | Mine | 31 | 42 | | Unclear | 1 | 1 | Myanmar military government's explosive weapons use since 1st February 2021 Myanmar, which in 2021 was the ninth most impacted country for civilian harm from explosive weapons, saw the sixth highest level of civilian casualties in 2022. Civilian casualties rose by 178% last year, from 353 recorded in 2021 to 980 in 2022 -- the highest level of civilian harm reported since 2010, and largely due to the military's response to intensified resistance and the growth of local People's Defense Forces. AOAV's casualty figures represent the lowest of estimations in terms of the number of people killed and injured by explosive weapon use. In an effort to quantify the explicit harm caused by specific explosive weapons, AOAV solely records incident-specific casualty figures, as reported in English-language media. AOAV condemns the use of violence against civilians and the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. All actors should stop using explosive weapons with wide-area effects where there is likely to be a high concentration of civilians..."
Source/publisher: Action on Armed Violence (London) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "We, the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), Chin National Front (CNF) and Karen National Union (KNU), signatories of the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA), express our common position regarding the coup makers’ commemoration of the 8th anniversary of the NCA signing and the fake peace talks supposedly based on the NCA as follows: 1. The aim of the NCA was to resolve the deep-rooted political crisis that had not been resolved by successive governments for more than 70 years. We wanted to build a federal democratic Union by amending the 2008 Constitution according to the results of an extra-parliamentary political dialogue in order to achieve sustainable peace. 2. The military coup destroyed the basic principles and objectives of the NCA as well as nullified the 2008 Constitution. Therefore, the implementation of the NCA and the NCA-based political dialogue process came to a halt. 3. The military's repeated vicious attacks that target civilians by using its Army, Air Force and Navy are a flagrant violation of International Humanitarian Law. This reinforces our position that the NCA is no longer valid and demonstrates that the military has abandoned peaceful means to resolve political problems. 4. SAC’s use of the NCA to pressure NCA signatories, the fake implementation of the NCA through sham peace talks, the pretended activities of proposing to amend the invalid 2008 constitution and preparing to hold sham elections will deepen the crisis and push the country into protracted conflict. 5. ABSDF, CNF and KNU, the revolutionary organizations that signed the NCA, have laid down the following common political objectives and common political positions for the establishment of a federal democratic union to achieve sustainable peace. Common Political Objectives 5.1. To remove the coup makers and end the military's involvement in politics. 5.2. To reform and reorganize the military and place it fully under the administration of an elected civilian government. 5.3. To draft and ratify a new constitution based on federalism and democracy that is acceptable to all stakeholders. 5.4. To implement a process of transitional justice and seek justice for victims of conflict. 5.5. To agree on international involvement in facilitation, technical and financial support, monitoring, witnessing, observing, etc. at all stages of the implementation of the process. Common Political Positions 5.6. Dialogue will not be held unless SAC ends all violence against the people and accepts the above common political objectives. 5.7. We desire a system change, not just a regime change. Changing one military regime to another or even an authoritarian civilian regime is not acceptable. 5.8. Power-sharing between politically privileged groups at the expense of the people will not be accepted. 5.9. Resolution of the Myanmar crisis will require a constitution and an electoral system that will create future governments of Myanmar that are based on a ‘national unity’ model. 5.10. SAC is the main conflict partner. It is not an interim authority. A transition period requires a genuine transitional authority agreed upon by all stakeholders. 5.11. New elections can be held in Myanmar only after all the above steps are successful. 6. We urge the international governments and the entire people of the country, including the NCA signatories, to support the implementation process of our proposed political objectives without participating in the activities of the military that prolong the military dictatorship..."
Source/publisher: All Burma Students' Democratic Front, Chin National Front, Karen National Union
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-12
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Description: "12 October 2023: United Nations (UN) member States must take decisive action to bring the Myanmar military junta to justice following the latest junta attack which killed at least 29 internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar’s Kachin state on Monday, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The junta attack began without warning around 11.30 pm on Monday, 9 October, destroying the village of Munglai Hyket where 100 families displaced by junta violence were taking refuge. Powerful artillery explosions ripped through the village leaving craters where houses once stood. At least 11 of the 29 people killed were children and 56 people were injured. This could constitute a war crime. “The Myanmar military is so emboldened by the indifference of the international community in response to its decades of atrocity crimes that it is now attacking camps for internally displaced people,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “The military is flagrantly massacring the most vulnerable people in society, and yet UN entities in Myanmar will not even publicly name the military as the perpetrator. At what point will the UN decide to stand with the Myanmar people?” Monday’s attack is the deadliest junta attack on civilians in Kachin state this year and comes almost a year after a junta airstrike on a music concert killed at least 60 people in the village of A Nang Pa, Kachin state, on 23 October 2022. The junta has escalated its campaign of brutal violence against civilians across the country this year in wilful defiance of UN Security Council resolution 2669, adopted in December 2022. The resolution “demands an immediate end to all forms of violence throughout the country”. Security Council demands within resolutions are considered legally binding under international law but the resolution does not include any measures for the Security Council to act to enforce its binding demand. “The junta is a rogue criminal gang that cannot be reasoned with,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Attacking a camp for displaced people is an act so utterly depraved that it defies humanity. Such depraved acts of violence are the reason the Myanmar people have been forced into a nation-defining struggle to liberate themselves entirely from the Myanmar military’s influence.” The UN Security Council must enforce the junta’s compliance with its resolution using its powers under chapter VII of the UN Charter, through the imposition of a global arms embargo and targeted financial sanctions against the junta, and the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC). If the Security Council won’t, or can’t, act, member States must take action through the General Assembly and pass an urgent resolution during the current 78th session. “The abhorrent junta attack in Munglai Hyket is a result of the utter failure of the international community to act for the protection of the Myanmar people,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “Continued failure of UN member States to take collective concrete action to end Myanmar military impunity is a betrayal of the Myanmar people.”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2023-10-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-12
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Description: "At least two of three siblings hospitalized following the strikes that annihilated their village in Kachin State shortly before midnight on Monday have yet to learn that their mother was killed, according to a volunteer helping survivors. One is too young—one-and-a-half-months old—while the three-year old is unconscious. It is unclear whether their elder brother, a six-year-old, can comprehend what happened. “Their mother died at the camp while her three children suffered injuries from the bombing. The middle child is severely injured, and he remains unconscious,” the volunteer said, adding: “Their father is somewhere at a front line fighting against junta troops.” Like his oldest son, he may not yet know that his wife had been killed. He also may not know that his three children have been hospitalized. The three siblings are among the 57 people injured that night in a series of blasts that killed at least 29 people, including 13 children—one of whom was just one-and-half-years old. Regime troops bombarded the village located about two miles north of Laiza Town, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) said. Laiza is the KIA”s headquarters. “A girl from my village lost all of her family members; her parents, her older brother and his wife. She is the only one who was not harmed because she was studying away from home,” a resident of Mung Lai Hkyet Village said. “Now she has nothing.” She is not the only one. She is not the only one who lost an entire family, residents of the village that was home to internally displaced persons (IDPs) said. The junta said on Wednesday that the deaths were a result of an explosion at a KIA warehouse containing about 105 tonnes of ammonium nitrate and weapons—countering the media reports that said the deaths were caused by the junta’s airstrikes or shelling. KIA spokesman Colonel Naw Bu dismissed the regime’s account as “propaganda”, telling The Irrawaddy that the armed group would never position a gunpowder warehouse near civilians. A KIA investigation had determined that junta had either used a high-tech drone or a fleet of drones carrying bombs to strike the IDP camp, he added. Other media reports say a series of blasts began shortly before midnight, with some reporting that the first one occurred at 11.30pm. Former residents of the village told The Irrawaddy that there was a series of explosions. The first was massive, and it was followed by several more, they said. Some pointed to craters that they said were proof their village was obliterated by numerous bombs. More than 600 IDPs from Mung Lai Hkyet Village are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, local aid groups said on Wednesday. Most former residents of the village are taking refuge in four shelters near the office of Woichyai IDP camp, a representative of the camp told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday. “We are struggling … We don’t have enough space for a large number of people. We also don’t have enough food to feed them,” he said. “They lost everything. We need to provide food, water, clothes, bedding, blankets, diapers, utensils and all sorts of commodities for them,” he added. Road blocks due to ongoing fighting between KIA troops and junta infantry units make it almost impossible to deliver humanitarian assistance to the victims, said a volunteer from Myitkyina, Kachin State’s capital. Former residents of Mung Lai Hkyet cannot return to their village because it no longer exists. “We want justice … This is not the first time they [junta troops] committed crimes against humanity,” a Kachin human rights activist, adding: “I want to stress the need for humanitarian assistance for those affected.” Following the massacre, the KIA and Myanmar parallel National Unity Government condemned the bombing as a war crime. The United Nations responded with a press release. It quoted Secretary-General Antonio Guterres saying he was “alarmed” by the deaths and that “those responsible must be held to account.” “The Secretary-General condemns all forms of violence, including the military’s intensifying attacks throughout the country, which continue to fuel regional instability,” the press release from Guterres’ office added. The British embassy in Yangon also issued a statement. It said it was “appalled by reports of a Myanmar military strike” that killed civilians..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: At least 29 people, including children, have been killed in an artillery strike on a displaced persons' camp in north-east Myanmar, near the Chinese border.
Description: "The camp is in an area controlled by the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), one of several ethnic insurgent groups which have been fighting for self-rule for many decades. All the victims were civilians, a KIO spokesman told the BBC. It is one the deadliest attacks in the 63-year-long conflict in Kachin State. Kachin officials say the armed forces have scaled up attacks on KIO-run areas over the past year because of growing Kachin support for other insurgent groups fighting the military government. Much of Myanmar has been embroiled in a wider civil war since a 2021 military coup displaced the country's elected government. The military has increasingly used air strikes against opposition-controlled towns and villages since seizing power. The exiled National Unity Government (NUG) has blamed the junta for the attack on the camp, describing it as a "war crime and crime against humanity". Junta spokesman Maj Gen Zaw Min Tun denied that the military was behind the attack. He claimed the army did not have any operations in the area and said the destruction was "probably" caused by stockpiled explosives. Devastation from the air in Myanmar's brutal civil war Global firms fuelling Myanmar's killer weapons The Myanmar soldiers refusing to fight Images shared by local media showed bodies being pulled from the rubble and dozens of body bags lying side by side. The attack late on Monday night happened in the Mong Lai Khet camp for displaced persons - on the outskirts of Laiza, the town on the Chinese border where the KIO has its headquarters. Parts of the camp were destroyed by powerful explosions at about midnight, KIO officials told the BBC. Footage of the aftermath shows many houses obliterated and large numbers of casualties. Kachin officials believe at least 11 children are among those killed. Fifty-six more people were also injured in the latest attack, 44 of whom had been taken to hospital for treatment. The United Nations in Myanmar said it was "deeply concerned" about reports of deaths in the camp. "IDP camps are places of refuge, and civilians, no matter where they are, should never be a target," it said in a statement on Facebook. The British embassy in the capital, Yangon, said it was "appalled by reports of a Myanmar military strike" that killed civilians. The area around the camp has experienced conflict for many years, as it is not far from the front lines, where Kachin troops in trenches face off against government forces. However, locals say that no fighting has taken place near the camp in recent times. It is possible the attack was carried out from the air, but Col Naw Bu of the Kachin Independence Army said the group "did not hear any aircraft". Almost exactly one year ago, the Myanmar air force used precision-guided bombs to attack an open-air concert at another Kachin base in the night, killing more than 80 people. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) - the KIO's armed wing - is one of the largest and most powerful insurgent groups in Myanmar. It has been fighting the central government sporadically since 1960 and consistently since a ceasefire broke down in 2011. Since the coup, the military government has viewed the KIA as a significant threat, as it has been giving weapons and training to some of the new insurgent groups which have formed across the country to resist military rule. KIA also has a long-standing alliance with the Arakan Army, an insurgent group formed initially in Kachin State. But since 2016, it has been operating in Rakhine State, on the other side of the country, where it has successfully challenged the military for control of much of the territory. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights said in its latest report on the country that it had found a "seemingly endless spiral of military violence"..."
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Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-11
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Description: "A military strike on the village of Mung Lai Hkyet in Kachin State, that includes camps for displaced people took place at 11.00 pm of 9 October. Twenty-nine people were killed, including 10 children, and 56 people wounded. As of 25 September there are 1,968,200 Internally Displaced People, IDPs in Myanmar of which 1,662,000 were displaced after 1 February 2021, and 1,031,600 are in Magway and Sagaing. Military raids in Pale and Ye-U in Sagaing State on 6 October caused the displacement of approximately 20,000 new IDPs. Heavy rainfall has been affecting southern Myanmar since 8 October, causing widespread floods and resulting in casualties and damage. According to ASEAN Disaster Information Network (ADINet) and media, as of 9 October due to floods more than 12,155 people have been internally displaced, of whom 12,000 in Bago Township of Bago Region, 100 in Taikkyi Township of Yangon Region and 55 in Kyaikhto Township of Mon State due to floods. Moreover, almost 2,839 houses have been affected. For the next 24 hours, more rainfall is forecast over the affected regions..."
Source/publisher: European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-10
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Description: "1.On 9 October 2023 at 11:25PM local time, the terrorist military council launched heavy artillery and coordinated airstrikes in a Time on Target attack on the Munglai Hkyet IDP Camp near Laiza in Kachin State. 2.Based on initial reports, at least 30 have been killed, including women and 13 children and at least a further 57 have been injured. Rescue and recovery efforts are currently ongoing, and these numbers may increase. In addition, the destruction of one kindergarten, one school, one church and many civilians’ houses have been reported. 3.This deliberate and targeted attack by the terrorist military council on civilians fleeing conflict constitutes a blatant crime against humanity and war crime. 4.The National Unity Government strongly condemns this inhumane crime against humanity and war crime by the terrorist military council, and stands strongly together with the people of Kachin. The National Unity Government shares the pain from this tragic loss of many lives in the Kachin state, and commits to work together to our full ability to restore justice for all those affected. 5.The terrorist military council has taken advantage of the moment of the international community’s attention on the recent developments of the Israel-Hamas conflict to commit yet another crime against humanity and war crime. 6.In accordance with the UN resolution 2669, the National Unity Government strongly urges the international community to take timely and strong actions against the terrorist military council for their crimes against humanity, and to cooperate with the people of Myanmar to effectively prevent similar atrocities in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-10
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Description: "၁။ ၂၀၂၃ ခုနှစ်၊ အောက်တိုဘာလ (၉) ရက်၊ ည ၁၁ နာရီ ၂၅ မိနစ် အချိန်ခန့်တွင် ကချင်ပြည်နယ်၊ လိုင်ဇာမြို့အနီးရှိ မုန်လိုင်ခက် (Munglai Hkyet) စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းအား အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီတပ်က လက်နက်ကြီး၊ လေကြောင်း တို့ကို တပြိုင်နက် အသုံးပြုကာ ဗုံးကြဲပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှု ပြုလုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၂။ ကနဦးရရှိသော သတင်းများအရ အဆိုပါတိုက်ခိုက်မှုကြောင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်းရှိ ကလေးသူငယ် ၁၃ ဦးနှင့် အမျိုးသမီးများအပါအဝင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ ၃၀ ဦးထက်မနည်း သေဆုံးခဲ့ပြီး ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရသူ ၅၇ ဦးထက်မနည်းရှိကြောင်း သိရှိရသည်။ မြေပြင်တွင် ရှာဖွေကယ်ဆယ်ရေးလုပ်ငန်းများကို ဆက်လက်လုပ်ဆောင် နေဆဲဖြစ်ပြီး သေဆုံးသူ၊ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရသူ အရေအတွက်မှာ ပိုမိုများပြားလာနိုင်ပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် အဆိုပါ တိုက်ခိုက်မှုဒဏ်ကြောင့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်စခန်း အပြင် စာသင်ကျောင်း ၁ ကျောင်း ၊ မူကြိုကျောင်း ၁ကျောင်း၊ ဘုရားကျောင်း ၁ ကျောင်း နှင့် အရပ်သားလူနေအိမ်များစွာ ပျက်စီးဆုံးရှုံးခဲ့ရသည်ဟု သိရှိရသည်။ ၃။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသည် စစ်ရေးပစ်မှတ်မဟုတ်သည့် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများနေထိုင်သောစစ်ဘေးရှောင် စခန်းအား ရည်ရွယ်ချက်ရှိရှိ ပစ်မှတ်ထားတိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး အဆိုပါ လုပ်ရပ်သည် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စုအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု နှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ပြောင်ပြောင်တင်းတင်း ကျူးလွန်လိုက်ခြင်းပင်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို့ လူမဆန်စွာ လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှု နှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို ပြင်းပြင်းထန်ထန် ရှုတ်ချပြီး ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများနှင့်အတူ တသားတည်း ရပ်တည်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားများ၏ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးမှုအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အနေဖြင့် ထပ်တူ နာကျင်ခံစားရကာ ထိခိုက်ဆုံးရှုံးရသူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ပြန်လည်ရယူပေးနိုင်ရေးအတွက် အတူတကွ အစွမ်းကုန် ကြိုးစားသွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၅။ ယခုဖြစ်ရပ်သည် အစ္စရေးလ်နှင့်ဟားမတ်စ် စစ်ရေးပဋိပက္ခအပေါ် နိုင်ငံတကာက စိုးရိမ်မှုမြင့်တက်ကာ အာရုံစိုက်နေခြင်းကို အခွင့်ကောင်းယူ၍ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီက လူသားမျိုးနွယ်အပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုနှင့် စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို အချိန်ကိုက် ထပ်မံကျူးလွန်လိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ၆။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ယခုကဲ့သို့ ကျူးလွန်မှုများနှင့် အလားတူ ထပ်မံကျူးလွန်မှုများ မရှိစေရန် နိုင်ငံတကာအနေဖြင့် ကမ္ဘာ့ကုလသမဂ္ဂ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်အပိုဒ် ၂၆၆၉ အရ အချိန်နှင့်တပြေးညီ ပြင်းထန်ထိရောက်စွာ ဟန့်တားအရေးယူပေးပါရန်နှင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ နှင့်အတူ ထိရောက်စွာ ပူးပေါင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အလေးအနက် တောင်းဆိုတိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In Myanmar, the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster was activated in January 2013. By March 2013, the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster became operational in Kachin and Northern Shan States. Currently 3 Camp Management Agencies undertake substantial work for the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster: data collection, coordination, monitoring of services, community mobilization and capacity building across camps that house over 107,000 IDPs. The objective of the Shelter/NFI/CCCM Cluster remains to ensure all of the priority, camps that contain the majority of IDPs, have a dedicated Camp Management Agency, delivering coordinated assistance in line with the rights and needs of the displaced and where possible preparing them for life after displacement..."
Source/publisher: CCCM Cluster, Shelter Cluster, UN High Commissioner for Refugees via Reliefweb (New York)
2023-09-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The junta’s opponents are contesting roads, rivers and railways throughout the country, but the regime retains sufficient control over supply lines to sustain its offensives.
Description: "Opposition forces across the country launched multiple attacks on regime convoys and flotillas carrying supplies and reinforcements, as well as against infrastructure like bridges and railways. To secure its lines of communication, the regime deployed more firepower and sent advance units to raid and depopulate nearby communities. This month’s update looks at recent dynamics in the Dry Zone, Bago East, and Kayah, where fighting along vital transport routes continues to escalate. Regime makes progress over Dry Zone resistance, although some units grow stronger Widespread armed violence persisted across the Dry Zone, with regime units continuing their efforts to locate and destroy independent Local Defence Forces (LDFs).? In July, the IISS described an ongoing shift in tactics away from the pervasive use of arson by regime forces. Instead, soldiers are increasingly employing more select forms of violence, drawing on improved intelligence to help them identify and kill resistance fighters and their supporters. Reports of raids, killings, and torture by regime forces continue even as the pace of village arson declines. The number of successful raids against LDFs coupled with information from multiple sources suggest that the regime may be making progress in reducing the number of localised armed actors operating across the Dry Zone. Most LDFs continue to depend primarily on homemade weapons, restricting their ability to effectively defend against raids, which accelerated after the regime dedicated additional resources to this theatre of operations early this year. Single attacks by regime units commonly result in the destruction of entire resistance cells. Although independent and poorly equipped LDFs appear to be facing mounting difficulties, some individual People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) operating in coordination with the National Unity Government (NUG) or ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) appear increasingly coordinated and well-equipped. Over the last two months, photo and video evidence uploaded to social media has shown the growing prevalence of what appear to be factory-manufactured rifles, rather than homemade weapons, in the hands of uniformed PDF units operating in the Dry Zone. If these trends continue into 2024, the conflict in central Myanmar may evolve from a grassroots rebellion into a protracted insurgency waged by a smaller number of armed outfits. The geographical extent of fighting between combatants could become more limited even as some individual battles intensify. The Dry Zone has also witnessed intensified conflict along its rivers, which both sides rely on for transport and supply. In late July, a regime flotilla of six supply ships and three gunboats departed from Mandalay, traveling up the Irrawaddy River on its way to Kachin State. On 31 July, a similarly-sized flotilla embarked from Monywa, moving north along the Chindwin River. In both instances, the regime sent advance columns to secure the riverbank as the flotilla moved upriver by conducting village raids, leading to mass displacement as well as the death and injury of numerous civilians. Multiple resistance outfits equipped with makeshift rockets and small arms made unsuccessful attempts to halt the regime’s waterborne convoys by launching ambushes from dug-in positions along the riverbank. Violence along the Irrawaddy and Chindwin rivers is likely to accelerate, leading to more civilian casualties and displacement.....Resistance contests regime supply lines in Bago East The last three months saw a marked acceleration of fighting in Bago East, where allied units from the Karen National Union (KNU) and PDFs are exerting increased pressure on one of the country’s most important corridors. Resistances forces may now aim to break out onto the western side of the Sittaung River in order to threaten three important routes linking Yangon to Naypyidaw and Mandalay: the railway, the old highway, and the new highway further to the west. In the last three months, resistance forces have carried out multiple ambushes near to the railway and old highway. The regime’s hold on the new highway, however, remains relatively secure for now. Some of the more notable fighting has occurred outside the towns of Kyauktaga and Nyaunglebin, where the river nears the old road and railway. Yet resistance forces will need to overcome several significant obstacles if they are to expand operations further west beyond the Sittaung River. The Karen Hills, which are dominated by the KNU, are an important supply base and launching pad for attacks along the eastern side of the valley. To threaten the new highway in the west, coalition forces will need to establish a firmer foothold in the Bago Mountains or risk overstretching their supply lines. Resistance activities in the Bago Mountains appear limited for the time being. Despite a growing number of ambushes and acts of sabotage, the regime’s strengths in air and artillery will likely prevent resistance forces from consolidating control over any exposed segment of the transport corridor. Since the coup, a similar contest over the Asia Highway 1 in Kayin and Mon states has involved numerous resistance disruptions to commerce and logistics, sometimes for weeks at a time. However, the regime has consistently proven itself able to repel major offensives, repair damaged segments of the road, and resume the flow of troops and traffic. Moreover, attacks on infrastructure are costly for resistance forces and their civilian supporters who also rely on the same roads and bridges used by the regime. A limited contest along transport routes in Bago is likely to continue, especially in the southeastern portion of the Sittaung Valley. Kayah State resistance maintains operational tempo despite regime onslaught An ongoing battle that began in March this year continued unabated in Kayah State, where the regime and a coalition of Karenni resistance outfits are vying for control over key lines of communication. In late May, regime forces adopted a blockade strategy by seizing control of the main junctions and roads along the border between Kayah and Shan states. On 13 June, however, a sizeable faction of soldiers from the regime-aligned Karenni border guard forces defected before launching attacks alongside resistance units in the state’s southeast. The mutiny forced the regime to dispatch additional units southward in an ongoing attempt to regain control of Mese town and its surrounding positions. Karenni fighters have attempted to halt the regime’s reinforcements with frequent ambushes, especially along the road between Demoso and Hpruso, the state’s second- and third-largest towns. In August, regime units seized several key villages along the route in an effort to secure safe passage for a convoy, reportedly comprising between 80 and 120 trucks. Karenni units responded with surprise attacks behind the enemy’s frontlines in early September, inflicting losses on the regime. In a recent interview, Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) chair Khun Bedu admitted that his forces could not stop the regime’s advances due to heavy air and artillery strikes. Though they struggle to consolidate their gains, Karenni fighters remain able to manoeuvre throughout the theatre and continually contest the state’s key sites, preventing the regime from establishing a secure frontline outside urban areas. Both sides have suffered significant casualties in the last two months. The Karenni resistance is possibly the most formidable of any movement to have emerged after the 2021 coup. Their success is drawn from a number of factors, including effective coordination among various outfits, a good degree of shared political vision, and strong leadership from field commanders. The Karenni coalition is also well-equipped, making it possible for its motivated fighters to maintain a high tempo of attacks against the regime. The ongoing battle involves some of the fiercest combat of the last two decades and is likely to continue indefinitely, with both sides stubbornly committed to the fight despite the mounting costs in lives and materiel. The conflict is driving a major humanitarian crisis, with as much as 75% of the state’s population displaced..."
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Source/publisher: International Institute for Strategic Studies
2023-09-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-19
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Description: "WEEKLY HIGHLIGHTS: In the South-East, the number of IDPs increased from 523,900 from last week to 530,400 this week. In Bago (East) Region, ongoing fighting forced 4,900 IDPs from Kyaukkyi Township to flee within the same township. This includes some 425 IDPs being displaced multiple times. In Kayin State, as a result of armed clashes, some 7,700 IDPs were displaced for the second time in Kyainseikgyi Township. In Mon State, some 20 IDPs from Thaton Township were displaced within the same township due to the fighting near their villages but have returned to their homes since then. In Shan (South), some300 IDPs from Mongkaing Township were displaced to Nansang Township due to intensified fighting in their area. In Tanintharyi Region, some 1,800 IDPs from Palaw Township were displaced within the township due to increased tensions and security concerns. Across the border, about 8,300 people from Myanmar remain displaced in Mae Hong Son Province, Thailand..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
2023-09-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The civilian death toll in Myanmar since the February 2021 coup surpassed 4,000 as of August 24 as the junta escalated its campaign of atrocities against its own people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which monitors civilian casualties and arrests by the regime. Number of post-coup civilian deaths in states and regions as of August 24, 2023 At least 1,080 civilians were killed between January 1 and August 24 of this year, as the junta intensified attacks on civilian targets, the AAPP estimated. An average of 130 civilians are killed each month by junta airstrikes, shelling, gunfire and other methods, it said. Junta forces killed nearly 3,000 civilians between February 1, 2021 and December 31, 2022. Estimated number of civilians killed in Myanmar so far this year (by gender) Graphic: The Irrawaddy Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners The resistance stronghold of Sagaing Region suffered the highest number of civilian causalities as junta troops conducted frequent raids, massacres, indiscriminate shelling and airstrikes in both rural and urban areas. Estimated number of civilian deaths by month so far this year Graphic: The Irrawaddy Source: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Nearly 1,800 civilians were killed in Sagaing (45 percent of the total civilian death toll) while tens of thousands of homes were incinerated in the region by junta forces since the military takeover. So far this year, more than 600 women civilians were killed and 18 rape cases were reported, the AAPP reported..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-09-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-02
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from Aug 22 to 31, 2023 Military Junta Troop launched airstrikes and dropped bombs in Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Kachin State, and Kayah State from August 22nd to 31st. Military Junta arrested over 30 civilians including 2 children and used them as human shields in Kachin State. They also arrested, tortured, and killed over 20 civilians from the Sagaing Region, Bago Region, Kachin State, and Shan State. A woman from Wetlet Township was raped and killed by the Military’s Junta on August 26th. The Head of the Prison who works under the Military Junta sued 33 political prisoners from Pathein Prison again with 2 more Penal codes. At least an underage child died and 4 were injured by the Military’s light and heavy attacks within a week. Civilians were forced to leave their places at least 6 times within a week by the Military Junta troops marching in the regions..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "La Hkum Lu Aung remembers a time when her life was peaceful and pleasant. Her family had enjoyed normal days, working hard to raise farm animals and cultivate rice and other crops in Nam Lin Pa village of Mansi Township, Kachin State. That was almost ten years ago, before conflict disrupted their lives and they had to flee from their homes. La Hkum Lu Aung has been living in Maing Khaung KBC camp for internally displaced people since then. "Life at the camp has been full of difficulties," she says. Among the different challenges that they have been facing, La Hkum Lu Aung says one of the most difficult problems was the lack of access to clean water. "Everyone at the camp used to collect water from a single hand pump so we could hardly ever collect sufficient water for ourselves. The water was also dirty and had high iron content, making it unsafe for drinking or cooking. It was not adequate even for washing clothes because it used to stain all our clothes," she says. In Maing Khaung village, a total of 6,200 people suffered from limited access to clean water, one of the most conflict-affected areas in Kachin State. The village also hosts 1,600 displaced people. Therefore, both displaced people and host communities would get water from hand-dug wells and hand pump boreholes, but it was not good enough for drinking, cooking, and washing clothes. To improve access to clean water for the people living in remote and conflict-affected areas of Kachin, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has implemented four gravity flow water system projects over the last five years, benefiting 11,000 people. The gravity flow water systems, designed to efficiently transport water from uphill springs to low-lying areas through pipelines, were set up in Sumpyiyang village (Putao Township), Lawa village (Hpakant Township), and Taunglin and Maing Khaung villages (Mansi Township). The system helps people save time and effort in collecting water from distant water sources and increases their access to clean water. "During our assessment visits, villagers shared their everyday struggle to access clean water in sufficient quantity. They were also eager to work collectively in creating a solution," says ICRC engineer Ko Thein Oo. He shares that the communities came together to carry materials to the site, dig for the pipelines, build grooves when the pipelines were laid and connect pipes to transfer water within the villages. "The gravity flow water system is a simple and cost-effective method of distributing water in areas where electricity or fuel is not available or affordable," says Ko Thein Oo. The system's effectiveness depends on various factors, including the terrain, the distance between the water source and the point of use, and the demand for water. "In Kachin, the system proved to be effective," he adds. La Hkum Lu Aung expresses that the system has significantly improved their lives. Now, we get clean water in abundance. We are no longer always anxious about our health and are even able to organize celebrations or events in the village without worrying about the quantity of water required. We appreciate the ICRC for all the help. La Hkum Lu Aung Lazing Bawk Mai, who is also from Maing Khaung village, says they used to struggle often to find someone to repair the hand pump. "I have four kids, which means that I have many clothes to wash. It used to be very difficult when we had to collect water from the hand pump. But since the ICRC set up the new system, I am not worried about this basic need. We have enough water, and it is very clean, so we drink without any hesitation," says Lazing Bawk Mai..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-08-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Documented incidents 11 August 2023: On the highway connecting Shwegyin town, near Puzun Myaung village, Swea Da Lwe village tract, Nyaunglebin township, Bago region, two ambulances were attacked with small firearms, injuring a male aid worker and damaging the roof and windows of one of the ambulances. The junta authorities accused an ethnic armed group and local resistance forces of the attack. Sources: Myaelat Athan, Popular News Journal and Telegram 12 August 2023: In Kanbalu town, township, and district, Sagaing region, a female midwife and four family members were stabbed and killed at their home by an unidentified armed group. The midwife was not affiliated with the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM). After being warned by the local resistance forces to be affiliated with CDM, she moved to the town. The junta authorities accused the local resistance forces of the attack. Sources: Delta News Agency, Mandalay Free Press and Popular News Journal 12 August 2023: On the highway connecting Falam town and Hakha town in Chin state, an ambulance leaving Falam town for Ramthlo village, Falam township was blocked by the Myanmar military while on its way to rescue seven civilians wounded in an air and ground attack of the village by the Myanmar military. Source: Chin Human Rights Organization 12 August 2023: At the military checkpoint in Dawei town, township, and district, the restrictions of transport of medicine and rice from Dawei town to the villages in the east of this town was reinforced with a warning that the people would be arrested and vehicles would be seized if they were found with medicine and rice cargoes. The restrictions have been in place since late 2021. Sources: Khit Thit Media and Tanintharyi Times 13 August 2023: In Tha Khut Ta Nei village and village tract, Budalin township, Monywa district, Sagaing region, a rural health centre, a monastery, market stalls, and civilian houses were torched in a two-day raid on the village by the Myanmar military. Sources: Mandalay Free Press, Myaelatt Athan and Myanmar Now 13 August 2023: In Pauk Kan village and village tract, Wetlet township, Shwebo district, Sagaing region, a rural health centre, a school, and civilian houses were attacked by the Myanmar military air force, injuring four civilians. The impact on the health facility and health workers was reported to be not known at the time of report. At the time of the attack the health facility was functioning with CDM-affiliated health workers. Sources: Kachin News Group, Khit Thit Media and Myaelatt Athan 14 August 2023: In Chanayethazan town and township, Mandalay city, district, and region, a CDM-affiliated obstetrician was arrested from her home by the junta authorities and security forces. Sources: Facebook, Irrawaddy and Telegram As reported on 15 August 2023: In Thin Gan Nyi Naung village and village tract, Myawaddy township and district, Kayin state, civilians were denied access to health care at a station hospital due to Border Guard Force and Myanmar military members receiving health care at the hospital and for the security reason of the junta forces. Source: Myanmar Pressphoto Agency 15 August 2023: On the highway connecting Monywa town and Mandalay town, near Myay Ne village and village tract, Monywa township and district, Sagaing region, a doctor, who was a political prisoner, was killed in a landmine attack on a convoy of five military trucks transferring prisoners from Monywa Prison to prisons in Myingyan town and Mandalay town. He was arrested on 24 September 2021 and sentenced to 11-year imprisonment for allegedly providing health care to civilians in areas affected by armed clashes, and for supporting local resistance forces. Sources: Mandalay Free Press and Radio Free Asia As reported on 16 August 2023: In Mese town, township, and district, Kayah state, a township hospital was damaged during armed clashes between the Myanmar military and a joint force of ethnic armed groups and local resistance forces that took place between 13 to 15 June 2023. The ceiling and window glasses were damaged and bullet holes on the walls of the hospital buildings. Artillery fire was used by both sides and airstrikes were conducted by the Myanmar military. Source: Myanmar Now 18 August 2023: In Nam Poke village and village tract, Mohnyin township and district, Kachin state, a female nurse and six civilians were injured during artillery shelling by the ethnic armed organisation Shan-Ni Army. Source: Mekong News 18 August 2023: In Mahaaungmyay town and township, Mandalay city, district, and region, the Mingalar Private Hospital was ordered to temporarily close for three months starting 25 August 2023. The junta’s order does not mention any reasons; however, the hospital employed two CDM-affiliated doctors arrested in February and August 2022. Sources: Delta News Agency, Mandalay Free Press and Radio Free Asia 19 August 2023: At the military checkpoint near Za Wea village and village tract, Tanintharyi township, Myeik district, Tanintharyi region, the Myanmar military blocked the transport of medicine, rice, and fuel from Myeik town to Tanintharyi town. Sources: Dawei Watch and Tanintharyi Times 20 August 2023: In Htee Paw So village and village tract, Hpruso township, Demoso district, Kayah state, a rural health centre was damaged during artillery shelling by the Myanmar military. Source: Kantarawaddy Times 21 August 2023: In Mindat town, township, and district, Chin state, a district hospital and three public schools were ordered to temporarily close down. The junta’s order does not mention any reasons; however, there were heightened clashes in the downtown area of Mindat town, and an ambulance owned by the hospital was seized from the hospital by the ethnic armed organisation Chin Defence Force on 20 August. At the time of the attack, the hospital was functioning, but only in a low profile. Before this attack, six health facilities with in-patient service, 40 health facilities with out-patient service, and 180 schools in this township were under the control of the ethnic armed organisation. Sources: Delta News Agency, Irrawaddy, The Mindat Post and Zalen 22 August 2023: In Myawaddy town, township, and district, Kayin state, a fully-functioning district hospital was damaged by a drone armed with explosives to drop two bombs. The roofs of mortuary and public latrines were damaged. The junta authorities accused the ethnic armed group Karen National Union and local resistance forces for the attack. Source: Telegram..."
Source/publisher: Insecurity Insight (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-28
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Sub-title: Junta soldiers stole food and set fire to houses.
Description: "Junta troops arrested around 100 villagers in Myanmar’s Magway region, killing one man, locals told RFA Tuesday. Around 100 soldiers raided Shwe Lin Swea in Myaing township on Sunday after bombarding the village with heavy artillery. They arrested 40 men and around 60 women, setting most free the following day. Locals said they held onto four men and tortured them, killing one 50-year-old man. “There were four arrested including Htay Win but he was killed,” said a local who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals. “One man escaped … When he was asked to drive a bullock cart by the soldiers he released the bullocks, pretended to chase them and ran away.” The local said two men were still being held by the troops but he didn’t know their names. The troops took rice, oil, beans and cooking utensils from the villagers before heading to another village, according to another local who also requested anonymity for safety reasons. “The troops moved on to Let Htoke Taw village in the afternoon and grabbed things from the village and even from the monastery [and put them in] three trucks,” the local said. “There is no one left in the village. The village was set on fire without anyone to defend [the houses].” Another local said troops burned around 40 houses in Myaing township. He said nearly 1,700 residents of Shwe Lin Swea and Let Htoke villages fled ahead of the junta raids. Aung Zeya, leader of the Myaing Villages Revolutionary Front, told RFA local defense forces clashed with the troops on Sunday as they moved the stolen food to another village in the township but he didn’t say how many casualties there were on either side. The junta spokesperson for Magway region, Than Swe Win, said that he was not aware of the incident because he was on medical leave. More than 10,000 homes in Magway region have been burned down by the junta and affiliated militias since the Feb. 2021 coup, according to the independent research group Data for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-23
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Description: "Junta airstrikes on civilian and resistance targets in Kayah State have risen sharply over the past six months, doubling the combined total in 2021 and 2022, according to the Progressive Karenni People Force (PKPF), which monitors regime atrocities in the state. THE PKPF’s report on Tuesday recorded a total of 572 airstrikes on civilian targets and battlegrounds in the resistance stronghold of Kayah State, as junta forces increasingly rely on aerial assaults amid heavy losses for their ground troops. However, the first half of 2023 saw twice as many regime airstrikes than in 2021 and 2022 combined. This period accounted for 68 percent of the total number of airstrikes conducted by the junta in the two and a half years since the coup. Meanwhile, at least 766 clashes have erupted between regime forces and allied resistance groups in Kayah State since the military takeover, the Karenni rights group said. The death toll among junta troops in Kayah is estimated at 2,230 – seven times larger than casualties suffered by resistance forces. Around 310 resistance fighters have been killed fighting the junta in Kayah State, according to the PKPF. Resistance groups had also destroyed 64 junta vehicles and seized a large quantity weapons and ammunition during the battles. Meanwhile, junta forces have killed around 516 civilians and detained 196 since the coup, the group reported on Tuesday. Junta shelling and bombing raids targeting civilians had also destroyed at least 1,639 houses and 39 religious buildings. On June 6, resistance forces established the Karenni State Interim Executive Council (IEC) as an interim government body, while junta administration only functions in the state capital of Loikaw, according to local sources. Meanwhile, fighting has escalated in Hpaswang and Mese townships after the regime sent heavy reinforcements to Kayah State last month. The United Nations estimates that at least 98,400 people were displaced in the state as of July 17. However, local aid groups on the ground report that more than 270,000 people have been displaced in Kayah State and neighbouring Pekon township of Southern Shan State. Aid groups said around 100,000 people are in urgent need of food supplies and healthcare assistance..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-08-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The latest attacks come amid reports that the military is using the river to transport supplies to northern Sagaing Region
Description: "At least 5,000 people have been displaced by recent military raids targeting villages along the Chindwin River in Sagaing Region, according to local relief workers. The latest attacks come as seven cargo ships, accompanied by two gunboats, started making their way north from the Sit Pin Port in Monywa early Monday morning, locals reported. “We assume they’re going to Homalin and Mawlaik townships with supplies, weapons and ammunition. Troops on the ground raided Say Thu, which is right on the river, this morning,” a resident of the area told Myanmar Now on Monday. Many of the displaced civilians are from Sone Chaung, a large village located opposite Monywa on the western bank of the Chindwin. Most fled the village after junta troops massacred 14 residents on July 21. Some who returned after that incident said they were forced to flee again after soldiers stationed nearby renewed their attacks. “We went back, but we’re sure it’s not safe to stay overnight yet. Everyone’s been displaced since the military arrived,” said a Sone Chaung villager who spoke on condition of anonymity. Other villages affected by the recent raids include Than Po, Sithu, Pan Tein Pyin, and Kyauk Hmaw, according to local relief workers. Myanmar’s military often uses the Chindwin River to transport supplies to remote parts of northern Sagaing Region. The regime has faced fierce resistance to its rule throughout the region since it seized power in a coup in February 2021. Military supply lines are a frequent target of anti-junta groups that have deployed guerrilla tactics as a means of weakening the junta’s ability to assert control over the country’s population. According to the latest United Nations estimates, ongoing conflict in Myanmar has displaced at least 1.6 million civilians over the past two and a half years..."
Source/publisher: "Myanmar Now" (Myanmar)
2023-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Key Event Details Location of Incident: Three villages in Palaw Township (ပုလောမြို့နယ်), Tanintharyi Region (တနင်္သာရီ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး). To (တို) village [12.865942, 98.660944] Tan Shin (တန်းရှင်း) village [12.873319, 98.668229] Thin Gan Taw (သင်္ကန်းတော) village [12.877906, 98.671760] Date/Time of incident: 30 December 2022 Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement: Myanmar Military Conclusions by Myanmar Witness Myanmar Witness documented 32 fire incidents in the Tanintharyi region during 2022. On 30 December 2022, the villages of To village, Tan Shin village and Thin Gan Taw village in Palaw township experienced fires and over 60 houses were reportedly set alight by the Myanmar military. Myanmar Witness verified the fires by geolocating and chronolocating user-generated content (UGC) showing the damage. Myanmar Witness has verified that at least 48 houses were set on fire in the villages of To, Tan Shin and Thin Gan Taw. Information gathered by Myanmar Witness suggests that Myanmar military are likely to be responsible for the fires. Summary Myanmar Witness’ ongoing fire monitoring recorded at least 32 cases of fires in Tanintharyi region (တနင်္သာရီ တိုင်းဒေသကြီး) during 2022. This report focuses on fires that happened on 30 December 2022, during which more than 60 houses were set on fire in three villages of Palaw township (ပုလောမြို့နယ်) in Tanintharyi region. Myanmar Witness verified that the fires occurred in To (တို), Tan Shin (တန်းရှင်း), and Thin Gan Taw (သင်္ကန်းတော) villages. Myanmar Witness concluded that the most likely perpetrator is the Myanmar military. Background and Context The military seized power and detained the officially elected government on 1 February 2021. Since then, the Myanmar military has repeatedly committed human rights violations such as arbitrary arrests and torture, setting entire villages alight, and mass killings across the country. In this report, Myanmar Witness investigates the three incidents that reportedly damaged or destroyed more than 60 houses in three villages during the last week of December 2022. Prior to this event, Myanmar Witness’ monitoring reveals that at least 29 other fire incidents occurred in Tanintharyi during 2022. As previous reporting indicates, civilian homes are overwhelmingly impacted during these events. Homes were destroyed during at least three separate fire incidents in the first three months of 2022, 20 incidents in April, May, June and July, two incidents in September and October, and four incidents in November. According to Dawei Watch, approximately 48, 7, and 14 houses were destroyed by the fire in To, Tan Shin, and Thin Gan Taw villages respectively in the last week of December. Through an in-depth investigation, Myanmar Witness has confirmed that at least 47 houses were damaged or destroyed by the fires. Methodology & limitations To read the methodology and limitations, download the PDF. Fires in Tanintharyi township during 2022 Burnt homes in Palaw Township Verifying the fires using geolocation Myanmar Witness identified 46 houses in To village, and one house in Tan Shin village, that were damaged or destroyed by the fires. Drone footage captured the period when To village was engulfed in flames and smoke (Figure 3; top). Myanmar Witness fellows were able to geolocate the footage to the village using satellite imagery (figure 3; bottom). During this analysis, Myanmar Witness scrutinised satellite imagery of the area over time. The house circled in white (figure 3) was not built in November 2021 (as it was not visible in the imagery from that period). This new house, along with the house circled in orange, which were both used during the geolocation, were completely destroyed by the fire. Myanmar Witness was also able to verify the extent of the damage on the ground using a video recording taken by two men driving a motorcycle through the destroyed village (source redacted due to privacy concerns). The footage was compared with satellite images to identify which houses were destroyed (figure 4). The route taken by the video recorders is shown with the red line, with the starting point of the video on the far right. The houses shown in yellow were damaged or destroyed by the fire, and Myanmar Witness was able to identify 40 damaged or destroyed houses. It is possible that more houses were destroyed, however these were not captured by the video footage. Between November 2021 (when the latest imagery of To village on Google Earth was taken) and December 2022, new houses had been constructed in the village. For example, this investigation revealed two destroyed homes which were not visible in earlier satellite imagery. The location of these two houses is outlined in orange (figure 4). Additionally, figures 5 and 6 show the geolocations of five damaged houses to To village. Perpetrators Myanmar Witness has previously and extensively reported on the use of fire by the military against villages with known anti-State Administration Council (SAC) links. In this case, when the drone captured footage of the three villages engulfed in smoke, a military convoy (outlined by the red box in figure 13) was visible near to the fires. Myanmar Witness can confirm that the vehicles in the convoy are commonly used by the Myanmar military and has identified this type of vehicles within other military activity (figure 14). For example, the three vehicles shown in red in figure 14, left, are the same as those shown in figure 14, top right. The seven vehicles shown in white in figure 14, left, are identical to those seen in figure 14, bottom right. Although there is no footage showing military personnel setting the fires alight, Myanmar Witness concluded that the presence of Myanmar military convoy in the vicinity of the fires increases the likelihood that they were the perpetrators. Conclusion In this investigation, the Myanmar Witness fellows investigated fires which led to the destruction of civilian homes in Palaw township, Tanintharyi region, on 30 December 2022. The location and time of the fires was verified using geolocation techniques (a location-based verification method) and chronolocation (a location-based time calculation method). According to reports, about 69 houses were burnt down. Myanmar Witness concluded that at least 47 houses were damaged or destroyed by the fires. Given the presence of a military convoy in the vicinity of the fires, Myanmar Witness deems that it was likely that the Myanmar military was responsible for the fires. This is in line with other documented military activity..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2023-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Troops have been raiding villages almost daily since last Friday
Description: "A junta raid on Tuesday forced nearly 5,000 residents from 10 villages in Sagaing region to flee, locals told RFA. They said a junta column raided a village in Salingyi township this morning, prompting locals from other villages in the area to abandon their homes. “In the past people normally returned to their villages if the junta column left and went away,” said a villager who didn’t want to be named for security reasons. “But now it’s raining and hot, so the roads are bad and it's hard for people [to move around].” The local said the junta had been carrying out systematic raids on villages almost every day since July 21. Residents said they are also scared to return home because they fear junta gunboats will come up the river firing heavy artillery. RFA reached out to the junta’s Sagaing region spokesman, Saw Naing, for comment but he did not answer calls on Tuesday. Nearly 800,000 Sagaing region residents have been forced to flee their homes due to the conflict since the junta staged a February 2021 coup, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA)..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: A federal system that is genuinely inclusive, sustainable, and democratic must include a prominent role for women from the country’s ethnic minority communities.
Description: "The decades-long struggle for a democratic Myanmar has been marked by many false dawns and untimely collapses, with the challenge of holding together a multiethnic and multicultural union often proving too much of a hurdle. The civil war has only worsened since the illegal coup in February 2021, and while the military junta’s rule is doomed to fail, it is clear that Myanmar must start working toward its democratic future now to ensure that peace, when it comes, is meaningful and lasting. Doing this will require reflection on why previous attempts have been unsuccessful. It is more apparent than ever that Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement must adopt bottom-up approaches moving forward – and this must start with ensuring the equal participation of women. In Myanmar, women have long faced discrimination due to laws, religious rules, and conservative social traditions. The onset of the civil war in 1948 brought concerns about women’s safety on the battlefield. However, following the military coup in February 2021, the role of women has undergone a transformative shift compared to previous decades. Women have taken prominent positions in the resistance to bring an end to the brutal military dictatorship, and are leading the humanitarian relief and emergency support efforts in conflict-affected areas. Over the decades, the women of Myanmar have been repeatedly told by men that establishing a democratic union must come before their calls to ensure gender equality. The Spring Revolution is no exception. Tragically, numerous women have lost their lives in battles against the Myanmar military. Additionally, many women in Myanmar find themselves single-handedly shouldering the responsibility of leading their families following the demise of male family members in the conflict. Despite the many obstacles placed before women throughout Myanmar’s history, they have prevailed by continuing to be advocates for peace, justice, and equality in their communities. Women continue to emerge as survivors of political and military conflict while stakeholders refuse to recognize their resilience and capabilities. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. This must change. The Myanmar military junta is undoubtedly the shared enemy of the people and the main obstacle to achieving long-term, sustainable peace and democracy. However, removing the junta from power is not the be-all-end-all of the struggle for a democratic Myanmar. As history has shown, the election of the National League for Democracy, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was not enough to ensure respect for human rights, democracy, and federalism. The roadmap to a sustainable federal Myanmar requires dismantling patriarchal attitudes and beliefs that have held back women and ethnic people from having an equal say in government and public policy. The future of Myanmar must be rooted in equality; men and women in Myanmar should work together to pursue gender-forward policies which champion all groups and identities. As we strive for democracy, it is crucial to consistently implement measures safeguarding women’s lives, security, and rights. We must devise strategies that support the courage and leadership abilities demonstrated by women who have emerged during the ongoing resistance against the military junta’s brutal oppression. Women human rights defenders have been working toward this vision for decades, but its success also requires the willpower and commitment of men. While the resistance is ongoing, all members of the pro-democracy movement must begin unlearning harmful practices, many of which stem from Burmanization. Further, the promotion of harmful stereotypes which suggest women are indecisive and incapable of holding leadership positions must be abandoned. In the meantime, Myanmar’s human rights situation is volatile and rife with widespread and systematic violations of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties. The current conditions deprive civilians, including the most vulnerable, of their dignity and basic rights. An urgent and coordinated response is needed to end military impunity and promote democratic norms and values in the country. This can be achieved by establishing local governance systems in each state and region through a bottom-up, grassroots approach. A strong example of this approach and its adaptation is the Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC), which recently established its interim executive committee, becoming the first state to form its governing body. The KSCC cooperates with local organizations to solve political problems and provide services. KSCC established an interim executive council (IEC) for the people of Karenni State, including women’s leadership and participation. The formation of the IEC is a clear example of how this equality-focused approach can work in this context. For federalism to be successful, what is happening in Karenni State must be replicated in the country’s other ethnic states, with their autonomy recognized by the National Unity Government. Local government administrations must have clearly defined policies, meaning there needs to be equal engagement of all stakeholders, including women. Doing so will ensure that the local governance structures established meet the needs of the people, including reliable and safe access to health care, education, legal services, and accountability mechanisms. Women across Myanmar are committed to these outcomes and have decades of experience working with armed actors, political bodies, and rights groups to provide security and protection for their communities. Therefore, to ensure long-lasting peace and security in Myanmar, it is imperative to recognize the resilience of women in the revolution and to protect their rights. Women must be supported in their various roles, including providing security and humanitarian relief for their communities. Further, their leadership and engagement are necessary for decision-making in local governance structures and through international diplomatic channels. The development of federalism and democracy in Myanmar will no doubt require the participation of the National Unity Government and the National Unity Consultative Council. But without the participation of other stakeholders, including women, youth, strike committees, and ethnic communities, there is no way that a democratic, federal Myanmar can be sustainable. The international community, including ASEAN, must recognize this and support and promote the participation of women in establishing local governance structures in Myanmar to ensure meaningful and lasting peace in the country..."
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Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Almost 50,000 more people were displaced by the escalating conflict between junta troops and resistance forces in Myanmar between June 12 and July 17, according to the United Nations refugee agency. An additional 46,700 people were displaced in four regions—Sagaing, Tanintharyi, Magwe and eastern Bago—and five states—Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon and Shan—during the five weeks, reports released by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in June and July say. At least 20,000 people in Tanintharyi Region, 13,700 in Sagaing Region and 9,300 in Karen State were displaced by conflict during the period. Another 3,500 people in Mon State and 3,100 in Bago Region fled their homes during the five weeks due to escalating fighting between junta troops and resistance forces, or raids, indiscriminate shelling, airstrikes, and the threat of arrest or murder by junta forces. The new figures raise the total of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar to nearly 1.9 million. The number of IDPs surpassed 1.8 million in Myanmar on June 12, 2023, according to UNHCR. Ongoing fighting between regime troops and anti-regime forces in resistance strongholds after the February 1, 2021 coup is the cause in the surge of IDPs. There were an estimated 328,000 IDPs in Myanmar before the coup. Of estimated 1.9 million IDPs now, 83 percent (over 1.5 million) were displaced after the coup in seven states and four regions. UNHCR also reported the number of IPDs has increased in southeast Myanmar, saying in an Emergency Update on July 3: “Children and youth are reportedly targets for arrest and forced recruitment, as they are increasingly on the move in the region. In addition, reports of gender-based violence are also on the rise.” The number of IDPs had risen to 491,600 in southern Shan, Karen, Kayah and Mon states, and Bago and Tanintharyi regions, since the coup, it estimates. The number of IDPs surged 40 percent in Tanintharyi Region, 11 percent in Mon State and nine percent in Karen state between June 12 and July 17. The UN refugee agency put the number of people fleeing to neighbouring countries since the coup at 94,000, saying 67 percent (63,500) remain stranded in India and Thailand. Some 54,400 people are taking refuge in Mizoram and Manipur states in India, while 9,000 refugees remain displaced in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son province, alone, according to the UNHCR reports. Before the coup, there were 21,000 refugees and asylum seekers residing in India, 92,000 in Thailand. Another 930,000 refugees from Myanmar are in Bangladesh, primarily Rohingya who fled atrocities in Rakhine State in 2017..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Key Event Details Location of Incident: 13 villages in Shwegu township (ရွှေကူ မြို့နယ်), Kachin state (ကချင် ပြည်နယ်) Man Wein (မံဝိန်း) village [24.137754, 96.738591] Si Thar (စီသာ) village [24.128808, 96.745465] Man Nar (မံနား) village [24.126390, 96.745613] Tone Kauk (တုံးကောက်) village [24.136419, 96.753562] Si Thaung (စီသောင်) village [24.107611,96.746033] Man Hkar (မံခါး) village [24.117149, 96.737877] Si Maw (စီမော်) village [24.136141, 96.719658] Hing Kawng (ဟိန်ကောင်) village [24.131099, 96.724823] Si Mu Gyi (စီမူကြီး) village [24.153250, 96.739304 Si Mu Lay (စီမူလေး) village [24.149589, 96.732140] Nam Lang (နန့်လန်) village [24.157110, 96.719063] Nawng Let Gyi (နောင်လက်ကြီး) village [24.162870, 96.723030] Moe Kint (မိုးကင့်) village [24.131803, 96.711720] Date/Time of Incident: 24 March 2023 - 11 April 2023 Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement: Light Infantry Division (LID) 88 ​​Infantry Battalion (IB) 10, IB 77 under LID 88 Myanmar Air Force (MAF) Kachin Independence Army (KIA) Shwegu People’s Defense Force (PDF) Summary of Investigation: Shwegu township is an area of known resistance and site of clashes between the local Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Shwegu People’s Defense Force (PDF), and the military. Multiple incidents were reported by social media users and local media in Shwegu between the end of March and mid-April including airstrikes, destruction of a medical facility, and ground battles. Myanmar Witness has fully verified damage and destruction to structures in five villages through the geolocation of user-generated content (UGC). Myanmar Witness partially verified fires in several other villages in Shwegu township between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023. Myanmar Witness also investigated claims that these attacks have resulted in the death and displacement of civilians in the township but have been unable to verify these occurrences. Executive Summary On 24 March 2023, it was alleged that Myanmar military forces clashed with KIA and PDF joint forces in Shwegu township, Kachin state. As a result of these clashes, which continued from 25 March 2023 to 11 April 2023, multiple villages - 13 were identified by Myanmar Witness - suffered air and ground attacks from the Myanmar military resulting in fires and the destruction of housing. Some villages experienced multiple fires within this time period. Myanmar Witness verified, through geolocation and chronolocation of UGC and FIRMS data, fires in 13 villages in Shwegu township between 24 March and 11 April 2023. Media sources reported that 12 villages were affected during the clashes, but Myanmar Witness has also identified fires in Moe Kint village. This could indicate that 13 villages were affected. Additionally, Myanmar Witness geolocated an alleged airstrike in Si Thar village; a site that the Shwegu PDF claimed the military had attacked. Myanmar Witness has geolocated additional footage which purports to show a medical facility having suffered damage akin to an airstrike attack in Si Thar village, suggesting that civilian infrastructure has been affected by the clashes in Shwegu. Myanmar Witness has identified content that indicates the presence of Myanmar military troops during and/or before the fires in Shwegu and around the affected area. Their presence was determined by cross-referencing location information from pro-Security Administration Council (SAC) media channels and social media claims related to SAC personnel presence and operations in the area. Background and Context Shwegu has experienced clashes between the military, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and local PDF since the military coup in February 2021. By June 2021, Myanmar Peace Monitor reported that roughly 6,000 civilians had fled from 42 locations in Mansi and Shwegu townships, Kachin state, due to clashes in the area. The Shwegu region borders three notably important conflict areas in Myanmar: Sagaing (part of the ‘dry zone’), Kachin, and Shan (Figure 1). Prior to the coup, Kachin was an area of prolonged internal conflict. Ethnic armed organisations have long sought autonomy over the state and control over its natural resources. Since the coup, the KIA has been one of the ethnic armed organisations actively supporting the development of armed resistance in the dry zone, such as Sagaing and Magway. In these areas, fighting between the PDF and the military is ongoing, with repeated claims that the military is targeting communities in areas of suspected PDF activity. Attacks impacting civilians have become more commonly reported and investigated by Myanmar Witness. For example, Myanmar Witness investigated an airstrike on a concert which reportedly killed over 80 people. Multiple media organisations have reported on the destruction in Shwegu between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023. Civilian houses in Nam Lang village were allegedly destroyed due to clashes between local defence forces and the military on 24 March 2023. On 25 March, BBC Burma reported that airstrikes had taken place in the villages of Nam Lang, Man Wein and Si Thaung. On 30 March 2023, Khit Thit Media reported that the SAC cut the internet and phone connections in Shwegu township. The military has historically used internet shutdowns to quell opposition, notably since taking power in February 2021 and — as Myanmar Witness has previously reported on — during the following months of anti-military protest. However, platforms such as Netblocks, OONI and IODA, which often report on communications blackouts, provide no indication that there was an internet shutdown, preventing Myanmar Witness from verifying these claims. Nevertheless, there is relatively little UGC associated with the fires in Shwegu, supporting the notion that some form of restriction on communication systems was in place. Since 30 March 2023 — when it is alleged that the military cut the internet connection — several villages were reportedly attacked by the military using airstrikes and arson, including: Man Wein, Si Thar, Tone Kauk, Si Thaung, Man Hkar, Si Maw, Nam Lang, and Nawng Let Gyi. The media generally report clashes in 12 villages in Shwegu, which resulted in fires. Myanmar Witness has partially verified fires in a further six villages using low-resolution satellite imagery analysis and FIRMS: Man Nar, Hing Kawng, Si Mu Gyi, Si Mu Lay, and Moe Kint. Myanmar Witness was able to verify: At least 13 villages suffered fire damage between 24 March and 11 April 2023. The destruction of the villages was verified through the use of Sentinel satellite imagery. The possible dates of fires were identified through FIRMS, which indicated that some villages may have been attacked multiple times. Four villages were badly affected by fire. The damage and destruction, as shown by UGC, was geolocated to: Si Thaung, Man Wein, Si Thar, and Nawng Let Gyi villages. Some structural damage was also verified in Man Nar village allegedly due to airstrikes. A building in Si Thar, allegedly a medical facility, was badly damaged during the timeframe investigated. The investigation walkthrough Myanmar Witness identified a cluster of fires in Shwegu township using the Myanmar Witness fire database, which were then verified using FIRMS and Sentinel. Following this, Myanmar Witness conducted an investigation to identify related UGC and reports via social media channels and official media sources, which led to further verification of the impact of the fires and destruction in five of the villages. Myanmar Witness cannot verify the exact number of houses destroyed due to the limited UGC and information. Multiple media sources claimed that the military were the single perpetrator responsible for the fires, setting them intentionally throughout the clashes with the KIA and PDF in the area. Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify these claims. Despite this, Myanmar Witness confirmed that fire incidents in Shwegu township were consistent with the locations where clashes between the military, KIA, and PDF were reported. The following section will provide information related to fires in the 13 villages. Fire incidents in five villages were classified as ‘fully verified’ as Myanmar Witness was able to identify and geolocate UGC associated with the fires and the destruction they caused (as per Myanmar Witness’ methodology). Incidents in the remaining villages were ‘partially verified’ using FIRMS and Sentinel data. Despite the verification of fire incidents and the resultant destruction, in all cases there is no evidence to conclusively say that the military was responsible. Lastly, the impact of the fires and clashes in the township was investigated, including the displacement and deaths of individuals. Myanmar Witness analysed satellite imagery from these locations and confirmed that the 13 villages had suffered from fire damage. Satellite imagery from 20 April 2023 (nine days after the clashes reportedly ended) demonstrates destruction in each village, some of which is considerable. Despite there being no related UGC of Si Maw, Hing Kawng, and Man Nar from 10 April 2023 to allow for the further verification of fires through geolocation, Myanmar Witness identified parts of these villages which appear to have active fires at the time when Sentinel satellite imagery was taken. This can be seen using Sentinel’s false colour filter on 10 April 2023 (Figure 7). Fires in five villages further verified using UGC Si Thaung Si Thaung village reportedly experienced fires more than once within the investigative timeframe. For example, the media reported the first fire on 25 March, however FIRMS didn't detect fire signatures that day. On the same day, a Shwegu Facebook page and the BBC posted images allegedly showing the aftermath of military attacks in Si Thaung, Si Mu Lay, and Man Wein. Myanmar Witness geolocated the images (Figure 8) to Si Thaung at 24.105928, 96.748044. Although there were claims of airstrikes in the area, the images posted by the Shwegu Facebook page are inconclusive. While some show destruction that is consistent with airstrike damage — houses have been completely destroyed with parts of the roofing and fencing broken — other images appear to show burnt flooring and material that could indicate fires where the houses were destroyed (Figure 9). Despite images of destruction to buildings, Myanmar Witness cannot fully verify the claims of an airstrike due to the lack of geolocatable features or verifiable evidence in these images, particularly of aircraft or munitions in the area. FIRMS detected heat signatures on 9 April; this is consistent with the destruction Myanmar Witness identified using Sentinel satellite imagery on 20 April. Sentinel imagery from 20 April 2023 shows ground changes, suggesting potential fire damage to Si Thaung. This indicates that the village could have been the site of clashes more than once between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023. Man Wein On 30 March 2023, Mandalay Free Press reported on an airstrike in Man Wein and claimed that almost the entire village was burned down after the airstrike. The military allegedly set fire to the village by hand. FIRMS registered a fire at around 0844 on 30 March 2023 in Man Wein. Myanmar Witness geolocated PDF drone footage that reveals that almost the whole of Man Wein was damaged by fire. Myanmar Witness geolocated this drone footage to around 24.137754, 96.738591. Using Google Earth’s measurement tool, Myanmar Witness estimates that a 60 m squared area of Man Wein was destroyed, as shown in the drone footage. This coincides with the Sentinel satellite imagery burn mark visible the day after the event on 31 March 2023 (Figure 10). Si Thar and Man Nar On 5 April 2023, the anti-military group Red Peacock media reported that Si Thar was hit by an airstrike, resulting in the destruction of the village’s hospital and fire damage to the adjoining village of Man Nar (Figure 11). FIRMS data shows multiple heat signatures in Si Thar and Man Nar villages on 5 Apr 2023, consistent with media claims that the military attacked these villages on these days. Both villages also appear to have suffered significant burn damage, evident through changes to ground coverage as identified using Sentinel imagery (dated 20 April 2023). Shwegu PDF posted footage on 6 April 2023, purporting to show the aftermath of the airstrike on the medical facility which Myanmar Witness geolocated to 24.128808, 96.745465 (Figure 12). Myanmar Witness also geolocated images of destruction to Man Nar village. Limited UGC showing the aircraft or munitions has made it difficult for Myanmar Witness to confirm the airstrike. Despite this, the damage to structures in Si Thar and Man Nar appears to be consistent with an air attack: buildings suffered structural damage (especially to roofing). Additionally, images posted online by Shwegu PDF indicate that there was fire damage and active fires. Nawng Let Gyi On 11 April 2023, Mizzima reported that the military set fire to Nam Lang and Nawng Let Gyi (for the second time). FIRMS also detected high heat signatures around Nam Lang on 11 April 2023. Myanmar Witness analysed Sentinel imagery (taken on 20 April 2023) and confirmed that both villages suffered significant ground changes which are consistent with burn damage. Myanmar Witness also identified and verified UGC from Nawng Let Gyi village, confirming the extent of the destruction (uploaded by a private account and the source has been redacted due to privacy concerns). Displacement and Victims Clashes causing displacement On 23 March 2023, The 74 Media reported that thousands of residents from the western side of Shwegu were seen fleeing Shwegu township at around 0800 local time, as the military was reportedly using heavy weapons in the area. Similarly, on 17 April 2023, Kachin News Group reported that around 10,000 people had fled Shwegu, with more than half of them living in surrounding jungles, where emergency medical aid and food were needed. Individuals supporting IDPs from Shwegu told the Kachin News Group that IDPs feared returning to villages in southeast Shwegu due to concerns about the military’s return. At the time of reporting, Myanmar Witness has not identified verifiable footage of IDP movement from the township. It’s likely that internet shutdowns and ongoing conflict could have hampered the documentation and reporting of these events. As such, these claims have not, as of yet, been verified. Deceased individuals PCT reported at least 17 known KIA/PDF soldiers were killed by the military during the clashes. On 19 April 2023, RFA also reported on casualties of the clashes, including that the bodies of ten individuals were found after the military convoy left Shwegu. The victims’ names and ages were shared online. The casualties reportedly aged between 22-60 years old. RFA also noted that these individuals had sustained injuries to their throats and gunshot wounds. MRTV uploaded images of three deceased individuals allegedly killed during the clashes; two of which were wearing military fatigues. The MRTV post alleged that these individuals were KIA/PDF personnel killed during clashes in the area. Myanmar Witness could not identify images of all of the deceased individuals. Graffiti Mandalay Free Press released Images online allegedly showing messages left on structures within Shwegu (although the specific village or location remains unknown). These messages contain profanities directed against the KIA and PDF (Figure 17). Myanmar Witness has reported on similar graffiti in other sites of conflict and have largely been considered an intimidation tactic. Munitions During the course of the investigation, Myanmar Witness analysed a video posted by local residents on Facebook on 12 April 2023, in which they claim that munitions from a military aircraft had been found in Si Thaung. Myanmar Witness cannot identify with certainty the type and model of the filmed ordnance nor the system that delivered it. At the same time, Myanmar Witness has identified some noteworthy details – reported below – which allow for an overall assessment that the ordnance filmed in the video was highly likely delivered by an aircraft. In the video, seven pieces of ordnance are visible. The seven pieces of ordnance appear to be identical apart from one, which has an additional tail kit with fins section still partly attached (Figure 19). Myanmar Witness believes that it is highly likely that the other six pieces of ordnance belong to the same model as the seventh but lack the additional tail kit, which may have been lost during flight or impact. The presence of add-on tail kits strongly suggests these rounds were re-purposed to be employed by aircraft. At the same time, the lack of suspension lugs on all of the bombs’ bodies indicates that these rounds could not have been attached to any aircraft pylons. The possibility that these rounds were fired by a rocket pod must be excluded, given the absence of a rocket motor and the fixed tail fins. For these reasons Myanmar Witness strongly believes that these seven rounds may in fact be sub-munitions, released mid-air by a larger, cargo-type bomb. An additional element which corroborates this thesis is the strong resemblance between the only surviving tail kit found in Shwegu township with other add-on tail kits allegedly found in the Kokang region of Shan State – following SAC airstrikes – and posted on Facebook on 28 December 2022 (shown below). On that occasion the add-on kits were found together with a large container-type bomb. Conclusion Myanmar Witness investigated a cluster of 13 fires in Shwegu township between 24 March 2023 and 11 April 2023. These fires coincided with claims online that the military was active in the area. All 13 fires were confirmed using FIRMS and sentinel satellite imagery, and five of the fires were further verified following the geolocation of UGC of the fire damage. As a result, Myanmar Witness is confident that multiple fires occurred in villages in Shwegu around the time clashes were taking place in the area. Myanmar Witness has also identified several allegations of airstrikes and claims related to munitions found in these attacks. It is claimed online that LID 88 and the Myanmar Air Force were responsible, causing destruction to medical facilities and close to places of worship. While this could not be verified, the munitions found were consistent with those used in other Myanmar Air Force attacks. This investigation has highlighted the destruction of civilian infrastructure and identified claims related to the mass displacement of individuals from the township as well as human casualties. Myanmar Witness will continue to monitor claims related to the human toll of fires. Abbreviations Ethnic Armed Organization/Ethnic Resistance Organisation - EAO/ERO Fire Information for Resource Management System - FIRMS Kachin Independence Army - KIA People’s Defense Forces - PDF Local Defense Forces - LDF Myanmar Air Force - MAF State Administration Council - SAC User Generated Content - UGC..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2023-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-17
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Sub-title: On the Myanmar-Thai border, there are airstrikes, gunshots and explosions that no one in the outside world notices.
Description: "MAE HONG SON, THAILAND – In winter, international tourists flowed into Thailand’s northern towns when the country fully opened its borders after the Covid-19 pandemic. The sleepy town of Mae Sariang in Mae Hong Son province near the Thai-Myanmar border was full of visitors. Hotels and guesthouses were fully booked, highlighting the end of a pandemic that killed more than 30,000 people in the country. However, a one-hour drive from the town is Mae Sam Laep village, where silence and fear chill the air. While the whole country celebrated a return to normal life, residents in this small Thai village – many of whom fled from war-torn Myanmar – are haunted by the decades of civil war happening right on their doorsteps. Mae Sam Laep is next to the Salween River, the last free-flowing river in the Mekong region. Less than half a kilometer of this more than 3,000-km-long river is the border that divides the two countries. The sound of gunshots and explosions has become part of the villagers’ daily lives, along with the occasional sound of military aircraft from the Myanmar side of the river. Facing Myanmar’s Karen state, the villagers in Mae Sam Laep have seen the fighting between Myanmar’s military, known as the Tatmadaw, and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), escalate after the military coup in February 2021 – which overthrew the elected civilian government and left the country into turmoil. The KNLA is the armed wing of the Karen National Union (KNU), a political organization that has fought Myanmar’s central government since 1949 and called for a federal state in which ethnic Karen can determine their own political direction. The coup resulted in a rapidly growing resistance to the Tatmadaw by armed groups across the country, and the KNU was no exception. The military’s response was to deploy more forces and launch a series of airstrikes and raids aimed at cracking down on the resistant groups. At least 23 airstrikes were reported in Dooplaya district in southern Karen state from December 2021 to May 2022, according to the Karen Human Rights Group’s report. This resulted in several thousand Karen people fleeing across the Salween River to Mae Sam Laep in Thailand – creating a humanitarian crisis that halted the local economy and the tourism industry. Bunkering down As clashes between the military and armed groups increased, villagers along the Thai border were forced to build safety bunkers to avoid stray bullets from the Myanmar side. Students in Thai schools had to undergo evacuation training to prepare for unexpected fighting nearby. The escalating violence also disrupted the transportation of food and necessities on the Salween River. When I visited Mae Sam Laep early this year, the ports were empty and lifeless despite the lifting of Covid travel restrictions. Only a few boats were seen carrying goods from the Thai to the Myanmar side. Thai authorities had set up areas to temporarily host displaced people from Karen State. The border was officially closed due to security concerns, while visitors were not allowed to get near the border. This ghostly atmosphere contrasted with the pre-coup period when boats would queue up at the ports, waiting for passengers and goods to be carried over to the Myanmar side. Local villagers would organize boat trips for tourists, who came to explore the lush and then peaceful scenery along the Salween. Restaurants were crowded with customers looking to try local food. After the coup, many villagers reported seeing the Myanmar military’s fighter jets flying over their towns. However, this was denied by Thai security officers, who said the jets had not entered Thai air space. “We are mostly afraid of airstrikes,” one villager told me. “Many of us used our mobile phone cameras to capture photos of Myanmar aircraft flying near our houses. But we were asked by [Thai] soldiers to not upload the videos on social media or send them to journalists because it would affect diplomatic relations between Thailand and Myanmar.” With the villagers urged to stay silent, their stories have not been heard by outsiders, making the ongoing war invisible to the outside world. But this silence is louder than any sound. It resonates with the difficulties of villagers whose lives will not be at peace anytime soon. Rebuilding the economy However, living in the shadow of war, some villagers feel they cannot let themselves and their people be forgotten by outsiders. Recently, a group of villagers joined hands with local politicians in an effort to restore eco-tourism, with an attempt to bring in tourists despite the ongoing war on the other side of the border. Led by Phongphiphat Mibenchamat, the head of the Mae Sam Laep Administrative Organization who is known locally by his nickname Chai, the villagers hosted a media boat trip to show the natural beauty of the Salween River and the forest surrounding it. They hope the media will spread the word about their village and its attractions. Tourism can play a crucial role in boosting the local economy in the post-pandemic era as cross-border trade and farming have been disrupted by the war. “Tourist safety is still a challenge. But we must start rebuilding our profile in the industry now,” said Phongphiphat. Meanwhile, both the war and the pandemic have created a political vacuum that halted the development of seven proposed dams on the Salween River. One of those is the Hatgyi Dam, which is only 47 kilometers north of Mae Sam Laep. It was first proposed by the Myanmar government in 1998 and made a leap forward in 2005 when Myanmar and the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand signed a Memorandum of Understanding to develop the dam. About 90% of the 1,360-megawatts of electricity generated from the dam will likely be imported to Thailand. But progress has been marred by bloody conflicts and the project is unlikely to move on under the current military government. This political vacuum may leave civil society groups protesting against the dam in limbo for a while. But they believe the project will be revived once Myanmar’s political situation stabilizes. Their main concerns are the impact of the dam on the river’s rich biodiversity and people’s livelihoods. Thousands of villagers will be displaced by the dam’s construction. For local people, the dam seems to be a small concern in the face of never-ending war. Seeking new sources of income, like tourism, while ensuring safety and food on their plates, are now their urgent issues. However, the gunshots are still ringing loud in their ears.
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Source/publisher: Mekong Eye
2023-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Introduction Since the 2021 military coup, the Burma military junta, calling itself the State Administration Council (SAC), has carried out violent attacks against civilians throughout the country in an effort to crush all dissent and opposition to its rule. These attacks include assaults against villages and abuses against villagers in Southeast Burma. Since the coup, KHRG has received reports of increased human rights violations committed in Karen State, in particular where the Burma Army has targeted civilians instead of armed groups. While the United Nations’ Security Council has acknowledged the SAC’s targeting of civilians, little analysis has focused on the underlying logic that informs these attacks, particularly in ethnic states. Without an in-depth investigation into these patterns of abuse, the struggles of villagers and the conflict dynamics in Karen State cannot be fully understood. A careful investigation into these matters can also inform national, regional and international measures to protect civilians in Burma and to advance meaningful peace and justice in the country. For these reasons, this report provides an analysis of the Burma Army’s practices of deliberately targeting civilians in Karen State, looking specifically at how villagers in Southeast Burma understand and articulate human rights violations committed by the Burma Army. The report examines patterns of retaliatory abuses, as recounted by villagers, as well as other incidents of violence against villagers in the region documented by KHRG since the 2021 coup. The report clarifies the illegal and inhumane consequences of the SAC’s activities and identifies several factors underlying the SAC’s violence against civilians: the SAC targets villagers, considering them as “enemies”, averse to the regime due to their support of anti-coup protests or because of their perceived link with ethnic armed groups. SAC military also commits abuses against villagers to spread terror in the region and impose their rule, as well as to deter attacks by local armed forces against them. Under-supplied SAC soldiers also loot villagers’ properties. On numerous occasions, the targeting of nearby villages occurs after skirmishes between SAC and local resistance forces in the area. Lastly, villagers who refuse to comply with SAC orders are often targeted in overt retaliation. Military attacks against civilians are not accidental, nor are they the result of the Burma Army’s inability to distinguish civilian targets from military ones. Instead, these attacks are deeply rooted in an established practice of scapegoating in Southeast Burma, wherein villagers are blamed as a group for their perceived opposition to the military. Villagers are subjected to collective punishment, as the SAC launches punitive attacks against them for acts committed by other individuals considered to belong to the same group. By targeting civilians this way, the SAC violates international law, including by committing war crimes and crimes against humanity. Key Findings The military junta regularly targets civilians in Southeast Burma, in a deliberate manner, instead of directing their attacks to armed resistance groups, which has devastating and outspread consequences for local communities. These abuses take the form of air strikes and indiscriminate shelling towards villages, shooting villagers on sight and arbitrarily arresting them, and destroying and looting their properties, among others. Several distinct, yet often overlapping patterns can be identified in villagers’ testimonies explaining the mechanisms behind the SAC’s targeting of civilians. These patterns share a notion of scapegoating and collective punishment linked to the Burma military’s perception of villagers in Karen State as opponents and thereby prompting any retaliatory action against them, leading to grave abuses against civilians. Conventional understandings of the conflict in Southeast Burma fail to grasp key conflict dynamics on the ground. The reality is not a two-party conflict between the SAC troops and ethnic armed organisations (EAOs), with neutral civilians collaterally impacted. Rather, civilians are targeted intentionally and systematically by the military junta, thus showing its disregard for human life and its illegitimacy. The SAC attacks launched against civilians are in breach of international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law, particularly the interdiction of discrimination against any person on arbitrary grounds, as well as the prohibition of targeting civilians based on the principle of distinction between military and civilian targets. Military leaders must be prosecuted as such. Armed conflict is only one end of the spectrum of resistance against military control within society in Karen State, and villagers’ agency strategies are key to the civilian opposition against the military. Such efforts should be creatively supported, and conflict-sensitive understandings of the situation should be included in regional and international discourses and responses in Burma aiming for the protection of civilians and meaningful peace. Villagers’ voices and demands for decisive measures against and protection from SAC’s abuses are met with inaction by the international community, enabling the human rights and humanitarian crisis to worsen. Moreover, the lack of a meaningful response may push villagers towards taking up arms, and increase militarisation in the country. Recommendations To the international community, ASEAN, NGOs, funding agencies, and individual governments: Acknowledge that the military junta is the root cause of the current human rights and humanitarian crisis, and refrain from giving any legitimacy to the junta, including by signing agreements with them and presenting credentials to them. Call on ASEAN to suspend Burma’s ASEAN membership until a democratically-elected civilian government is restored; abandon the current Five-Point Consensus and develop a new plan that addresses the critiques outlined by numerous stakeholders; and cooperate with international and local actors to end the junta’s violence against the people of Burma. Support current investigations and proceedings to prosecute junta leaders, and seek out all additional opportunities (through ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction and other mechanisms) to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes. Broaden the scope of accountability in future proceedings to include SAC crimes committed against Karen peoples, not yet covered by current investigations, as well as to investigate the war crime of collective punishment and the crime against humanity of persecution. Increase financial support for and collaboration with local human rights organisations and actors operating on the ground to ensure that the widest representation of voices and experiences of oppressed peoples in Burma are considered. Acknowledging the SAC practice of purposely targeting civilians in Southeast Burma, ensure increased and adequate humanitarian assistance and protection, including support for victims of air strikes, displacement, property destruction, torture, arbitrary arrest, and other abuses. Ensure that the SAC is unable to hold decision-making power over the distribution of aid, and that funds are not indirectly being rerouted through the SAC. Consult and include local actors and communities in decision-making regarding humanitarian response and the resolution of the crisis, and prioritise and strengthen methods of service delivery and communication that rely on local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers. Urge neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not deny entry to people crossing the border seeking refuge, as well as to allow the passage of aid into Burma through cross-border aid organisations and local CSOs already operating in the area. Suspend exports of aviation fuel and all arms transfers to Burma, including weapons, munitions, surveillance technologies, and other military and security equipment, and take action to avoid contributing to these supply chains, whether directly or indirectly. Support coordinated and targeted sanctions against junta officials suspected of responsibility for international crimes and other serious violations of international law, as well as against their affiliated companies..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2023-06-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 7.7 MB (Original version) - 43 pages
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Description: "Human Rights Violations took place in States and Regions from June 8 to 14, 2023 Military Junta troops arrested over 100 local civilians from Thayetchaung Township, Tanintharyi Region, Mabein Township, Shan State and Sataung from Sagaing Region and used them as human shields from June 8th to 14th. Junta soldiers raped and killed 2 women from Mobye Township, Shan State and one woman from Ledo, Kayin State. The Military’s Head of the Prison tortured and investigated over 80 political prisoners from Myingyan Prison, Mandalay Region, moreover did not allow the permission of medical treatment and blocked the family visit for 3 months. Military Junta troops occupied 5 civilian houses and a rice mill within a week. Military Junta threatened in the announcement on June 12th that if the PDFs are arrested they will seal the house where the PDF rented. Military Junta soldiers are also raiding civilian places and still committing that they are burning civilian buildings, arresting, torturing and killing..."
Source/publisher: Network for Human Rights Documentation-Burma
2023-06-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Dear friends, We are very sad to share this news with you. The Burma Army troops in Moebya, Shan State, have killed at least six civilians over the last three days. The first three, shot to death on 6 June, were men. One of them was shot to death at 1000 on 6 June; another was hit by a 60 mm mortar (photos below) at 1630 as he was gardening. Then, while we were there trying to comfort the family of the man killed by the mortar, another civilian was shot dead by the Burma Army, on the far western side of town. The Burma military has three positions around the town, and most people have fled. However, some have tried to stay so that they can finish their harvest. The following day, on 7 June, the Burma military patrolled into the village and captured 12 villagers and yesterday, on 8 June, three of them were shot dead. They were all in the same family, two women, Maw Maw Oo, 31 years old, and Thein Gi Oo, 29 years old. With them was their father, Aye Win Oo, 57 years old. All three were shot in the head and their bodies dumped on the street. When the bodies were recovered, the two women showed signs of torture and rape. We just finished burying them today. As we were comforting the family, we heard from other villagers that three more villagers had been executed, but we haven’t found the bodies yet. These six villagers, trying to stay out of the war yet murdered anyway, are some of the over two thousand who have been killed by the Burma Army since the coup of 1 February 2021. Here in southern Shan State, there have been almost daily airstrikes, heavy mortar barrages, and shooting by Burma Army troops. In Burma, there are over three million people internally displaced now and everyone’s living in fear. There is no safe place. Please pray with us for the families and for change in Burma and for countries of goodwill to join in and help..."
Source/publisher: Free Burma Rangers
2023-06-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The military press release on the 2nd anniversary of the establishment of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) said that the administrative mechanism of the military council in Karenni State (Kayah) is now only in Loikaw. Founded on 31 May, 2021, the KNDF has formed 22 battalions and six military strategies. Our BNI-Myanmar Peace Monitor’s weekly news review for this week highlights the 2nd anniversary of the establishment of the KNDF and military and political shifts in Karenni (Kayah) State.....၂ နှစ်ပြည့် KNDF ၏ ကရင်နီဒေသဆိုင်ရာ သတင်းစကား ကရင်နီပြည် (ကယား) အတွင်း အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီ၏ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရားသည် လွိုင်ကော်မြို့ တစ်မြို့တည်းတွင်သာ ရှိတော့သည်ဟု ကရင်နီအမျိုးသားများကာကွယ်ရေးတပ် (KNDF) ဖွဲ့စည်းထူထောင်ခြင်း ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် စစ်ရေးသတင်းထုတ်ပြန်ချက်က ဆိုပါသည်။ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် မေလ ၃၁ ရက်တွင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခဲ့သည့် KNDF သည် ယခုအခါ စစ်ဗျူဟာ (၆) ဗျူဟာဖြင့် တပ်ရင်းပေါင်း ၂၂ ရင်းကို အခိုင်အမာ ဖွဲ့စည်းထားနိုင်ပြီဟုလည်း ဆိုပါသည်။ ယခုတစ်ပတ် BNI-Myanmar Peace Monitor ၏ အပတ်စဉ်သတင်းသုံးသပ်ချက်တွင် KNDF တည်ထောင်ခြင်း ၂ နှစ်ပြည့်နှင့်အတူ ကရင်နီပြည် (ကယား) ဒေသတွင်း စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေးအရွေ့များကို လေ့လာတင်ပြထားပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Peace Monitor
2023-06-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-09
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Description: "1. Introduction “If they shoot anyone they see [on sight] like this, all villagers will be gone.” Testimony of Saw N---, a 51-year-old villager from O--- village, Kaw Nweh village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, Dooplaya District.[1] Since the 2021 coup[2], the human rights and security situation in locally-defined Karen State[3] has worsened, with reports of violations committed by the State Administration Council (SAC)[4] increasing in the region, including air strikes, indiscriminate shelling, burning of civilian properties, arbitrary arrests, torture and deprivation of humanitarian aid. Killing cases are also regularly reported to KHRG across all seven districts in its operation area, with at least 45 cases of killings reported between January 2022 and April 2023. Of these, 22 took place in the past few months, between October 2022 and April 2023. The actual number of killing incidents is likely much higher than this. This briefing paper took as its subject of analysis 14 cases of killings of civilians by armed groups across Karen State, committed between October 2022 and April 2023, underlining their deep impact on the communities regarding villagers' safety and livelihood. Of the cases analysed for this briefing paper, 11 incidents were perpetrated by the SAC and its allied forces, and three were committed by local resistance armed groups. This paper provides a contextual and historical overview of the unsafe situation in Southeast Burma. It then shows evidence and patterns of killing incidents faced by villagers, in particular when encountering soldiers while travelling. It concludes with a security and legal analysis of the situation in the region, and ends with a set of policy recommendations for stakeholders. 2. Contextual overview: Decades of abuses, renewed since 2021 The 2021 coup, staged by the State Administration Council (SAC), provoked a storm of pro-democracy protests throughout the country in opposition to the regime, known locally as the Spring Revolution, and escalated the civil war between the military and local ethnic armed organisations throughout Burma. Early peaceful pro-democracy protests and the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM)[5] began in the cities, especially in Yangon, with the goal to restore the civilian government. The military responded violently to the peaceful protests: at least 3,520 civilians who joined the pro-democracy movement have been killed by the military junta since the coup, with the exact number likely to be much higher, according to Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP).[6] Many people supporting anti-coup efforts in Burma, especially CDM and National League for Democracy (NLD)[7] members, have fled to territories under the control of ethnic armed groups like Karen State,[8] after the Karen National Union (KNU)[9] released, in the early days after the coup, their position rejecting the military junta and providing help and protection for all civilians who sought safety.[10] Human rights violations in Southeast Burma, however, did not start with the 2021 coup. They are closely linked with military policies adopted by the Burma Army as early as the 1960s, and with the impunity enjoyed by their military leaders for past violations. One of those policies, the “four cuts” strategy, aimed to target civilians and sever alleged ties between ethnic armed groups and local communities, by cutting off their access to food, funds, intelligence, and recruits. Shoot-on-sight policies were also adopted by the military in ethnic states. Such policies led to countless human rights violations over the past 70 years, causing widespread fear among the civilian population. In 1994, Naw P---, a 27-year-old female villager from Hpa-an District, told KHRG: “Now I’m still afraid. I never want to see SLORC[11] [Burma Army] soldiers again. If I hear of them, I'll run away. If we don't run, they shoot us, and if we run, they also shoot at us. The soldiers said: ‘Don't run away’ but then they shot at us, so we must run to escape.”[12] In such an atmosphere of terror and hostility, where any contact with Burma Army soldiers was potentially fatal, civilians lived in constant fear for their lives. 30 years later, and in particular after the coup, soldiers continue to shoot at villagers following the same patterns as in the past, leading to a resurgence of killing cases. 3. Factual summary: Deliberate killings of civilians This chapter presents incidents of killings of civilians by the SAC from October 2022 to April 2023, documented by KHRG in its operational area. Three patterns can be identified in the incidents: KHRG data shows that Burma Army soldiers killed villagers by (1) shooting them on sight; (2) chasing the villagers that were fleeing these encounters and murdering them; or by (3) halting civilians they encountered, before arresting, torturing and killing them. Local resistance armed groups have also committed killings of civilians, reportedly. A. “Shoot on sight” policy Since the 2021 coup, villagers in Southeast Burma risk being targeted by SAC soldiers whenever they move. Out of the 14 incidents documented between October 2022 and April 2023 analysed for this report, six incidents involved male villagers who were shot on sight, and killed, as they were on their way to support their families’ livelihood. One incident of shooting-on-sight took place in Doo Tha Htoo District, one in Taw Oo District, one in Kler Lwee Htoo District, one in Mu Traw District, and two incidents took place in Dooplaya District. For instance, on March 24th 2023, during a patrolling mission, ten SAC Infantry Battalion (IB)[13] #8 soldiers from Bilin Town, led by Lance Sergeant Moe Zaw, kept guard for their troop’s security beside a road in Q--- village, Daw Ya village tract, Tha Htoo Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. At about 11:30 am, two villagers, aged 18, were travelling by foot to work on construction in the village, when they encountered the SAC troops patrolling. When the SAC soldiers from IB #8 saw the villagers, they shot and killed both of them on the road.[14] On December 31st 2022, at around 7 am, the Northern Thandaung Aye Chan Yay Armed Group[15] attacked the SAC Light Infantry Battalion (LIB)[16] #413 at Hton Bo Gyi army camp, located near A--- village, Baw Saw Law area, Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, Taw Oo District. An hour after the fighting, at around 8:30 am, Saw Aung Thu Ya Than, a local villager from Leik Tho Town, unaware of the clash, was travelling to Toungoo Town with his motorbike to buy food for his family to celebrate New Year's Day [under the Gregorian calendar]. Before he crossed an SAC checkpoint, the SAC soldiers posted there hid nearby. As witnessed by local villagers, when the villager had already passed the checkpoint, the SAC soldiers fatally shot him in the back. The victim’s family did not receive any compensation for this arbitrary killing. Instead, the SAC forced them to pay a fee to retrieve the villager’s body and his motorbike.[17] In Dooplaya District, one incident took place on April 3rd 2023, at 10:00 am, when SAC soldiers temporarily based in the monastery in Cb--- village, Aww Hpa Kyi village tract, Kaw T’Ree Township, shot and killed a villager beside the monastery, as he was on his way to Kawkareik Town.[18] Another incident took place on April 24th 2023, at 11:00 pm, on Kyainseikyi Town Road, Kyainseikyi Township, when the SAC IB #32 shot and killed a 28-year-old Muslim villager named K---. The villager was living in the Noh Poe refugee camp, located in Thailand’s Tak province, but had left the camp at 8:00 pm to go to Kyainseikyi Town for a visit.[19] On the morning of October 22nd 2022, after a fight broke out with the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA)[20] at R--- place, S--- village, T’Hkaw Pwa village tract, Moo Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, a woman was shot and killed by an SAC battalion [unknown number]. The villager had been sick and was unable to flee fast enough, so the soldiers reached her. After killing her, the SAC soldiers also looted her money and jewellery.[21] In Mu Traw District, on February 7th 2023, at 4:30 pm, SAC soldiers from IB #349, based at Hpah Ghaw Loh army camp, Saw Muh Plaw village tract, Lu Thaw Township, shot at Saw W--- and Saw H---, from Y--- village, Saw Muh Plaw village tract. The two villagers were on their way back home after hunting in the forest at A--- [place] to feed their families. Two bullets hit 28-year-old Saw W--- and penetrated his head, killing him on the spot. Saw H--- fled the shooting by crawling silently among the bushes, before running away. He was fired at by the SAC soldiers again, but was able to escape. Villagers went to the incident place the next day and brought back Saw W---’s corpse to their hiding site in E--- area. Saw H--- recalled: “When I heard the sound of gunfire, he [the victim] fell down next to me. He laid on my chest and [was] bleeding. I looked at him, he was not breathing. I crawled among the dense bushes and the SAC soldiers chased me from behind. I could not run as the bushes were so dense. I got [out] from the bushes slowly […]. Then, the SAC soldiers stopped firing. Then, the SAC soldiers fired a few more [rounds]. After that, I went down to the stream and went up to the mountain.”[22] The cases mentioned above show the SAC's practice of shooting villagers on sight. Since the coup, the SAC is by default hostile to anyone they encounter travelling in Southeast Burma, and hence villagers face serious risks to their lives. When villagers face SAC soldiers on the road, fleeing and running away often appears to be their only option, even though SAC soldiers do not hesitate to shoot fugitives. B. Shooting of fugitives As illustrated above, SAC soldiers often kill villagers whenever they see them. Many villagers, therefore, choose to flee as fast as they can whenever they see the SAC, fearing arrest, detention, torture, disappearance and killing. Although posing a risk to their lives, this strategy sometimes allows villagers to escape. For this reason, many villagers reported that they flee when they see SAC soldiers. For instance, on January 13th 2023, the SAC based in Wa Ma village marched to Wah Ma Hkee village, Wah Ma village tract, Noh T’Kaw Township, Dooplaya District. The soldiers broke villagers’ doors, entered their houses, searched their properties and looted the villagers’ chickens. On the same day, fighting broke out between the SAC and the KNLA in T--- village, Wah Ma village tract. After the fighting, two villagers encountered the SAC, who ordered them to stop on the road. As the villagers did not stop, the SAC shot and arrested them. Villagers assumed that the two villagers were tortured and killed.[23] In another case, on March 12th 2023, the SAC Light Infantry Division (LID)[24] #77, IB #598 and #589 combined forces marched to four village tracts in Hsaw Htee Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District, in the KNU-controlled territory. On March 13th 2023, at around 10 am, the SAC troops entered Bb--- village, where they encountered three local villagers driving on a motorbike on the road. The villagers were coming from an internally displaced persons (IDPs) site to check their homes and to get some food for the KNLA. When they saw the SAC, the villagers stopped the motorbike immediately and ran, while the SAC soldiers shot at them. One of the villagers, Saw V---, was hit and the other two escaped. According to the two survivors, Saw V--- did not die on the spot when hit, as they heard him cry for help. However, the two villagers were too afraid to return and help him due to the SAC troops’ presence. The SAC troops camped in Bb--- village for two days. On March 15th 2023, villagers retrieved the corpse of Saw V---, and saw wounds on his back and injuries in his head and brain. His clothes had also been changed to a KNLA soldier uniform that was too small for him. The local authorities and villagers assumed that after he got wounded on his back, the SAC shot and killed him, and then changed his clothes. Due to this incident, Saw V---’s family members and other Bb--- villagers had to flee outside of the village. A local villager explained to KHRG that, the “SAC did it [change clothes to a KNLA uniform] in order to claim that this villager was a KNLA soldier, and they could get credit for killing one KNLA soldier and report it to their upper leader. The SAC did it to claim he [Saw V---] is [a soldier] from the KNLA, and not a villager.” [25] In Mergui-Tavoy District, on October 17th 2022, a 40-year-old villager named U X---, from Z--- village, Ler K’ Saw Township, was shot and killed by the SAC as he was travelling with his son to buy a generator in Bokepyin Town, to support his family’s livelihood. The SAC soldiers who guarded the road ordered them to stop, but they were scared of the SAC, so they ran away. The SAC soldiers then shot at them. His son survived, but since he got hit in his back and elbow, he had to get medical treatment. All these incidents show the constant feeling of fear prevalent among villagers in Karen State, caused by increased and indiscriminate SAC attacks. Any encounter with SAC soldiers can be fatal, so villagers run away when they meet SAC soldiers on the road. High militarisation and harmful military policies abovementioned, such as the four cuts, might encourage SAC soldiers to open fire on fleeing villagers, with no regard for human life. Many times, villagers are just shot on sight by SAC for no apparent reason. C. Torture and killing after arrest The villagers know from decades of experience that meeting with the SAC often leads to arrests, torture, detention, and death. For instance, on October 15th 2022, fighting broke out between about 200 SAC soldiers and KNLA Battalion #3, Company #1, as the SAC entered Pyin Ka Do Kon village tract, Kyeh Htoh Township, Doo Tha Htoo District. On October 21st, a combination of several SAC troops of about 100 soldiers entered I--- village, Pyin Ka Do Kon village tract and looted villagers’ properties, and burned nine villagers’ houses, including U J---’s house. Before the SAC troops arrived, all I--- villagers fled, but U J--- decided to return to the village to look after his house and other properties, after taking his children to a safe place. He encountered these SAC troops just before he arrived in his village. The SAC arrested him, tortured him and then killed him next to his house. After the SAC left I--- village, the village head returned to the village through the forest to look for U J---. The village head saw the corpse of U J--- near his house. His head had been blown apart, which villagers assumed was done by a gunshot.[26] In Taw Oo District, two villagers from L--- village, Per Htee area, Htaw Ta Htoo Township, were going to look for turmeric in another village on April 7th 2023. The two villagers encountered SAC LID #22 soldiers on the way, who arrested them for unknown reasons. When local villagers learned that the two villagers had disappeared, they searched for them and found their corpses on April 16th 2023. Villagers reported that the two victims were not wearing military uniforms when they left the village, but when they saw their corpses, one of them was in a soldier uniform, and their hands were tied behind their backs with nylon. [27] D. Killings by local armed resistance group The 2021 coup resulted in increased militarisation in Southeast Burma, including the appearance of new armed groups, which has created a more unsafe environment for villagers. Villagers do not only have to be constantly afraid of being killed by SAC troops, but also of being killed by local armed groups that operate in the communities if suspected of being spies. For instance, on February 2nd 2023, the local People Defence Force (PDF)[28] troops came to M--- village, M’No Ro area, Ler K’Hsaw Township, Mergui-Tavoy District and arrested three villagers including the M--- village administrator, and took the three villagers with them, accusing them of being SAC spies. They released the two villagers, but not the village administrator. The M--- village administrator was U F---, a 70-year-old elder. The PDF troops killed him while detained. Villagers found his corpse on the morning of February 5th 2023.[29] Although less common than SAC attacks, killings of civilians by local armed groups constitute human rights violations, are illegal under the law of armed conflict, and worsen the security context of villagers in Karen State. 4. Analysis: Impacts on villagers’ lives and violations of international law and standards In a context where villagers are facing violent attacks from SAC soldiers, every encounter with them could be fatal. Killings in Southeast Burma usually follow a pattern: during or following military activities, the SAC soldiers come across villagers in nearby areas and kill them. For this reason, villagers try to avoid meeting with SAC soldiers but, in many instances, villagers cannot avoid these encounters because they are caught by surprise by the arrival of the soldiers near their village, or because they meet them on the road. The SAC then arrests, detains, tortures, disappears and kills villagers. If villagers flee to avoid such deadly encounters, they are usually shot at. This Burma Army practice of attacking civilians in Karen State is not something new. As explained above, it is linked to harmful ideologies prevailing through the Burma Army, picturing villagers as potential enemies due, in part, to perceived links or alignment with resistance groups. These ideologies fuel the Burma Army’s "four cuts" strategy and shoot-on-sight policies, still enforced in Karen State today. Decades of such human rights violations have generated widespread terror and traumatised communities. This context of fear, increased militarisation, and constant suspicion generates tension in the region, also tied to cases of local armed resistance groups killing civilians suspected to be SAC informants. The SAC practice of killing civilians on sight impacts villagers’ security and lives. Cultivating and working in a field, travelling to town to buy items, or any other ordinary activities of villagers’ daily lives becomes a dangerous exercise; any road can become a trap, and even remaining in their village can be deadly. This creates a deep fear for villagers in Southeast Burma, specifically towards the SAC. This fear makes it harder for them to go and work on their farmlands to secure their livelihood, particularly while the SAC is present in the area, or after a member of the community has been killed. If villagers are not able to work on their farmlands, go to the market to sell and buy essential products, or commute to their place of work and earn money, their livelihoods are also threatened. The SAC often targets male villagers: of all incidents analysed for this report, all but one of the killings reported to KHRG concerned male villagers. Therefore, the families of victims are also deeply impacted by fear and livelihood insecurity after the death of the main breadwinner. Faced with these human rights violations, villagers utilise avoidance strategies, which have been used for decades in Southeast Burma. The SAC is continually arresting, torturing and killing civilians in rural communities, so villagers evade these abuses by fleeing right after they receive information about SAC presence in or near their communities, and by running for their lives when they see SAC troops on the way. As mentioned above, they do so at great risk to their lives. The killings of civilians violate international law. The ‘right to life’ is one of the most fundamental of all human rights, found in the third article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and essential to accomplish ‘human dignity’, set out in the very first article of the Declaration. All authorities have a duty to respect it, protect it, and fulfil it. Life is not protected only in times of peace, but also in times of war, since murder is prohibited according to the 89th rule of customary International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The targeting of civilians is also forbidden by the very first customary rule of IHL, while acts of violence made to terrorise the civilian population are prohibited by its second rule. The SAC is moreover trying to conceal that it kills civilians, by disguising the bodies with military uniforms or by disappearing the victims. The way in which the SAC kills civilians is against the 87th rule of customary IHL, which requires treating people humanly. The grave breach of such fundamental prohibitions constitutes war crimes and, if committed as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population, the act of murder is also a crime against humanity. Furthermore, the consequences that killings and the climate of fear have on the livelihood of villagers are compromising numerous other rights, such as the right to food, the right to security of person, or the right to an adequate standard of living. Torture is also prohibited in all the bodies of international law, to the point that it constitutes an ius cogens rule, which applies at all times and in all situations. As evidenced by the incidents being continuously documented by KHRG, the security and human rights situation in Southeast Burma has continued to worsen since the 2021 coup. In particular, a constantly high number of cases of killings of villagers have been reported to KHRG throughout 2022 and 2023. Urgent action needs to be taken in order to immediately protect civilians in Burma, as the SAC systematically targets and kills civilians, in blatant disregard for human life and international laws and standards. Moreover, the longer time the SAC enjoys impunity for their attacks, the more the situation in Karen State will worsen, leading to further violations, terror and insecurity. In turn, this will mean heavier, deeper impacts for communities and further help needed to accomplish peace, welfare and justice for ethnic villagers in rural Burma. 5. Recommendations For international stakeholders, NGOs, and regional and foreign governments: Acknowledge the grave crimes committed by the military junta and refrain from supporting it or granting it legitimacy, including by signing agreements with it, presenting it with credentials, and inviting its leaders to international forums and functions. Support local civil society, community-based organisations (CSO/CBOs) and ethnic service providers that prioritise human rights, including by working with them to develop support systems for victims of violations, including for the relatives of villagers killed, arrested and tortured by SAC soldiers and other local armed groups. Support efforts to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes in impartial and independent courts, including the International Criminal Court (ICC), International Court of Justice (ICJ), and national courts in countries with universal jurisdiction laws. Broaden the scope of accountability of international investigations to include crimes committed against Karen peoples, not yet covered by current proceedings. Support coordinated and targeted sanctions against junta officials suspected of being responsible for carrying out international crimes and other serious violations of international law. For armed groups: Give orders to the soldiers to end their attacks on civilians and abide by human rights and international humanitarian law, and make sure that those orders are respected at all times. Respect the exercise of the right to life, including by ending the arresting, torturing, and killing of civilians and by protecting their livelihood. Footnotes: [1] Unpublished raw data from March 20th 2023. [2] On February 1st 2021, the Burma Army deposed the democratically elected government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD), transferred power to Min Aung Hlaing, the Commander in-Chief of Myanmar’s Armed Forces, and invalidated the NLD’s landslide victory in the November 2020 General Election. [3] Karen State, or Kaw Thoo Lei, as defined by the Karen National Union (KNU), covers Kayin State, Tanintharyi Region and parts of Mon State and Bago Region. The KNU uses different boundaries and location names for the areas under its control, dividing Karen State into seven districts. Karen State, located in Southeast Burma, is primarily inhabited by ethnic Karen people. Most of the Karen population resides in the largely rural areas of Southeast Burma, living alongside other ethnic groups, including Bamar, Shan, Mon and Pa’Oh. [4] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup. [5] On February 2nd 2021, healthcare workers at state-run hospitals and medical facilities across Myanmar spearheaded what is being referred to as a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) consisting of labour strikes in protest against the February 1st 2021 military coup. The movement quickly spread to include civil servants from all sectors of the government who are walking off their jobs as a way of non-recognition and non-participation in the military regime. Because of the popularity of the movement, and its seminal role in wider protests across the country, some people have begun using it as a catch-all phrase to include other protest forms like boycotts and pot-banging. On February 2nd 2021, healthcare workers across Myanmar spearheaded a Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and initiated labour strikes to protest against the February 1st 2021 military coup. The movement quickly spread to other branches of public service, eventually turning into to a nationwide, large-scale civil disobedience campaign. [6] See: aappb.org/?lang=en [7] The National League for Democracy (NLD) is the political party that governed Burma/Myanmar from 2016 to January 2021. Led by Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD won landslide victories in the 2015 and 2020 General Elections. The NLD government was deposed by the Burma Army in the February 2021 Myanmar coup d'état, after which elected President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi were detained, along with ministers, their deputies and members of Parliament. [8] KHRG, “Military Atrocities and Civilian Resilience: Testimonies of injustice, insecurity and violence in Southeast Myanmar during the 2021 coup”, November 2021. [9] The Karen National Union is the main Karen group opposing the government. [10] Burma News International, “KNU Offer Anti-Coup Protestors' its Protection”, February 2021. [11] The State Law and Order Restoration Council, which replaced the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) following the September 18th 1988 coup d’état by then General Saw Maung (later Senior General). The SLORC was officially dissolved in 1997 by Senior General Than Shwe and was replaced by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). [12] KHRG, “SLORC Shootings & Arrests of Refugees”, January 1995. [13] An Infantry Battalion (IB) of the Burma Army comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up-to-date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the National Ceasefire Agreement (NCA). They are primarily used for garrison duty but are sometimes used in offensive operations. [14] Unpublished raw data from March 31st 2023. [15] Aye Chan Yay A’pweh, which translates as ‘Peace Group’, is a (former) government-sponsored militia first formed in 1998, led by U Ko Gyi. It is sometimes referred to as the Northern Thandaung Aye Chan Yay A’Pweh. It has operated mainly out of a base in the upper region of the Kyaung Haung area in Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, Taw Oo District near the Karenni State border, but there are also small camps in Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, Taw Oo District. The group previously made a peace agreement with the Tatmadaw in 1998, but since the 2021 military coup, it has engaged in armed conflict with the military junta. [16] A Tatmadaw Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Light Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up-to-date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. LIBs are primarily used for offensive operations, but they are sometimes used for garrison duties. [17] KHRG, “Taw Oo District Incident Report: A villager died after he was shot by SAC troops in Daw Hpa Hkoh Township, December 2022”, January 2023. [18] Unpublished raw data from April 6th 2023. [19] Unpublished raw data from April 24th 2023. [20] The Karen National Liberation Army is the armed wing of the Karen National Union. [21] Unpublished raw data from October 2022. [22] KHRG, “Mu Traw District Incident Report: A villager was fatally shot by SAC soldiers while hunting in the forest, February 2023”, April 2023. [23] Unpublished raw data from January 25th 2023. [24] A Light Infantry Division (LID) of the Tatmadaw is commanded by a brigadier general, and consists of ten light infantry battalions specially trained in counter-insurgency, jungle warfare, search and destroy operations against ethnic insurgents . They were first incorporated into the Tatmadaw in 1966. LIDs are organised under three Tactical Operations Commands, commanded by a colonel, three battalions each and one reserve, one field artillery battalion, one armoured squadron and other support units. Each division is directly under the command of the Chief of Staff (Army). [25] Unpublished raw data from March 29th 2023. [26] Unpublished raw data from January 12th 20023. [27] Unpublished raw data from April 28th 2023. [28] The People’s Defence Force (PDF) is an armed resistance established independently as local civilian militias operating across the country. Following the February 1st 2021 military coup and the ongoing brutal violence enacted by the junta, the majority of these groups began working with the National Unity Government (NUG), a body claiming to be the legitimate government of Burma/Myanmar, which then formalized the PDF on May 5th 2021 as a precursor to a federal army..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2023-06-08
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Sagaing has been the strongest resistance stronghold during the Spring Revolution in Myanmar. The region hosts the largest number of People’s Defense Forces-Local Defense Forces (PDFs LDFs) leading an armed revolution against the Myanmar’s military regime. The civil war has also produced the largest number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Sagaing. At the same time, the region has seen the worst destruction at the hands of Myanmar army troops, coupled with all forms of brutality. On the one hand, there have always been disputes between PDFs-LDFs, all of whom have the common goal of eliminating the military dictatorship. Nevertheless, Sagaing’s defensive war against the military regime continues unabated. This is also the region where unarmed, nonviolent strikes still occur on the ground. On the last two days of May, the “Sagaing Forum” was convened and the military and administrative affairs of the region were discussed. Our Burma News International (BNI) – Myanmar Peace Monitor (MPM) Weekly News Review examines the new military and political landscapes at the Sagaing Forum based on relevant news and data.....စစ်ကိုင်းဖိုရမ်နှင့် စစ်ရေး၊ နိုင်ငံရေး အခင်းအကျင်းအသစ်များကို မျှော်ကြည့်ခြင်း စစ်ကိုင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များအား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ် အပြင်းထန်ဆုံးဒေသ ဖြစ်သည်။ အာ ဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်အား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲနေကြသော မြို့ပြဒေသအလိုက် ပြည်သူ့ကာကွယ်ရေး တပ်ဖွဲ့(PDF-LDF) အများဆုံးဒေသ ဖြစ်သည်။ စစ်၏ ဘေးထွက်ဆိုးကျိုးအဖြစ် နေရပ်စွန့်ခွာထွက်ပြေးတိမ်း ရှောင်နေကြရသည့် စစ်ဘေးရှောင်ပြည်သူအရေအတွက်တွင်လည်း နိုင်ငံတဝှမ်းလုံးအတွင်း စစ်ကိုင်တိုင်းသည် အများဆုံး ဖြစ်သည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်ကောင်စီတပ်များ၏ မီးရှို့ဖျက်ဆီးမှုစာရင်းတွင်လည်း စစ်ကိုင်းသည် ထိပ်ဆုံးတွင် ရပ်တည်နေသည်။ အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်မှု၊ ရက်စက်ကြမ်းကြုတ်မှုပုံသဏ္ဍာန်မျိုးစုံကို စစ်ကိုင်းတွင် တွေ့ရသည်။ အခြားတဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ် အမြစ်ပြုတ်ချေမှုန်းရေးဆိုသည့် ဦးတည်ချက်တူညီစွာ ပေါက်ဖွား လာကြသည့် PDF-LDF များအချင်းအချင်းအကြား အငြင်းပွားမှုများကို မကြာခနဆိုသလို တွေ့ရတတ်သည်။ သို့ သော် စစ်ကိုင်းသည် အာဏာသိမ်းစစ်အုပ်စုအား ခုခံတော်လှန်စစ်ဆင်နွှဲရာတွင်တော့ အရှိန်အဟုန်မြင့်တက်နေ ဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ လက်နက်မဲ့အကြမ်းမဖက်နည်းဖြင့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းစွာဆန္ဒဖော်ထုတ်လျက်ရှိသည့် မြေပြင်သပိတ်စစ် ကြောင်းများကိုလည်း စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွင်း တွေ့မြင်နေရဆဲဖြစ်သည်။ ၂၀၂၃ခုနှစ် မေလ၏ နောက်ဆုံးနှစ်ရက် တွင်တော့ စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းအတွက် “စစ်ကိုင်းဖိုရမ်”ကို ကျင်းပကာ တွေ့ဆုံဆွေးနွေးဖြစ်ခဲ့ကြသည်ဟု ဆိုပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Peace Monitor
2023-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-03
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Description: "Executive Summary: Following the attempted coup on 1 February 2021, thousands of Karenni people participated in the peaceful mass protest movement against military rule that spread across the country. After the regime’s brutal crackdown and killings of peaceful protestors, young people in Karenni State set up barricades and roadblocks and took up arms to defend themselves. Some joined the Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces, while others joined local Peoples Defense Forces groups. Since May 2021 the junta has attempted to exert control over Karenni State through rapid militarization. Military reinforcements are routinely deployed across townships in Karenni State and neighboring areas. At the same time, the Burmese military has ruthlessly employed its counter-insurgency strategy known as the “four cuts.” This deliberately targets civilians, viewing them as the support base for armed resistance groups, and aims to cut off access to four essentials: food, funds, intelligence, and recruits. As part of its collective punishment strategy, the Burmese military has occupied villages across Karenni State, razing civilian infrastructure, setting up temporary outposts, and planting landmines around villages. When soldiers from the Burmese military retreat from a village, they typically burn down civilian homes. The first part of this report documents serious violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law. These include both indiscriminate and targeted attacks on Karenni civilian populations, murder and mass killings, widespread destruction of civilian property, forced displacement on a massive scale, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and cruel treatment, sexual violence, and using Karenni civilians as forced labor and human shields. It also describes the humanitarian crisis facing at least 180,000 Karenni internally displaced people (IDPs). More than 40 percent of the estimated total Karenni population has been forcibly displaced, the vast majority of them women and children. The five townships of Loikaw, Hpruso, Shadaw, Deemaw Soe and Pekhon have been almost entirely abandoned. Already traumatized by the violations they have experienced, IDPs live in constant fear of renewed attacks by junta forces. Many IDPs have been displaced multiple times. Junta forces continue their assaults on Karenni towns, villages, and IDP sites unabated. In many cases, IDPs’ homes have been destroyed and they have nowhere to return to. The uncertainties they face about the future are paralyzing as they struggle to maintain hope. The second part of this report contextualizes its findings with legal analysis. In summary, it is reasonable to conclude that members of the Burmese military have committed the war crimes of attacking civilians, attacking protected objects, pillaging, murder, torture, cruel treatment and displacing civilians in Karenni State. The conduct of the Burmese military likely also constitutes the crimes against humanity of imprisonment or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, murder, torture, enslavement, other inhumane acts, and forced displacement when considered in the context of a widespread or systematic ‘attack’ against the civilian population in Burma, committed with the requisite knowledge of the attack. The Burmese military can commit these atrocity crimes with impunity because the international community does not hold them accountable, even though it has a legal and moral obligation to do so. A series of important steps must be taken to ensure that individual perpetrators from the Burmese military are held accountable. This includes referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, which provides a pathway to justice and reparations for the thousands of victims. Without justice and accountability, there can be no lasting peace for Karenni communities. This report also urges the international community to take action beyond mere ‘statement diplomacy’ to protect the thousands of civilians who live with the daily threat of being murdered by the military regime. This should include imposing a coordinated global arms embargo on the Burmese military and sanctioning aviation fuel supply in a bid to end deadly airstrikes on civilian populations..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Human Rights Group, Kayan Women’s Organization, Karenni National Women’s Organization, Kayah State Peace Monitoring Network
2023-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary Since September 2022, Myanmar Witness has been monitoring events in Kyainseikgyi township, which has been the site of clashes between the KNLA and Myanmar military. This report investigates claims that the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) carried out several airstrikes in the township between October 2022 and January 2023. On 6 October 2022, at around 0300 hours, a military fighter jet allegedly bombed Mae Kasa village (မက္ကသာရွာ), about 10 kilometres east of the Phayar Taung military post which had been captured by the KNLA a few weeks earlier. Myanmar Witness has identified and geolocated imagery which shows significant damage to a building in the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery grounds (ဓမ္မရက္ခိတဘုန်းကြီးကျောင်း). Additionally, satellite imagery was used to verify a date window within which damage to the roof occurred. The monastery grounds had provided a site of refuge for internally displaced people (IDP). During November and December 2022, and January 2023, KIC News reported that the MAF carried out four air strikes on the Thabyu mining pits, about 22 kilometres north of Mae Kasa village, killing at least three civilians. Myanmar Witness has identified and geolocated images of the destruction of structures in the area, specifically related to the 16 November airstrike and the 25 January airstrikes. On 16 November 2022, General Zaw Min Tun, the head of the State Administrative Council's (SAC) press team, confirmed that a MAF offensive to ‘maintain the security of the region’ took place in the township. This confirms that the MAF was operating aircraft in the area and provides added weight to allegations of other airstrikes between October 2022 and January 2023. Myanmar Witness has provided in-depth reporting on the nationwide use of airstrikes by the MAF in the Eyes on the Sky report, and will continue to monitor and investigate further incidents. Background and Context According to online news sources including Myanmar Now and Khit Thit Media, on 28 September, following clashes between the KNLA and Myanmar military, a joint force of the KNLA and the PDF attacked and captured the Phayar Taung military post (ဘုရားတောင်စခန်းကုန်း) situated on the road connecting Kyainseikgyi town (ကြာအင်းဆိပ်ကြီးမြို့) and Phayar Thone Su town (ဘုရားသုံးဆူမြို့). More than 10 SAC troops (exact number differs between 11 and 13) were reportedly killed, including the deputy battalion commander of the Myanmar military, and their weapons were seized. The Karen National Union (KNU) reported that the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) bombed the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery in Mae Kasa village at around 0300 hours on 6 October 2022, severely damaging a building. The monastery was previously used by local charities, for Shinbyu ceremonies, and religious festivals. It was also used to house internally displaced people (IDP) from Mae Kasa and surrounding villages. The individuals who had been taking refuge in the Dhamma Rakkhita Monastery have been forced to relocate to Phayar Thone Su town and nearby places due to the frequent sighting of fighter jets, according to Khit Thit Media. The township remained a site of tension over the next few months. Between November 2022 and January 2023, three people were killed, eight were injured, and buildings were damaged during MAF airstrikes on the mining blocks of Thabyu Mine (သပြုသတ္တုမိုင်း), about 21 kilometres north of Mae Kasa village (မက္ကသာရွာ), according to reports by Khit Thit Media. There were also reports of ground clashes on the morning of 4 January 2023, when the KNLA and PDF joint forces attacked Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 32 and LIB-283, based in Kyainseikgyi township, and set a number of buildings on fire, according to Mizzima News..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2023-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-31
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Description: "Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) In the wake of Cyclone Mocha, civilians in Burma braced for the worst as the powerful storm threatened lives and caused widespread destruction. While local emergency response teams worked to put preventative measures and safety protocols in place, the military junta continued to bombard civilians with air and ground attacks. Their immense suffering, even in the wake of a natural disaster, did not deter the regime from their attacks. The cyclone has affected the whole region, and yet days into the first week of May, the military junta deployed a series of targeted airstrikes on civilians in Southeastern Burma. A joint statement with the Karen Human Rights Group and the Karen Peace Support Network condemned attacks on 10 May by soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) #599 under Military Operations Command (MOC) #13, together with other junta-backed infantry divisions and battalions. The attacks killed nearly 20 people, including several children. Between 7 and 14 May 2023, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) reported that the military was responsible for carrying out three airstrikes which bombed six villages in Ye Township, Mon State, on May 7, 8, and May 14 in western Dawei. These attacks led 1200 to 1500 residents to flee their homes as displacement continued to be fueled by the relentless raids and assaults by the regime. During this period, in Kyaukgyi Township (KNU areas), more than fifty civilian homes were also destroyed by the junta, including a religious building and a school. Residents have also continued to face abuse and threats by junta-supported administrators. Since the regime reformed its gun laws and made it more accessible to purchase and use weapons, many Administrators in Mudon Township bought guns from the black market. “ “They threaten villagers with their guns,” said a villager. The junta-backed Ministry of the Interior issued the order to revive the 1977 law allowing ‘loyal’ civilians to bear arms on January 31, 2023, a day before the second anniversary of the attempted coup. Since then, Mon State administrators have obtained guns. To access and own a weapon, any individual must make an application and need final approval from the Ministry of Home Affairs. Still, Administrators in Mudon Township have been able to get them quickly. Now, junta-backed defence groups such as pro-junta militias and administrators can ‘legally’ take up arms issued to them by the junta, and the military overlooks their misconduct. This could lead to many other problems related to the misuse of these weapons, and we are worrying about the life and properties of the people. On the other hand, it also means that if ordered, these armed people must cooperate in junta operations against the resistance, according to Mudon villagers. Guns obtained from the black market are illegal, but Administrators are pro-military, and critics of the policy note that the military simply overlooks their misconduct. Extortion and bribery persist as the junta targets key routes to illicit funds from ordinary people. The military increased the operation of thirty-seven checkpoints along the Tanintharyi Highway and has been committing illegal taxation and extortion against travellers and vehicle drivers, according to local sources and travellers using this 180-mile-long motor highway. HURFOM fieldworkers were able to speak with various locals and reliable sources. All believed that these were the results of the permission of the central junta administration to their security troops to utilize policies due to inadequate support from the State/Region levels to their security forces: “It is as if they can earn their daily incomes at the bottom level. This means more extortions, illegal levying of taxes, arbitrary arrests, and demanding ransom. As you know, we could only earn a maximum of 12.000 MMK a day, but we are forced to pay various illegal taxes, sometimes extorted money or properties, and unjust taxation. So, imagine how much cash we left in our hands to feed my family? A 50-year-old mini truck driver from Ye, Mon State, stated. “Even the daily road users, such as local farmers, rubber plantation workers, and even local inhabitants, are suffering,” a 30-year-old Tavoyan rubber plantation farmer from a village in Yebyu Township told reporters, adding, “We have to encounter thieves and criminals in our daily life while crossing their checkpoints and security gates. From Mahlawe Taung tollgate, Yebyu Township, Tanintharyi Region, to Myeik Township, Southern Region, travelers and vehicle drivers estimated that various junta forces had operated more than 37 checkpoints and tollgates along the 180 miles long highway. “Before the coup, there were only seven tollgates for road tax. After the coup, the regime occupied all these tollgates for security reasons and added another thirty tollgates and checkpoints along the road to the Southern Region,” a truck driver who has to use this highway daily said. “The military will justify their checkpoints for ‘security’ reasons. However, behind the scenes, the daily income from here is not even used to support their military families. Significant top-down corruption exists here,” a former Civil Servant from Myeik Township expressed his view on May 1. In addition, the junta’s arrest and detainment of innocent people is ongoing. Those who stand firm in their beliefs and pro-democracy opinions are being targeted. Three people were arrested the first week of May, including a young man arrested on May 4. These young people were abducted for their views shared on social media, including their condemnation of the extrajudicial killings committed by the junta. “The latest arrest case occurred in the early morning of May 4, 2023,” a neighbour told HURFOM. A group of plainclothes police and military intelligence officers surrounded the house of Ko Paing Thu, a young resident of Phet-Kalate village, Kyaik Hto Township, Mon State, who the junta forces have arrested for commenting to condemn the military’s inhumane mass killings. Two related incidents occurred after civilians were abducted for condemning atrocities committed by the regime. The Administration Department detained and charged all three young men in Kyaik Hto Township. “Two of them were accused of being associated with the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) after the junta troops inspected their mobile phones,” a reliable source close to the police said. “My son is innocent, living and working in the welding metals workshop in the family business. We will try to face this case legally,” the father of Paing Thu, told the reporter. Recently, the junta’s intelligence network has been monitoring youth activist accounts like Paing Thu’s Facebook since the beginning of this year and has conducted in-depth surveillance systems across the State. Anyone caught commenting or writing about the National Unity Government or news related to the pro-democracy movement is tracked by the well-trained technology groups financed and supported by the junta, according to a staff of the Civil Disobedience Movement from the Ministry of Home Affairs, Mon State. HURFOM also reported aid workers having their rights violated by the junta. The military is weaponizing aid delivery. More than 40 civilians, including members of charity service volunteers, were abducted and interrogated by the Junta Forces in Kawkareik township, Karen State. HURFOM’s field report stated that 42 people had been abducted between 9 and 11 May. The detainees were members of the free funeral service, rescue ambulance charity members, former school teachers, and ordinary civilians, including former civil servants in Kawkareik. “Yes, I can confirm all arrests. As far as I know, social workers are based in Kawkareik township. They are now being held in a military interrogation center,” said a family spokesperson. “For a long time, the administrative council wanted to blame social charity service members and social relief groups for their operations. Now they are targeting them directly,” said a former social group member, referring to the pressure on social workers by the junta council. “I heard they came to arrest with detailed wanted lists and profiles. This must be the first time many people have been arrested in Kawkareik. Today, they were knocking on the doors of other neighbourhoods who they suspected,” said a woman close to ‘Palae Phyu’ local charity group. Since the coup, at least five social workers in Kawkareik District have been arrested and charged with violating the counter-terrorism Law in connection with the local armed groups, according to HURFOM records. Throughout May 2023, HURFOM also reported a rise in the number of people being abducted by the junta and used as human shields. The junta troops are committing crimes against humanity in Tanintharyi Region by arresting local civilians and forcing them to be their guides through armed conflicts. This is also a direct violation of the law of war, reported local Dawei residents. On April 26, when the military troops marched towards the Ra-nge and Waerik villages in Thayet Chaung Township, Dawei District, nearly 100 local people were arrested and released two days later by demanding ransom payments. “Those who can be redeemed with money are released quickly,” said a villager. Villagers continue to be arrested and subjected to severe abuse. According to International Humanitarian Law, using human shields is strictly prohibited. This is also stated in the Geneva Convention. The fact that the military regime carelessly embarks on missions intended to devastate communities makes it clear that they act with impunity. According to local sources, the junta forces that entered the villages in eastern Dawei these days arrested at least ten villagers from three villages in the area and used them as human shields along with its troops on 21 May 2023: “At least five or five villagers from the village of Dar Thwe Kyauk were taken away and forced to go ahead and act as guides. Also, they entered Ah Nya Pyar village, arrested two more people, and then went down to U Yin Kyi village,” said the locals. A field report from the northern Dawei District indicated that the junta forces and their alliance militias entered the village with about fifty troops. They arrested nearly thirty local workers as human shields on the morning of May 8, 2023. The local sources confirmed that those detained and used as human shields worked in a plantation near Wet Chaung village, Pagaw-Soon village tract, Yebyu Township. “The local farm workers were arrested on the morning of May 8 when they left for work. After that, the junta forces took the villagers as their protection to the operation area where they wanted to go. The detainees were all taken with hands tied in the back,” said another anonymous source from the administrative area of KNU Brigade No.4. According to the ground information received by HURFOM, six women were arrested on the evening of May 8, with twenty people from Wet Chaung Village in Yebyu Township. “The first junta battalion is a joint unit of Infantry Battalion No.273 and Infantry Battalion No.406. The troop force is about 20 or 30 soldiers. They captured people from Wet Chaung village and used them as human shields. Another junta military column entered the nearby Kha Mout Chaung and seized the properties belonging to the locals. They took another ten villagers from Kha Mout Chaung when they left the village,” said an eyewitness source. Those who escaped said that while stationed at the school in Kha Mout Chaung village, the junta troops broke into some houses in the village and looted valuables and other livestock. “The use of human shields is a war crime. No other armed actor has done such a despicable act in this age,” a spokesman for the local PDF said while condemning the act as a war crime and a severe crime against humanity. “Since we are resisting the junta council to minimize the harm to the people, we will not fight if there is a possibility that the people will be affected by the fighting on both sides. The junta military is taking advantage of this and attacking our forces in this area,” he continued. Another worrying observation by HURFOM over this last month is that the houses and properties of those accused of supporting the revolutionary movement continue to be seized in Karen and Mon states. According to local people, the junta sealed off the houses and properties of those accused of disseminating and supporting the People’s Defense Forces in Karen State and Mon State and issued arrest warrants for the fugitives. Between 10 to 14 May, soldiers isolated the properties of five civilians. They confiscated their homes in Myawaddy and Kyaik Hto due to unjust accusations. Across two days between 12 and 14 May, two local people from Kyaik Hto, Mon state, were arrested by the junta and charged with the deeply flawed and controversial anti-terrorism act. Their homes and shops were sealed. The estimated value of the houses and properties contained by the regime is worth more than one hundred million kyats. According to HURFOM’s previous data, there have been eight cases of seized assets in Myawaddy and fourteen cases in Thaton District, including Kyaik Hto in Mon State. During the last weeks of the month, the military also targeted young women, some as young as 15 and detained them for unjust causes. On May 19, family members reported that the junta in Launglon, Dawei arrested a 16-year-old. She has not been heard from since 22 May. According to family members and friends, the junta arrested Ma Yin Phuu Pwit, a teenager. She was taken away at a family-owned restaurant in Maungmakan Beach: “Military intelligence came first in civilian clothes with the exact names of the person and store. Then the junta soldiers from the Moungmakan police station arrived in a car and arrested our daughter.” Almost all police forces came and arrested her in civilian clothes. The resident said, “Yin Phuu Pwit is a person who sells and buys online, and it is not yet known exactly why she was arrested. Usually, the junta targets successful people. The military constantly watches them. We don’t know precisely whether Yin Phuu Pwit has shared current movement-related posts or written comments,” another resident assumed. “One possibility is that, like previous cases, the junta military arrested her on suspicion of helping the revolution.” A few days later, another young woman was abducted by the junta. According to local sources, Ma Chaw Su Ther, who lives in Maung Ngan quarter, Mon State, was abducted by the junta intelligence at 3 PM on May 22 for allegedly ‘spreading false news’ on social media. The detainee is 21 years old. She was arrested at home. The junta said they found information on her Facebook which could ‘negate to the state and public unrest.’ Ma Chaw Su Ther (Mi) was sentenced and charged with 56/2023, section 505-A of the Penal Code at the court. Currently, many social network users are being monitored. Women and young girls continue to be targeted by the military junta. The lawlessness has also disrupted pathways of accountability for survivors of sexual violence. Mon women’s groups are warning of increased child sexual abuse incidents in villages across Mon State with no action being taken by the authorities. Women’s groups cannot assist the victims due to the political crisis and security concerns. “We’ve heard many cases of child rape in villages. We’re in a difficult situation to help the victims. The rule of law has failed in Burma, and the police haven’t handled these cases,” said a Mon women leader. Since the coup, the rights of children have been widely violated. The number of domestic violence and sexual abuse cases has also increased. Due to security concerns, it is difficult to get detailed information on the exact number. Junta-appointed village administrators have blocked the legal trials of cases involving child sexual abuse, making it difficult to pursue justice for the victims. Mon women’s groups also mention the junta for freeing convicted child rapists. Further, the increasing surveillance and abuse of law show the deeply worrying extent to which the junta is willing to go to create an illusion of legitimacy. In reality, the people have widely rejected the military and will continue working toward their freedom and dismantling militarized systems. These acts of violence are rooted in the sinister legacy of the military junta. Unless true and meaningful accountability ensures the regime and those complicit in all crimes are held responsible in a court of law, these crimes will continue to occur. Situation Overview Karen State The HURFOM documentation team reported heavy attacks against civilians in Karen State. The assaults came when no active fighting resulted in severe injuries to women and children. Indiscriminate in nature, the ongoing brutalities by the junta have created an atmosphere of deep insecurity and fear throughout the State. According to the Karen National Union (KNU) Central Information Department from Brigaed No. 3, the junta forces shot a 23-year-old Karen villager dead in Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyuang Lay Bin District Bago region. They inhumanely tortured another two villagers during the interrogation in the military camp. On May 3 at 7:20 PM, Saw Lay Lay Htoo, a resident of Tagondai Ward, Natthankwin Town, Kyauk Kyi Township, Nyaung Lay Bin District, was reportedly shot dead by security troops in front of Natthankwin General Hospital while returning to work from Yay Twin Kon Ward. A witness who went to help Saw Lay Lay Htoo told reporters the junta soldiers opened fire. The perpetrator was one of the patrolling officers on their sentry duty returning from Bon-Tha-Taw Ward: “I heard a gunshot and found the body on the road. No one dares goes to see him,” she said. The victim’s motorcycle and the body were lying on the road. The wallet and phone belongings were taken away. Junta battalions are continuously firing at the residences of the local people with artillery weapons. In some cases, although there was no armed conflict in the area, local people, including women and children, were killed or injured when they opened fire on community homes with artillery. On May 5, LIB No. 97, based in Kawkareik Township, fired artillery at 7:30 am. A 58-year-old woman was injured. “Artillery motors fell into our village and exploded. They continued firing until nightfall, some of which exploded in the courtyard,” said a local source. The victim, Naw Ma Latt, age 58, from the middle quarter of the village, was hit by artillery on the right side of her head. It’s not life-threatening, but it needs a lot of treatment. Currently, there are no medical teams in the village. LIB No.97 and military troops at Hlaing Wa Hill constantly fired artillery mortars around the town. Due to that random fire, Kawkareik residents are terrified of explosions that sometimes hit their quarters. “Their military base is at Hlaing Wa Hill, and no one dares to go out to work and eat because they are shooting randomly from there. More than ten people were injured and died when they opened fire. Local people, including their livestock animals, faced every loss of homes, property, and livelihoods. Most of the firing came from LIB No.97. Although there was no fight, they just wanted to shoot randomly. On the one hand, we are facing the risk of life, and on the other hand, we are all facing famine”, said a resident. Attacks can happen at any time. Artillery shells exploded in the brick factory site near the exit of Kawkareik town, in Karen State, at around 6:00 AM on May 6. One civilian was killed, and six were injured during the explosion. According to an anonymous witness, the military troops were based in the hills on the eastern side of Kawkareik town. They fired many artillery indiscriminate shots toward the local Karen villages. Many of these shootings fell near residential areas and inside the neighbourhood. Some houses were destroyed and burnt by mortar shells. The villagers fled from their homes when they heard the shots fired. Some of those who couldn’t run were sheltering in trenches. All six civilians injured by the mortar shells fired by the military troops were not local villagers. According to a resident near the house, they were killed and wounded while temporarily moving here due to job opportunities. “Almost all the houses and neighbourhoods in this area can be said to be battlefields. The military troops are stationed in at least three places around this area and firing daily. Nowhere can be said to be safe anymore. Travelling from one place to another is no longer easy for work or other matters. It becomes really difficult to work for a living. We also need humanitarian support. Many people are fleeing and staying near this city. I would like to request the donors and social groups to support us,” a fifty-year-old who spoke to HURFOM said. On 7 May, the junta carried out indiscriminate attacks, despite no armed conflict in the area. The regime deployed airstrikes to bomb a village where Karen people lived in Ye Township, Mon State. It happened twice on the night of May 7 and the morning of May 8. Due to this sudden aerial attack, at least eight local villagers were seriously injured. Three were in critical condition, and an estimated 500 local villagers fled their homes in War Pa Tae village, a Karen ethnic majority village located in Bay Lamu village tract. One of the villagers fleeing the attack said that the military started the aerial attack with an air jet on May 7: “We heard the sound of a jet plane at 11:00 PM. We immediately realized it was not a typical plane sound and ran to hide in the ditch by our homes. As expected, the sound of a bomb explosion began near the school.” There has not been any fighting or conflict around Chaung Hnit Kwa, War Pa Tae, and Tha Pa Taw villages. “I can’t understand why they came to fight with an airstrike,” said a local villager. As many as eight villagers were injured in the bomb attack, three of whom were seriously injured. Two Tha Pa Taw village members inside their hut outside War Pa Tae village were also injured by the attack on May 8. At least five houses, one school, and other village buildings were destroyed. Approximately 500 local people from three villages Chaung Hnit Kwa, Bay Lamu and Tha Pa Taw villages and the surrounding areas, who fled from the attack. According to independent sources of two villagers from Tha Pa Taw village (a neighbouring village of War Pa Tae village), due to air strikes on May 7th and 8th, residents of Tha Pa Taw and other villages are fleeing the war. Three members of the PDF in the area were killed, and at least five were injured. However, HURFOM is still trying to confirm this information. At present, the villagers from Chaung Hnit Kwa, Bay Lamu, Tha Pa Taw and other villages who fled from the fighting are hiding in the jungles in the southeast of Ye Township (west side of the mountain) and are areas that rescue and social charity groups cannot reach the moment. Children, women, and the elderly are the most affected by war. Food, drinking water, and accommodation are urgently needed, said a KNU Battalion Medical Team No.16 member. Destruction of property is yet another crime being committed by the junta during their clearance operations. According to the field data collected from the evening of May 9, at 5 am, a village Church, a primary school run by the community, and an estimated 20 homes were demolished by the Junta artillery weapons in Poe-Lo-Noh-Pho village, Kyaukgyi township, Nyaung Lay Bin district. “The troops must have been from LIB No.439 or the Artillery Regiment Command No.351. They destroyed these buildings with artillery mortars from their base station, three kilometres from this village,” said a KNU Brigade No.3 member who did not want to be named. Even earlier that day, the junta troops attacked and raided Lae Wai Gyi village in Kyaukgyi Township, destroying more than 30 houses. A school, a church, and all other buildings of the nursery school and the common area were also burnt down by the same troops, according to the field research conducted by the documentation team from Brigade 3 areas. Lae Wai Kyi and Poe-Lo-Noh-Pho villages in Kyaukgyi Township have more than 120 houses and a population of more than 1,200. According to KNU Brigade No.3, most residents have been fleeing due to such comprehensive clean-up operations and have been unable to return to their homes. Since May 13, 2023, the military has been destroying asphalt roads connecting villages in Kawkareik Township, Karen State: “They also destroyed the road near the Taung Kyar Inn Bridge. The Vice Commander of the LIB 343 LIB supervised the destruction. They destroyed roads with a backhoe. Now about 30 villages have lost connection with Kawkareik. All villagers are in trouble,” said a local farmer. On May 13, the military also destroyed roadways connecting Southern Kawkareik, and on May 14, they destroyed the section of the road between Kawkareik – Kyaik Done Road and Ka Mile Gone Road. Then, they destroyed an asphalt road nearby Taung Kyar Inn Bridge on May 17. “We can’t transport fruits from our plantation or sell fruits and vegetables farmed in our villages. We can’t do anything. We have to use the Kyarinnseikyi route to go to Mawlamyine, and it’s very far away. We are all struggling with transportation,” said a Kaw Ka Rate Town fruit seller. After destroying roads, the military junta indiscriminately launched artillery attacks targeting villages alongside the Hong Tha Yaw River. “They are afraid that the revolutionary forces will enter the town and attack them. This is why they’ve destroyed the roads,” said a Kaw Ka Rate resident. On 21 May, artillery shots killed an innocent child, injured two, and forced more than 12,000 villagers from nine villages to flee their homes. The junta’s indiscriminate firing into villages with artillery weapons persists in Nyaung Lay Pin District. According to the information received on the morning of May 20, 2023, the junta military’s joint forces LIB No.599, LIB No.590, IB No.44, and IB No.84 opened fire with more than 50 shots in Sa Wae and Kyung Taw villages in Mu Township. These areas are all controlled by the Karen National Union in eastern Bago, on the border of Mon State. Since the early morning of May 18, these collective forces have been shooting continuously from the outside of the village where they are stationed. Until now, a 14-year-old boy has died. And then, a 47-year-old woman and another 18-year-old boy were injured by mortar shells. In addition to the casualties, many houses and livestock, including a monastery, were destroyed, confirmed by those fleeing the two villages. According to local officials from KNU Brigade 3, food, supplies and accommodation assistance in new places are urgently needed. According to a ground report released by KNU Brigade 6’s information Department, on May 23, at 11:30 PM, the junta air forces deployed two bombs with a jet fighter. The attack damaged some homes and a church in Kha Lae Law Kyae village in Maw Khee village tract, Kawkaraik, Karen State. It is believed to have come directly from the Nay Pyi Taw Air Force Base. There were no casualties, but the church was destroyed entirely. Religious buildings continued to be destroyed, as are places people use often. We have been fighting from war for four decades.” On May 22, one school, two residential houses, and one common wooden hall were damaged due to two shootings by a drone in Nyaung Kon village, Mu Township, #Karen KNU Administrative area. According to information from ground service providers, as many as 21,880 civilians were displaced during May 2023 due to indiscriminate aerial attacks and Artillery firing by the junta council battalions. Out of the 55 local residents of Kawkareik #Karen who were arbitrarily abducted and interrogated by the Junta forces, only four were released by paying ransom demands, according to the families. Sources close to the released villagers confirmed that the remaining 50 arbitrarily arrested are being tortured and detained daily, even in an army interrogation center. Based on groundless accusations of information and financial support to the joint forces of Karen National Liberation Army and People’s Defense Force based in Kawkareik township, a total of 54 people from Kawkaraik were arrested and interrogated in a military camp from May 7 to 22 by the Junta forces. Last May 25, about 4 people from this group were released because the relevant family members decided to ransom them at the Junta’s demand. Although it could not be confirmed how much was paid for each person, outside information stated that each person was paid more than 20 lakhs Myanmar Kyat. Sources close to some detainees conveyed that about 50 inmates who could not pay for ransom have lost contact with their family members. “These people were arrested on false accusations that they were helping Captain Kyaw Thet, who equipped defensive resilience operations in this area and Kyar Phyu (white tiger) armed troops. The perpetrator troop is the Infantry Battalion IB#97, based out of the city of Hlaing Bawk,” he said. Among the more than 50 residents who were abducted from May 1 to May 21, about 4 have been freed after paying money, but some of them have not been able to communicate with their family members, said a person close to the family members of those arrested. According to sources close to the village administrator, in addition, the villages outside the town, such as Sawhe, Nyaung Kile, Htee Po San, Hlaing Sein, Nyaung Nile and Yan Kok village administrators were also detained and interrogated on May 22. They were released after being demanded to report the activities of the local defence armed groups to the Junta and the general administrative department. Currently, the Junta military is working to eliminate village-to-village roads and highways in Kawkareik Township so that the other armed forces in the area cannot easily use them. Aircraft and drones frequently fly around, firing Artillery upon suspecting villages or areas and persistently making a threat, and the residents are still fleeing from their homes. Mon State Indiscriminate junta artillery fire at local villagers in Bilin Township, Mon State continues as civilians are routinely injured due to such attacks. On May 6, at 9 PM, the military fired several artillery mortars into Ah Lu Lay village, Bilin Township. According to the ground news team, at least one woman ..and one man was injured. As a result of the attack, more than 300 villagers fled, and some still could not return homes. A 40-year-old man said that the Army often attacks Ah Lu Lay village. At least a dozen artillery mortars were fired indiscriminately by the junta forces stationed at the foothills of Along Taung and in front of the school, injuring two civilians from Ah Lu Lay: “Three houses were damaged due to heavy weapons. One couple, husband and wife, also were injured and had to flee.” Although their injuries are not life-threatening, the villagers are overwhelmed with fear due to constant attacks. These attacks led to another 300 IDPs from this area. There is no opportunity to work for their livelihoods, and a lack of security prevents humanitarian aid. We are suffering a lot here,” said a resident. “Artillery mortar shells burst into the village, and U Nay Myo Kyaw’s arm and Daw Khin San Yi’s face were badly hit by the artillery shells,” said eyewitnesses. “It will be difficult to return to a normal state and to return to work to earn a living, even though it was not life-threatening,” said the neighbors who fled to a secure place. On the morning of 18 May, a witness confirmed that a 35-year-old innocent villager from Ah Nin village, Thanbyuzayat, Mon State, was shot dead in the clash between the junta-backed forces and the KNU troops. The military and joint forces of the militia entered the village of Ah Nin and deployed troops at night. They raided the houses of unsuspecting people. Many villagers were trapped inside the town. Individuals from outside did not dare to enter. They fled to farms and other villages for shelter. Junta forces have been stationed around the village of Ah Nin in Thanbyuzayat Township, Mon State, since the beginning of the evening of May 17. The village has been controlled and blocked, trapping more than 300 villagers. The KNU came from outside the village to surround the junta’s troops stationed inside. The military started firing their guns, killing a 35-year-old individual. It is still unknown who he was. The villagers are very concerned and afraid of impending disaster from being used as hostages since the military has been stationed around the village. Tanintharyi Region The Junta Council sealed off the assets of a local businessman for allegedly supporting the local armed forces and detained him for over a month. On May 6, in Kawthaung District #southern Taninthayi Region, residents said that a group of junta forces, including the GAD and military officers, seized the property of one local businessman in Bokpyin Township. The victim, U Aung Zaw Oo, is an anti-Regime Activist and a local businessman from Kamar-Chaung village, and his family opened a gas station business a few years ago. “On that day (May 6), his Gas Station, the house, and the tea shop, as well as the entire plot of land, have been sealed and seized by the joint SAC troops,” according to the local witnesses. U Aung Zaw Oo was arrested by the junta forces at his home on April 4 on the unjust accusation of supporting the People’s Defense Forces and charged with section 50 (J) of the existing anti-terrorist law. He was arrested and confined until today at the police station in Bokpyin. On April 4, 4 residents, including U Aung Zaw Oo, were arrested, and 3 of them were released 6 days later, but U Aung Zaw Oo continued to be detained, and more than a month later, his family’s property was sealed. “Whenever the Junta forces and their intelligence in Bokpyin town receive suspicious information about the revolution, they arrest and inspect people. In some cases, the seizures were carried out before the accused were found guilty in court and had their property confiscated. Meaning the Junta forces have wholly disregarded the law.” A 39-year-old law specialist stated. “The punishment of someone not responsible for any alleged wrongdoing is prohibited under international rules for armed conflict.” He continued. Homes and other properties belonging to anti-regime activists have not been sealed in Bokpyin township for a long time. “The most expensive assets and properties have been seized (by the Junta) this time,” said a resident of Bokpyin Town told HURFOM. The Junta troops attacked the People’s Defense Armed Forces and committed two cases of arbitrarily arresting and torturing the residents with false accusations in townships of the Tanintharyi Region. There is a constant flow of violence, sometimes resulting in murder. According to the field team’s report on May 9, the local eyewitnesses confirmed that two men from the village of Wae Yit village in Thayet-Chaung Township, Dawei District, Tanintharyi Region, were stopped and searched, then arrested and beaten by the junta troops with false accusations and were injured. The incident occurred on the morning of May 9, 2023. “The victims, Ko Myo Myint Lay, over 40 years old, and Ko Kang Kang, 30, who live from hand-to-mouth, were tied their hands from the back and severely beaten by the soldiers with their gun butts and kicked by the boots.” A 40-year-old eyewitness from Wae Yit said. “The troop must be from Infantry Battalion No.403 or 404. Right now, they are the only ones patrolling around this village and enforcing the military offensive against the PDFs in the areas,” said a 25-year-old resident. It was not detailed why the two male villagers were arrested and beaten. According to a source close to the victims, the support allegations are likely connected with a local PDF group. “The forces that arrested and beat Ko Kang Kang were junta military stationed at Tha Win Wa village Police Station. They were from IB No.403. When they went to Ya Nge village, they met Ko Myo Myint Lay again and beat them up. Friends of Ko Kang Kang confirmed that he suffered a fractured head, and Ko Myo Myint Lay had a broken rib due to the beating. “I am pretty sure both detainees were not associated with any political movements or armed groups,” he continued. On May 9, around 9:30 pm, about 50 military council soldiers were fully armed and stationed at the Ya Nge village monastery in Thayet-Chuang Township. They went around the village to forcefully raid unsuspicious homes and cause irritation. Some villagers (an estimated 70 households) did not dare to stay in their houses and fled to nearby places. Early morning of May 10, the junta military consisting of more than 30 soldiers from Infantry Battalion No.403 raided Nyaung Zin village in Thayet Chaung Township, #Dawei, abducted about 14 local villagers, including five women, and beat them on the road, according to eyewitnesses. Before entering the village, they stormed into Nyaung Zin village, threatening to shoot with weapons from two lorries. A 40-year-old villager told the incident on the evening of May 10 that most of those arrested were villagers who went out to shop for food in the morning, “We usually see that they go in by military trucks and lorries. This time, the junta forces used civilian trucks, like a lorry truck carrying stones or a garbage truck. They indiscriminately fired into the village and grabbed the villagers they saw on the street that morning. The majority of the detainees were young men. Those who refused to detain were kicked in the boots and hit by gun butts. It happened around 6:30 in the morning,” said the residents. According to the sources of three local villagers, these perpetrators’ units were from the Junta’s Light Infantry Battalion LIB No.403, operating under the Coastal Regiment Command based in #Dawei. “One of us saw their badges and mentioned LIB 403. Some troops searched the houses along the road in the middle village,” said a 50-year-old witness from Nyaung Zin. All 14 detainees were confirmed interrogated and beaten on the side of the road until 2:00 pm; later on, four men were taken away with their faces covered and their hands tied behind their backs, the residents said. Nyaung Zin Village is a large village on the Dawei-Myeik highway, about 8 miles away from Dawei. Last April 23, more than 90 local people, including 3 children, were arrested in Ya Nge village by the junta military during the local operation; some were released in the following days. However, the remaining villagers have not been released yet. According to local sources, the junta has increased their presence in Dawei City, Tanintharyi Region. The city entrance and exit have been more stringent, and suspects have been arrested on various charges. Sources close to the victims confirmed about eight people, including local women, were arrested in one night on May 17. “All the main roads leading into Dawei, including the small lanes, are under strict control by the junta and Pyu Saw Htee militias. There is suspicion since there is more control and inspection.” On 17 May, three women and five men were arrested overnight. The youngest person who was abducted at 11:40 pm was a 17-year-old boy. Some of those arrested are not from Dawei, but they hold different regions of ID cards. Patrols and house checks are still being conducted outside the city. Local witnesses said that on May 17, six Dawei residents and two others from far away were arrested in one night. Residents also stated that they opened fire at several points with heavy weapons before entering the village: “The sound of gunfire and artillery started at 9 PM. We heard around 10 gunshots and several explosions. Their forces consisted of around 150 junta soldiers, and they entered this side yesterday morning,” said a 50-year-old villager from the area. Villages in this area, such as Pa Kari, Pa Khab and Tha Yat Ngok villages have been repeatedly raided by junta troops for the past 6 months, which also forced most of the local residents (an estimated 8,000) to flee and evacuate for a long time. Most villagers of U Yin Kyi, Dar Thwe Kyauk, and Ah Nya Pyar villages, which had been raided recently, are local farmers who rely on farming, orchard, and plantation for their livelihoods. Villagers reported that 9 residents of Bang La Moot village and East Maw Ton village in Tanintharyi township, who have been arbitrarily arrested since May 22, have not been released. “All 9 were arrested as a group on the night of May 22 by the Artillery Unit No.306 and the joint unit of LIB No.557 for allegedly supporting the Local Defense Forces. It was around 9PM. About 3 women from East Maw Ton village and Panut village were included. It is confirmed that it was unknown at which military camp they were taken and detained. Last week, the junta entered Panut village of Bang La Moot village tract and arrested four male villagers. It cannot be confirmed yet whether they have been released or not. The number of disappearances in Tanintharyi, where the arrests are being made, has increased from 5 to 16 now. Due to arbitrary arrests by the junta military, who made various accusations and tortures during the interrogation, three suspected prisoners died while detained and examined. “Nowadays, arrests are often made with specific information.” This is a sign that informers are always in the community. On May 22, they arrested a lot of men at Panut Nge. They went to the houses and arrested people with the exact list of names. They gave various reasons to arrest. There is even an accusation of involvement in the violence that goes beyond supporting the revolution,” said a local man. According to the information received this morning, the arrested victims are being detained and examined in Artillery Unit No.306 and LIB No.557. Until now, no one has been released yet. On May 20, a total of 10, 7 elderly women and 3 men from Yebyu village, Taninthayi township, were arrested by the junta military, and some half of them were released. Key Findings Inflation across all target areas has devastatingly affected civilians who cannot meet their basic needs. The extortion of civilians is ongoing. Residents of Thanbyuzayat reported that the Ward Administrative Chairman is arbitrarily levying money from the people to reconstruct the district administration office that was destroyed by a mine explosion. Mon women’s groups are warning of increased child sexual abuse incidents in villages across Mon State with no action being taken by the authorities. Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions move people from their homes. Police and junta-backed militias continue to initiate door-to-door checks and arrest those on their wanted lists. Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along critical routes. Civilians are forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs. Torture remains rampant in Burma and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to gruelling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information. The international community, including UN bodies and ASEAN, is not responding swiftly enough to the situation in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta. Military impunity remains deeply ingrained in the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only encourages the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations. Children are targeted by the military junta and deprived of basic needs, including medical attention, food, education, and the right to live safely. The junta’s arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas. Recommendations The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following: A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma is to be made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court. Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated international arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta. Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma, which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians. Targeted sanctions on military junta officials and their families and holds on their financial assets and possessions undercut their ability to conduct corrupt business dealings abroad. Strengthened and renewed protection mechanisms grant civilians who are vulnerable and at risk of assault a position where they can access justice referral and accountability pathways. Renewed and continued funding support for local organizations responding to the needs of their communities on the ground. Crossborder aid pathways must be accessed, and all humanitarian aid must be in the hands of local actors. Foreign investors in Burma must immediately cease their operations and withdraw their involvement from all development projects in the country, including but not limited to airports, seaports, and cement businesses. An abrupt and immediate halt to the use of torture by the military junta, and further, we call for investigations to probe the unlawful deaths of civilians in Burma who have been tortured to death, as well as those who have been forced to endure trauma and long-term injuries as a result..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2023-05-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-30
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Description: "Key Event Details Location of Incident: Hsawng Phwe Hospital (ဆောင်းဖွေးဆေးရုံ), Pekon Township (ဖယ်ခုံမြို့နယ်), Shan State (ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်) [19.669828, 96.889449] Date/Time of Incident: 25 April 2023 around 1300 local time Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement: Myanmar Air Force (MAF) Summary of Investigation: On 25 April 2023, reportedly around 1300 local time, there were claims of an airstrike in Pekon that affected a local hospital and a nearby internally-displaced people (IDP) camp. Myanmar Witness verified damage to a medical facility, including damage consistent with an possible air attack. Pro and anti-military media appear to agree that the military attacked the area, however pro-military sources claim that the attack took place due to People’s Defence Force (PDF) personnel hiding in the area. Myanmar Witness also verified one injured individual in a nearby IDP camp. Summary According to multiple pro-democracy news sources, including Khit Thit Media and MeKong News, the Myanmar military are alleged to have conducted an airstrike close to Hsawng Phwe Hospital, a medical facility in southern Shan state. The attack allegedly impacted civilians in the area, injuring three people including a nurse. Radio Free Asia has claimed that a military Mi-35 attack helicopter was responsible for the damage, but local Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF) media stated that a fighter jet was used. People Media, a pro-military media outlet, states that the airstrike was conducted because local PDF and Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) members were present at this location. Myanmar Witness has been unable to verify this claim, but has verified damage to a medical facility in the area and at least one injured individual in a nearby IDP camp. The attack represents a steady escalation in the use of air power against civilians that has been addressed in the recent report Eyes on the Skies, and is being actively monitored by Myanmar Witness. Myanmar Witness has been able to verify: The location of a damaged medical facility, likely caused by an airstrike after further analysis of the damage caused. Medical equipment in the structure, suggesting it was being used as a medical facility. The location of a refugee camp nearby. The location of at least one person in the refugee camp, an older woman, who sustained injuries to the head. Currently unidentified munitions geolocated to the same area of the potential airstrike; one of the munition fragments allegedly located in the area of the attack could be air-delivered, and is likely associated with the incident. Myanmar Witness is actively monitoring: Claims that the military were involved in the attack and which groups are specifically implicated - Myanmar Witness hasyet to verify user-generated content (UGC) of an aircraft potentially involved. However, the use of aircraft suggests military responsibility, as the only group with access to such military assets. Claims that more than the one individual already identified were injured during the attack. Investigation Walkthrough The military are alleged to have attacked an area in Pekon with airstrikes on 25 April 2023, resulting in the destruction of a medical facility and the injury of civilians in a nearby IDP camp..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2023-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-02
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Description: "Key Event Details Location of Incident: Nyaung Hla village (ညောင်လှရွာ), Tabayin township (ဒီပဲယင်းမြို့နယ်), Sagaing region (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး), [22.65276909, 95.41811371]. Date/Time of Incident: Multiple events between 23-28 January 2023. Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement: State Administration Council (SAC) forces A 17 January 2023 announcement from the National Unity Government (NUG) alleges the LIB 364 and LIB 701 (under direction of the LID 77) were responsible. Summary of Investigation: SAC forces allegedly entered villages in Tabayin township, setting at least 10 villages on fire. Fires were identified and verified in seven villages between 23-28 January 2023. Almost the entirety of Nyaung Hla village was levelled by the fires, resulting in damage and destruction to up to 402 houses. Food supplies - including a rice mill, multiple rice storage facilities, and farm animals - were reportedly damaged, destroyed or killed during the fires in Nyaung Hla and Ma Ya Kan (မရကန် ) villages. Based on the analysis of identified open source user-generated content (UGC), it is likely that the SAC forces who were active in the area were responsible for these fires. Summary On 23 January 2023, SAC forces reportedly entered several villages located at the border of Ye-U (ရေဦး) and Tabayin (ဒီပဲယင်း) townships, and set at least 10 villages alight. On 24 January 2023, sources including Khit Thit News and Radio Free Asia reported that SAC forces burned Nyaung Hla (ညောင်လှ) village, which was home to over 900 households, for the third time since January 2022. The fire resulted in the damage and destruction of hundreds of civilian homes, rice paddies, and a rice mill. Farm animals and an elderly woman were also reportedly killed. Myanmar Witness has verified and chronolocated the fires in seven out of the reported 10 villages (table 1). Additionally, Myanmar Witness has geolocated additional footage in Nyaung Hla village, where an estimated 402 houses were affected, and verified the destruction of a rice mill. Reports also indicate the damage and destruction of food supplies such as rice paddies and farm animals in some of the affected villages. Myanmar Witness has identified content indicating the presence of SAC troops during and/or before the fires in and around the affected areas. Myanmar Witness was able to verify: At least seven villages were burnt between 23-28 January 2023. Up to 402 houses in Nyaung Hla Village were damaged or destroyed by the fires. A rice mill, and reportedly rice storage facilities, were damaged or destroyed in the fire. Verification and Chronolocation of Fires in Nyaung Hla Village Verification via FIRMS Between 23-27 January 2023, The Fire Information for Resource Management System (FIRMS) shows multiple areas of high heat signatures in Nyang Hla village, consistent with the dates of the reported fires (Figure 2). Verification via Sentinel The fire locations identified using FIRMS were further analysed using Sentinel satellite imagery. Nyaung Hla and Tha Yet Taw were visibly damaged during the investigated timeframe, corroborating the FIRMS data on 25 January 2023. Additionally, an image from Sentinel hub on the 25 January shows smoke above the area (Figure 3). This can be seen by the discoloration shown in Figure 4 (from 10 January 2023 to 30 January 2023). Estimating the number of houses affected Sentinel imagery can also be used to count and estimate the number of damaged or destroyed houses. This is done by overlaying the discoloured area with higher resolution imagery (Figure 5). Using this method, Myanmar Witness was able to estimate that up to 402 houses were damaged or destroyed. Geolocations Rice Mill The fires in Nyaung Hla village visibly damaged a rice mill located in the west of the village. Figure 6 and 7 compare drone footage (UGC) and satellite imagery of the location near the rice mill (blue box), showing the damage incurred by the fire. Additional images of Nyaung Hla Village Multiple sources of UGC, both drone and on-ground footage, show clear views of Nyaung Hla village during and after the fires were identified. These pieces of UGC, showing the fire and its aftermath, are verified from different angles below. Figure 8 shows the geolocation of the middle section of Nyaung Hla village. The boundary (marked by the dotted line) and the white roofed house (marked in a red box) are verified by matching UGC with satellite imagery. The post claims the events took place on 24 and 25 January 2023, corroborating the aforementioned FIRMS and Sentinel data. Unverified claims Elderly woman’s remains in Ohn Ta Pin village On 27 January 2023 it was reported that an elderly woman from Ohn Ta Pin (အုံးတပင်) (22.60137939, 95.34348297) village was killed in a fire set by SAC troops (identified through FIRMS to have occurred on 26 January 2023). Figure 10 shows the alleged remains of the victim found in the ashes. Burnt rice store piles and farm animals In Ma Ya Kan village, SAC troops allegedly burned the rice storage building (Figure 11) and damaged an estimated 70 houses. Myanmar Witness was able to verify the fire in the village using Sentinel satellite imagery, but the footage posted online of the burnt rice does not provide enough information to verify its location through geolocation. Photos allegedly taken in Nyaung Hla village also show the destruction of food supplies. At least four farm animals were reported to have died as a result of the fires, and a partially burnt rice storage building can be seen (Figure 12). Food shortages for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) A local support group reported that a military operation undertaken by an estimated 150 SAC troops in the east of Tabayin township resulted in tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs). The group appealed for donations as it expected it would face food shortages for the IDPs. These challenges may be exacerbated by the damage and destruction of food supplies caused by the fires. Perpetrators of the Fires Several used packages of bullets (Figure 13 a-d) labelled Ka Pa Sa, Defence Industries (ကာကွယ်ရေးပစ္စည်းစက်ရုံ, ကပစ), were allegedly found in Nyaung Hla village. The box in Figure 12a states “Manufactured by Defence Industries”. Figure 12d shows a paper box labelled “KaPaSa (2) 5.56x45mm bullets”, and Figure 12e shows possible rifle grenade casings - the features match the container tube for a 40mm rifle grenable model MG-2 which is used by the Myanmar military. This is determined due to the tube size and cracking of the tube body with the twist off end. While Myanmar Witness cannot verify the location where these boxes and weapons were found, the weapon characteristics and manufacturers signal that they belonged to SAC troops. Images also circulated online showing messages on a blackboard inside a school building in Nyaung Hla village, both of which contain profanities directed against the PDF (Figure 14). While Myanmar Witness cannot verify the authors of these messages, they were left in a location where SAC troops were allegedly located and weapon boxes were also found. Future monitoring Although direct attribution cannot be made to the SAC in this case, SAC troops have an established history of using fire as a weapon against the local resistance forces and civilians in Sagaing region. The continued use of fire by armed forces within Myanmar is concerning; it places civilian lives at risk, creates IDPs, and could destabilise local food supplies. Myanmar Witness will continue to monitor the use of fire in the region..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2023-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-21
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Description: "Myanmar junta troops have killed two civilians, including one suffering from mental illness, and looted houses while raiding a village in Yesagyo Township, Magwe Region, on Sunday and Monday, according to residents. The killings were committed by the junta’s special task force that killed 17 Tar Taing villagers in Myinmu Township, Sagaing Region, in early March. On Sunday, around 80 soldiers, including many wearing resistance uniforms, raided Mee Laung Kyun village in Yesagyo, a resident told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday. During the raid, more than 50 displaced people from nearby Myaung Township in Sagaing, were detained along with Mee Laung Kyun’s residents while they sheltered at the village monastery. Most of Mee Laung Khun’s residents escaped. Villager U Maung Han, 50, who was cooking for the displaced at the monastery, was shot dead, a resident said. A displaced 16-year-old suffered serious shoulder and abdomen injuries after being shot before he escaped, said a representative of Yesagyo People’s Defense Force that provided treatment. A villager told The Irrawaddy that villager Ko Kaung Myat Soe Oo, 40, who suffered from mental illness, was tortured and killed by junta troops on Monday. “His head was severely beaten by the soldiers, he was stabbed in his abdomen, legs and throat,” said the resident, who helped cremate the two villagers. Regime forces were stationed at the village on Monday and Sunday, looting 25 million kyats (around US$8,700 on the black market), gold jewelry and mobile phones from houses and detainees. They burned two houses and motorbikes at the monastery before leaving on Tuesday morning, leaving all the detainees. They then burned houses in nearby Pan Nyo village in Myaung Township on Tuesday morning. Before the raid junta forces had clashed with resistance groups in nearby Yay Lal Kyun for three days, losing six soldiers and suffering many injuries. The Myingyan Black Tiger resistance group lost its headquarters and two fighters were injured. During recent raids on resistance strongholds in Ayadaw, Myinmu and Sagaing townships in Sagaing Region, the junta task force beheaded resistance troops, killed civilian detainees and committed acts of sexual violence..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-21
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Description: "China’s new special envoy to Myanmar, Deng Xijun, has already triggered changes in the country since his appointment in December 2022. Last week, Deng Xijun met leaders of seven powerful ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) based in northern and eastern Myanmar along the border with China — their third meeting since December. Before the latest talks, the seven EAOs including Myanmar’s most powerful ethnic army, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), met in UWSA-controlled Wa State. In a joint statement, they thanked China for its work attempting to solve Myanmar’s current crisis. Deng has also met junta boss Min Aung Hlaing twice. During their second meeting, Deng also met officials from the military regime’s peace negotiation team. Following the meeting, the junta moved battalions based near the Myanmar-China border to resistance strongholds in central and southeastern Myanmar, where they have launched massive offensive operations. Reinforcements The Myanmar military has launched large-scale operations in three locations: Kayah State, including Pekon and Pinlaung townships in neighboring southern Shan State, Tanintharyi Region and areas of Magwe Region and Chin State. The new offensives have been made possible because the regime has moved some 3,000 troops formerly stationed near the Myanmar-China border in Shan State inland to the conflict areas. Before the reinforcements arrived, junta troops in Kayah and Pekon and Pinlaung townships were under the Eastern Command and Loikaw Regional Operations Command and consisted of the 66th Light Infantry Division. But strong resistance from Karenni resistance groups — the Karenni Army and the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force — and People’s Defense Forces (PDF) meant that the regime was unable to exert control over Kayah and Pekon and Pinlaung townships. The military has also declared martial law in Tanintharyi Region’s Dawei and Palaw townships in southern Myanmar, while also deploying troops from Kayah to Karen State, where resistance is also strong. So the junta needed reinforcements in Tanintharyi. Reinforcements were also needed in Magwe’s Gangaw District and neighboring Chin State, where PDF’s fighting alongside the Chinland Defense Force are making it difficult for the junta to resupply its bases in Chin State. Despite being overstretched by fighting on multiple fronts, 3,000 reinforcements were found and started to arrive around the end of February. Soldiers from the 12th Military Operations Command (MOC) based in northern Shan State were sent to Karen State, while troops from the 20th MOC fighting in Karen State were moved to Tanintharyi Region. Further reinforcements came from 2nd MOC and 17th MOC, who have launched assaults in Yaw Region, an area made up of Gangaw, Htilin, and Saw in Magwe Region’s Gangaw District, and Kyaukhtu on the border of Magwe and Chin State. Deng’s guarantee Why couldn’t the regime move troops from northern Shan State before? Why now? Three of the seven EAOs China’s special envoy met — the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) — have a strong presence in northern Shan State. They have ties to pro-democracy revolutionary forces that took up arms after the 2021 coup. Thousands of revolutionary fighters have since been trained and armed by the KIA, TNLA and MNDAA. That forced the Myanmar military to keep soldiers from seven MOCs and Northeastern Command in their positions in northern Shan. So what made the regime take a bold decision to move its troops in the face of such threat? The KIA, TNLA and MNDAA have rejected peace talks with the regime, and are unlikely to reach an immediate truce with the junta no matter what China’s special envoy says to them. The regime was able to move the troops because of a guarantee made possible by an agreement between Deng and the junta. China does not want to see fighting along the Myanmar-China frontier. So the regime might have promised not to conduct attacks along the border, while Deng assured the junta that EAOs would not attack regime forces along the border. For the military regime, the major threat now is in central Myanmar, and it won’t think twice about promising China that it will not fight along the border unless it is attacked. And Deng is in a position to pressure EAOs in northern Myanmar not to fight near the frontier with China. EAOs in north and east Myanmar rely heavily on China for supplies of everything from food and medicine to fuel. So they are not in a position to argue when China makes a demand. That enabled the junta to move its troops without fear of attacks taking place along the border. Result of Deng’s visits Deng said he intends to help solve Myanmar’s issue peacefully. So what has been the result of Deng’s flurry of activity since December? China has got a guarantee of stability at the border, while the Myanmar military got 3,000 troops to reinforce its battalions fighting in central and southeastern Myanmar. That resulted in regime forces slaughtering civilians and torching villages in Pinlaung Township. The junta’s recent operations and its massacres of civilians are the outcome of an agreement between Deng and the regime. The Myanmar military has gained an advantage and has been able to launch large-scale operations in at least three places. But for the Myanmar people that agreement has only induced more misery as they suffer the junta’s atrocities..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-21
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Description: "Myanmar regime troops on Friday raided Tham Mar Yoe Village, Wetlet Township in the anti-regime stronghold of Sagaing Region, torching 269 houses and killing an elderly resident, according to residents. Around 110 junta troops raided the village in western Wetlet on Friday afternoon and torched the village for three hours despite not engaging with any resistance forces. “A 78-year-old woman who had earlier suffered a stroke took refuge in a building in the monastic compound and was killed by the fire,” said Bo Young Ni, the leader of G-Z Brothers Young Ni Force. Situated on the Shwebo-Monywa road, Tham Mar Yoe has more than 700 households. Currently, residents are returning to the village and clearing up the debris, according to a resident. “They torched the village while passing on the road. Not even the monastery was spared,” a resident said. Currently, shelter, palm leaves, rice, oil and other foodstuffs are urgently needed for the fire victims, according to the Wetlet Township People’s Strike Committee. The troops involved in the raid departed the village for the Ayadaw Township military base’s Training Unit Battalion 10 on six vehicles that evening. Later that evening, G-Z Brothers Young Ni Force used eight land mines to mount two attacks on troops in Ayadaw Township, killing four soldiers. “We attacked a military vehicle first. Then we attacked again when four soldiers got out of the car to clear the mine. It is certain that four were killed,” Bo Young Ni told The Irrawaddy. His claim couldn’t be independently verified. Wetlet Township is a resistance stronghold bordering Shwebo and Ayadaw townships, where armed attacks against the military council are frequent. Villages in those townships are frequently raided by regime troops, who routinely torch homes in the villages..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-03-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-20
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Description: "1. The National Unity Government (NUG), Karenni State Consultative Council (KSCC), and the Pa-o National Federal Council (PNFC) strongly condemn the massacre by the terrorist military council on March 11th of 22 civilians, including three Buddhist monks and one woman in Nam Nein Village, Pinlong Township, Shan State. We further condemn all the crimes against humanity committed by the Myanmar military. We are committed to seeking justice for the victims and their families. 2. Since the arbitrary seizure of power in 2021, the terrorist Myanmar military council has been using brutal counter-insurgency methods against innocent civilians. They have been entering the villages, killing civilians, raping and executing women, and taking citizens for use as human shields. In addition, the Myanmar military is committing these atrocities with the express purpose of dividing our diverse ethnic and religious communities. 3. The National Unity Government, Karenni State Consultative Council, Pa-O National Federal Council, and the People’s Defense Forces are working in coordination to assist civilians escape military oppression and secure justice. 4. Our organizations are working together, and the relevant ministries of the National Unity Government are engaged in compiling information about all the crimes committed by the Myanmar military, including forwarding witnesses and material evidence to international prosecution organizations. We have urged all civilians, particularly the elderly, women, children, and the disabled, to remain vigilant and evacuate prior to attacks. 5. To safeguard the lives of our people, we ask the international community to provide vital communication technology, equipment, and early warning. We further urge the imposition of sanctions on the Myanmar military and the associates which supply jet fuel, weapons, dual-purpose technology, and other military equipment to the Myanmar army. 6. We call on international legal bodies and the International Criminal Court to expand their current investigations to encompass all crimes committed in Myanmar in order to hold perpetrators to account. We also urge governments to increase pressure on the Myanmar military council by establishing universal jurisdiction in order to try cases of crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Myanmar military council. In doing so, you provide protection to the people of Myanmar and contribute to the building a new, free, and just state. 7. We encourage the international community to support the National Unity Government and its allies in order to bring a speedy resolution to the current crisis and put a stop to the crimes committed by Myanmar military against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-03-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "၁။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ ကရင်နီပြည်နယ် အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီ (KSCC)၊ ပအိုဝ်းအမျိုးသားဖက်ဒရယ်ကောင်စီ (PNFC) တို့အနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုက ပင်လောင်းမြို့နယ်၊ နမ်းနိန်းရွာရှိ သံဃာတော်(၃) ပါး၊ အမျိုးသမီး (၁) ဦး အပါအဝင် အရပ်သားပြည်သူ (၂၂) ဦးကို ရက်စက်စွာ အစုလိုက်အပြုံလိုက် သတ်ဖြတ်ခဲ့သည့် လုပ်ရပ်အပါအဝင် မတရားအာဏာလုယူထားသည့်ကာလအတွင်း ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သည့် လူသားမျိုးနွယ်စု အပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် ရာဇဝတ်မှုများ အားလုံးကိုပြင်းထန်စွာရှုတ်ချပြီး တရားမျှတမှု ပြန်လည်ရရှိရေးအတွက် အလေးအနက်ထားဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။ ၂။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုသည် တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများသို့ ဖြတ်လေးဖြတ်စနစ်ကိုကျင့်သုံးကာ ကျေးရွာများအတွင်း စစ်ကြောင်းထိုးဝင်ရောက်လျက်ရှိပြီး အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအား ရက်စက်စွာ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ အမျိုးသမီးများအား မုဒိမ်းကျင့်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်း၊ အချို့ရွာသားများအား လူသားဒိုင်းအဖြစ်အသုံးချရန် ဖမ်းဆီးခေါ်ဆောင်သွားပြီးမှ သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများကိုဆက်တိုက် ကျူးလွန် လျက်ရှိသည်။ ထို့အပြင် တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်နယ်များအတွင်း အတူတကွနေထိုင်နေကြသော တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးများအကြား ဘာသာရေးအားဖြင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ လူမျိုးအားဖြင့် သော်လည်းကောင်းသွေးခွဲခြင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလူမျိုးတူညီကြသူသော်လည်း မတူညီသော အစုအဖွဲ့များအကြား သပ်လျှိုသွေးခွဲခြင်းများကို အစဉ်တစိုက်လုပ်ဆောင်နေကြောင်းလည်း သက်သေအထောက်အထားများ အခိုင်အမာဖြင့်တွေ့ရှိနေရသည်။ ၃။ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ ဖိနှိပ်သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ မှ လွတ်ကင်းနိုင်ရေး အတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ သက်ဆိုင်ရာ ပြည်နယ်၊ တိုင်းများမှ အတိုင်ပင်ခံကောင်စီများနှင့် ကာကွယ်ရေးတပ်ဖွဲ့များအားလုံး အတူတကွညှိနှိုင်းလုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိကြောင်း ပြောကြားလိုက်ပါသည်။ ၄။ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သက်ဆိုင်ရာဝန်ကြီးဌာနများအနေဖြင့်လည်း အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်က ကျူးလွန်သော ရာဇဝတ်မှုများအားလုံးနှင့် ပတ်သက်ပြီး အချက်အလက်ရယူစုဆောင်းခြင်း၊ လူသက်သေ၊ ပစ္စည်းသက်သေများ ရယူစုဆောင်းခြင်း၊ နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့ ပေးပို့ခြင်းများအား သက်ဆိုင်ရာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအားလုံးနှင့် အတူတကွလုပ်ဆောင်လျက်ရှိကြောင်းပြောကြားလိုက်ပါသည်။ ၅။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်သည် အရပ်သားပြည်သူများ၊ သက်ကြီးရွယ်အို၊ အမျိုးသမီး၊ ကလေးသူငယ် နှင့် မသန်စွမ်းတို့ပါ မချန် ရက်ရက်စက်စက် သတ်ဖြတ်လျက်ရှိသောကြောင့် ဒေသခံများအနေဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်၏ လှုပ်ရှားဆောင်ရွက်မှုများအပေါ် အမြဲမပြတ် သိရှိစေနိုင်သည့် အစီအမံများ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန်နှင့် ဝင်ရောက်လာပါက ဘေးလွတ်ရာသို့ အလျင်အမြန်ထွက်ခွာ ရှောင်တိမ်းကြပါရန် မေတ္တာရပ်ခံအပ်ပါသည်။ ၆။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့်လည်း ပြည်သူလူထု၏ အသက်အိုးအိမ် စည်းစိမ်ကို ကာကွယ်ပေးနိုင်ရန်အတွက် ဆက်သွယ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ နည်းပညာနှင့် ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာများ၊ ကြိုတင်သတိပေးခြင်း စနစ်ဆိုင်ရာ ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာများစသည်တို့ကို ထောက်ပံ့ပေးနိုင်ပါရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု နှင့် အပေါင်းအပါများအပေါ် စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုအပါအဝင် လက်နက်ခဲယမ်းတင်သွင်းရောင်းချမှု၊ စစ်ရေးတွင်အသုံးပြုနိုင်သည့် နည်းပညာပံ့ပိုးမှု၊ လေယာဉ်ဆီ တင်သွင်းမှု နှင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ် အသုံးပြုလျက်ရှိသည့် စစ်ရေးဆိုင်ရာ ပစ္စည်းကိရိယာများ တင်သွင်းမှုများကို ပိတ်ပင်တားဆီးခြင်းများ ပြုလုပ်ပေးကြရန် တောင်းဆိုပါသည်။ ၇။ နိုင်ငံတကာတရားရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် International Criminal Courtအနေဖြင့် စုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးမှုများကိုမြန်မာတစ်နိုင်ငံလုံးအနှံ့ကျူးလွန်မှုများအထိ ချဲ့ထွင်စစ်ဆေးဆောင်ရွက်သွားကြရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ ကမ္ဘာ့နိုင်ငံများအနေဖြင့်လည်း စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကိုကျူးလွန်နေသည့် မြန်မာစစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ယင်း၏အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်တပ်ကို နိုင်ငံအလိုက်အရေးယူဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်မည့် Universal Jurisdictionတရားရုံးများ ဖော်ထုတ်ပြီးထိရောက်စွာလုပ်ဆောင်ခြင်းဖြင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အသက်ဘေးအန္တရာယ်မှ လွတ်မြောက်ပြီး၎င်းတို့လိုချင်သော လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် နိုင်ငံတော်သစ် တခုကိုတည်ဆောက်နိုင်ရေးပါဝင်ပံ့ပိုးပေးနိုင်ကြပါရန်တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။ ၈။ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအနေဖြင့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပါအဝင် တိုင်းရင်းသားတော်လှန်ရေးအင်အားစုများအားလုံးနှင့် အမြန်ဆုံး ညှိနှိုင်းတိုင်ပင် ကူညီပံ့ပိုးခြင်းအားဖြင့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စု၏ မြန်မာပြည်သူလူထုတစ်ရပ်လုံးအပေါ် ကျူးလွန်လျက်ရှိသည့် ရာဇဝတ်များ လျင်မြန်စွာ အဆုံးသတ်နိုင်ရေး အစောတလျင် ဆောင်ရွက်ကြပါရန် အလေးအနက် တိုက်တွန်းလိုက်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2023-03-16
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-16
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Description: "At least 28 people were killed by the Myanmar army at a monastery in southern Shan state, an insurgent group said. Troops shelled Nan Naint village on Saturday, the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF) said. Myanmar has seen a growing number of deadly battles between its military and armed resistance groups since the junta seized power in a coup two years ago. Some of the fiercest fighting has been in this region between the capital Nay Pyi Taw and the border with Thailand. On Saturday, the military's air force and artillery entered the village after the shelling around 16:00 local time (09:30 GMT) and executed villagers they found hiding inside a monastery, the KNDF said. A video from KNDF - one of several ethnic armies which have joined the fight against the military government - showed at least 21 bodies, including three in the orange robes worn by Buddhist monks, piled up against the monastery. The bodies had what appeared to be multiple gunshot wounds. The video also shows the walls of the monastery peppered with bullet holes. The Kantarawaddy Times, a local newspaper, quoted a KNDF spokesperson saying: "It was like the [military] made them line up in front of the monastery and brutally shot them all, including the monks." The group told the BBC it had found the other seven bodies nearby in the tiny village. Some of the surrounding buildings and houses were also burned down in what the KNDF has said was a military attack on the village. Devastation from the air in Myanmar's brutal civil war She treated the resistance, and paid with her life The group said the villagers had believed taking shelter with the highly-respected monks in the area might guarantee them protection. Others in the village had evacuated before the soldiers arrived. Details of the incident are difficult to verify, but the savage nature of the attack against unarmed civilians is not new in this part of Myanmar, which has seen some of the strongest resistance to the military junta since a coup two years ago. The KNDF told the BBC that since 25 February, there had been increased clashes and fighting as junta soldiers had advanced on the Nan Naint area and its monastery. Nan Naint is on the main route from Shan state to Kayah state, a road the junta believes is critical to arms supply to the insurgent groups fighting against them. It is also an area with a mixed population of sometimes rival ethnic groups: Pa-O, Shan and Karenni people. The Pa-O National Organisation and its armed wing are strongly pro-junta in the area. Locals report the army has stepped up efforts to reinforce such pro-junta ethnic militias in the region to challenge the opposition who control the area. And in recent months, attacks and counter-attacks had paved the way for the escalation on Saturday, observers say. "The Karenni groups have captured some villages and so the Myanmar military is now shelling them," a village official near the military outpost of Saung Pyaung told the local The Irrawaddy newspaper. Such fighting has also displaced thousands of people, local aid groups report. Myanmar's military leaders had been hoping to hold an election this year in the belief this would give their government some badly-needed legitimacy. But their failure to crush opposition to their rule, even with the extensive use of aerial bombardment in recent months, has made holding an election a near impossible task. Myanmar has been caught up in a civil war for decades, which escalated after the coup in 2021. One-and-a-half million people have been displaced, 40,000 homes have been gutted, eight million children are no longer in school, and 15 million people are judged by the UN to be dangerously short of food. More than 2,900 people have been killed during the junta's crackdown on dissent, according to monitoring group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
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Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2023-03-13
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Regime troops raided at least 10 villages and torched at least 89 houses in Myaung Township, Sagaing Region over four days this week, according to local resistance forces. A spokesperson from Civilian Defence and Security Organization of Myaung (CDSOM) said at least 15 houses from Yathit Village and 74 houses from Chaung Zinn Village were destroyed in the regime’s arson attacks. Residents of Chaung Zin and Yathit villages where houses were burned down by junta troops are now clearing debris and setting up makeshift homes in the daytime. However, they have to flee for their safety when night falls due to the fear of regime drone attacks and artillery strikes, according to local people. Two columns of regime troops from Light Infantry Battalion 16 and Pyu Saw Htee militia advanced toward Pauk Chaung Village on March 4 at around 3.00 pm and were backed up by another junta column from Kyauk Yit Village, according to witnesses. Bo Kyar Thit, CDSOM spokesperson, said the local resistance forces in the area joined together and attacked the regime base in Kyauk Yit Village in Myaung Township on March 4. “All local resistance forces in Myaung Township coalesced to ambush the regime’s base in Kyauk Yit Village on Saturday night at around 9.00 pm after they occupied Pauk Chaung. The attack took 30 minutes. Two junta police officers were killed during our joint attack and a member of a local resistance group was injured,” he said. The Irrawaddy can’t independently verify the claim. he regime troops conducted raids and fired artillery shells for the next three days, raiding another nine villages across Myaung Township, injuring two resistance forces, he added. “Two members from our organization were injured due to the regime’s artillery attack on Tuesday. A civilian from Pauk Chaung Village was also arrested by regime troops,” he said. The regime troops left Myaung Township and moved toward to their base in Kyi Village on Tuesday, according to the local sources..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-03-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The following is an edited version of a speech by Zoya Phan, Programme Director at Burma Campaign UK, at the launch of Refugee Week at the University of East Anglia on 3rd March 2023. Thank you so much for inviting me back to speak here again. It is a great honour for me to be back at the University of East Anglia. Refugee Week can be an emotional time for me. It makes me think back on my experiences as a child and young woman. When I was 14, the Burmese military attacked my village in Karen State, Burma. We all had to flee for our lives. We were lucky, we escaped, we walked through the jungle for weeks before we reached a refugee camp in Thailand. It was the first time I became a refugee. Before then, I had no idea what a refugee was and I had no understanding of the concept of being a refugee. The second time I became a refugee was two years later, after we had moved back to Burma to try to rebuild our lives in a new place, but that was also attacked by the Burmese military. We had to run through the night back into Thailand. Back into the refugee camps. I thought in my heart, no, not again, I don’t want to be a refugee again. But I had no choice. The third time I became a refugee was here in the UK, after coming to the UK to study. I became politically active against the Burmese military, and it was not safe for me to return to Thailand because of death threats, let alone Burma. The theme of compassion for this refugee week is a good one. It focuses on the positive. At every stage of my journey as a refugee people with compassion have helped. People from my own community, the ethnic Karen people of Burma, formed committees to help Karen refugees. They organised food, shelter and medical support. They made sure children had an education. International donors played a part, and international people came to help. When I came to the UK, I was met with compassion from friends I made here at this university, from the university itself, which was my first home in the UK, and from Karen and Burmese refugees already in the UK. Without this support, I cannot imagine my life. I would probably have died years ago. But while focusing on the compassion that has been so important to us as refugees, we must also focus on the lack of compassion that many governments and institutions have shown to refugees, because this must be challenged and it must change. When I was a refugee in Thailand, we were not given official refugee status. There was no pathway to work, integration, or making a life in Thailand, even though there was no hope of returning home to Burma. Instead we were made to construct barbed wire fences imprisoning ourselves, fences still there decades later. Thailand, like many countries, hasn’t signed the Refugee Convention. And the truth is, when I claimed asylum here, the Home Office treated me with no compassion at all. Staff were rude and threatening, my application took years, leaving me stateless and in fear, unable to start a new life. The process was as traumatic as when I ran through the jungle at night with Burmese military mortar bombs shaking the ground as they attacked us. I am always amazed and inspired by the compassion that so many people have to help others, I could not have survived without it. But I am disappointed as well at how refugees are treated. Cuts in aid budgets mean refugees abroad have rations cut, and children who have already been through so much will go hungry. Governments and media spend more time publicly attacking those seeking asylum than they do terrorists and criminals. And asylum seekers in the UK are still banned from working, despite the right to work making sense morally, economically, and having majority public support. If the Nationality and Borders Bill was in place when I claimed asylum, I would have been turned down. There are no legal pathways for people from Burma to come to the UK for sanctuary. But my hope for positive change is here. It means so much to me seeing many of you here. People with compassion. People who have no personal reason to give your time and effort to help refugees, but do so because you care. We have to change public attitudes, and we have to change laws. And we will. Compassion will win. My homeland is now a conflict zone. The Burmese military have been attacking us for decades. Every day, people have been attacked with airstrikes and artillery shelling. People in Burma are so desperate for help. Refugees just want to go home, we want to go home, but we cannot go home. For many of us our homes have been shattered and our families have been destroyed. There is nothing for us to go back to. But we still want to go home, because we want to help rebuild our country. We want to work for the development of our community and help our next generation to grow..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-03-09
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "7 March 2023: Today, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) releases a new report, “We Dare Not Return,” Displacement and the Denial of Human Rights in Southeastern Burma. The report includes an analysis of the current situation in our respective target areas of Southeastern Burma throughout 2022. The findings draw on interviews with emergency response teams, survivors, and witnesses of the attacks. The Burma Army committed all the crimes documented in the report with complete and total impunity. They are widespread, systematic and indicative of a worsening pattern of violence. Between 1 January 2022 and 31 December 2022, HURFOM reported that at least 146 people were killed, including 26 women and children. In addition, more than 480 were injured, and nearly 1500 were arbitrarily arrested and detained. The Burma Army continued to target opposition forces, including members of pro-democracy groups. This subsequently led to over 85 cases of enforced disappearances. Dozens of human rights defenders remain in exile for their safety. HURFOM also documented 750 houses burned, including 58 villages. The humanitarian crisis caused by the junta’s destruction has led to over 150 000 people being forcibly displaced in Southeastern Burma. Throughout the reporting period of 2022, the conditions on the ground caused civilians to feel unsafe. Many villagers that HURFOM spoke to said they ‘dare not return’ to their homes out of fear that they would be arrested, tortured or even killed by the military junta. There are economic and social struggles as villagers cannot work, study or support their families because the presence of the regime has deterred them. On multiple occasions, HURFOM documented Burma Army soldiers indiscriminately firing into villages. The situation in the third year since the failed coup has not improved. The rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in southeastern Burma requires urgent and immediate attention as more lives are caught in the crossfire daily. International actors and UN bodies must support and enact a no-fly zone in Burma, a global arms embargo, and an urgent and immediate referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court. And yet, a sentiment of hope, determination and adversity is still prominent throughout the country as rallying forces join together to defeat and dismantle the junta. The people on the ground in Burma are brave in their unwavering commitment to see an end to military rule. The international community must not let their struggle be in vain. They must use their diplomatic tools and resources to engage meaningfully with civil society organizations and the National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2023-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Key Event Details Location of Incident: Monywa town (မုံရွာမြို့), Sagaing region (စစ်ကိုင်းတိုင်းဒေသကြီး) [22.105255, 95.137446]. Date/Time of Incident: 27 February 2021 Alleged Perpetrator(s) and/or Involvement: Multiple armed police and military personnel Several men in civilian clothing Summary of Investigation: Myanmar Witness has verified footage showing multiple armed police and military personnel, as well as men dressed in civilian clothing, chasing and using sticks to beat two fleeing and unarmed individuals. The footage indicates potential coordination between the police and civilians in carrying out the beatings. The footage also shows soldiers from the military’s 101 Light Infantry Division pointing guns at the individuals who were filming the incident. Executive Summary In the months following the February 2021 military coup, Myanmar Witness documented and verified footage of police and military violence against individuals. This mini-series of spot reports documents five separate incidents in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing in February and March 2021. The first report of the series focusses on events in Monywa town The case studies in the series show police and military personnel beating unarmed individuals, including those already apprehended; harassment, intimidation and arrest of medical workers; and the infliction of degrading treatment. Additionally, ranking police officers were identified in two incidents. In this case study, Myanmar Witness has verified footage showing two unarmed individuals in civilian clothing, believed to be protestors or bystanders to a protest, running away from a water cannon and security forces. Multiple armed police and military personnel, as well as several men dressed in civilian clothing, are seen chasing and using sticks to beat the two fleeing and unarmed individuals. The videos potentially reveal coordination between police and individuals dressed in civilian clothing. However, it cannot be ascertained from this case study whether the individuals were affiliated with, acting in coordination with, or undercover members of the security forces. Analysis of rank and insignia, clearly visible in the footage, attributes responsibility of this violence to the Lon Htein (Riot Security Forces), soldiers from Myanmar military’s Yangon Command, and the 101 Light Infantry Division. Sticks are used to beat the individuals’ head, arms and torso to the extent that one of them appears unable to stand, and a stretcher is brought for him. It also shows soldiers from the military’s 101 Light Infantry Division pointing guns at the individuals who were filming the incident. To read the full investigation, download the report PDF. These examples of police and military brutality are being released to mark two years passing since their occurrence; however, they are by no means exhaustive. Myanmar Witness has documented other instances of police and military harassment since the coup, which has been documented in several reports, including: Violence against protestors in North Okkalapa, Bago, and Hlaing Tharyar; and, the deaths of multiple female protestors, including Ma Kyal Sin (Angel) and Daw Tinnwe..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "ABSTRACT Evidence is scarce on how conflict affects technology adoption and consequent agricultural productivity in fragile states, an important topic given the high share of the extreme poor living in fragile environments globally. Our study contributes to filling this knowledge gap by using unique large-scale data on rice producers in Myanmar before and after a military coup in 2021, leading to a surge of conflicts in the country. We find that the increase in violent events significantly changed rice productivity. Specifically, increases in fatal violent events between 2020 and 2021 reduced rice Total Factor Productivity (TFP) – a measure of how efficiently agricultural inputs are used to produce rice – by about 4 percent on average in the short-run. Moreover, poorer farmers are more affected by conflict, as seen through an increased output elasticity to agricultural equipment owned, indicating reduced output resilience for less-capital owning, and therefore poorer, farmers. This seems partly due to reduced access to agricultural extension services, which would otherwise help farmers maintain productivity, even with limited capital ownership, through substitution with human capital and skills. Lower mechanization service fees partly mitigate these effects. Our results consistently hold for both short- and long-run production functions, across various specifications, and in Upper and Lower Myanmar. These findings suggest that containing and reducing violent events is critical in restoring rice productivity. Improved access to extension services, as well as to cheap mechanization service provision to mitigate lack of equipment ownership, could compensate for these losses and boost the productivity of farmers, especially for those with less production capital, in such fragile settings..."
Source/publisher: International Food Policy Research Institute (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Karenni activist Neineh Plo says cooperation is key to removing Myanmar’s junta and forming a democratic union.
Description: "Neineh Plo is an ethnic Karenni activist working with the Coordination Team for Emergency Relief (Karenni) in eastern Myanmar’s Kayah state, situated along the country’s border with Thailand. A former spokesperson for the Karenni National Progressive Party who worked with the deposed National League for Democracy government on Myanmar’s peace process, he recently joined four Karenni organizations in publishing a report documenting war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by junta forces in Kayah state and surrounding areas between May 2021 and September 2022. Earlier this month, Neineh Plo visited Washington, D.C. and met with U.S. officials, lawmakers, NGOs and U.N. agencies to discuss the report’s findings and how the international community can help hold the junta accountable for its rights violations in Myanmar. During his visit, he spoke with Nay Rein Kyaw of RFA’s Burmese Service about promoting cooperation between Myanmar’s resistance groups in the pursuit of removing the country’s military dictatorship and establishing a federal democratic union. The following interview has been edited for clarity: RFA: First of all, thank you for visiting RFA. We have three questions. The first question is, what were your first impressions during your trip to the United States? Neineh Plo: Well, my first impression during this trip is that the U.S. enjoys freedom of expression. It is freedom of expression that makes programming like RFA’s possible. And it is with this freedom that we enable the voices of the oppressed to be heard by the international community. When these voices are heard, the international community can take action to help liberate them within the societies that oppress them, such as Burma. So, I really appreciate the fact that people have the freedom to express themselves … as that is something we don't have in Burma right now. Burma is under a military dictatorship and all kinds of free speech are banned … so you only hear from the military dictatorship what they want to tell the people. I want to tell the world the concerns of the oppressed people. RFA: The world is watching the situation in Burma every day. Can you discuss the achievements of the resistance movement within the past two years [since the coup]? Neineh Plo: Since the military coup two years ago … the people have suffered a lot. More than 1.5 million people are currently displaced internally in the country. But at the same time, we have many young people seeing this injustice and joining the resistance movement, whether it is armed resistance or other forms. And also, we see other people from Burma who were not aware of the plight of ethnic people in the country. Now they have become aware of the oppression that ethnic people have been facing at the hands of the military dictatorship – discrimination, lack of rights in the country. So this resistance movement, in a way, has brought people together against a common enemy, which is the military dictatorship, and then to work together and fight against this dictatorship – to remove it once and for all – and then bring about a new system to this country through the establishment of a federal democratic union. RFA: So you are seeing more unity in Burma, right? Neineh Plo: Yes. Now it is the kind of unity that we had not seen before the coup. Before the coup, it was mostly the ethnic groups who were fighting for equality, democracy, self-determination and federalism. Since the coup, we and other groups from Burma have had the opportunity to work with ethnic groups on a common principle, which is a federal democratic union. But there's a lot more work to do. We are not there yet, but at least we have started this conversation and have worked together on this issue. It is not something that we are all in agreement about ... But at least we have a common understanding on the future of the country, which is that unless we can establish a federal democratic union, we won't be able to make progress. So, I think that is a big achievement. Sadly, the military dictatorship is still in place and we need to remove them and bring people back home [who have fled since the coup]. And the people of Burma cannot do it alone. We need the international community’s help to remove this military dictatorship, to bring about a regime change in the country, so that we can enjoy sustainable peace. Unity and international support RFA: The people of Burma and the international community would like to know whether this movement can win and when that might happen. What is your opinion? Neineh Plo: First, we need to build unity among all these groups … We have a lot of ethnic resistance organizations, the [shadow] National Unity Government, and the [anti-junta] People’s Defense Force [paramilitary groups], as well as many civil society organizations. All of these groups have to be able to come together and have a single vision ... which is the establishment of a federal democratic union for the future of Burma. With that kind of unity, we will be able to address many different things on the ground. We also need international support. International support can come in many ways. Currently, we need immediate humanitarian support, and then we will also need international support to hold the military accountable [for its atrocities]. We also need international support to cut supplies to the military and disable the whole military apparatus in the country and eventually remove the military from politics. The people of Burma cannot do it alone – we need coordinated international support, otherwise it will not be effective. RFA: Do you see a timeframe for victory? Neineh Plo: I don't want to make a prediction, as I'm not in a position to do so, but if there is unity among the people of Burma and the international community, and if we can build momentum, victory will come sooner than we expect..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: “They view themselves as the only ones capable of keeping the country together – something that goes back to the military’s foundation as an anti-colonial fighting force.”
Description: "More than two years after Myanmar’s military seized power in a coup, the country is in a state of generalized armed conflict and economic dysfunction. What began as a loosely coordinated protest movement against the military takeover has since hardened into a broad front of resistance groups that seeks not just to reverse the coup, but to remove the military entirely from its position of centrality in Myanmar’s political, economic – even social – life. How the Myanmar armed forces got there, and have since sustained their control over Myanmar and its people – even during the country’s decade of supposed reform in the 2010s – is the subject of a new book by the British journalist Oliver Slow, who lived and worked as a journalist in Myanmar between 2012 and 2020, several years of which he spent as an editor at Frontier Myanmar. His book “Return of the Junta: Why Myanmar’s Military Must Go Back to the Barracks” is due for release on February 23. Now based in London, he spoke to The Diplomat about the roots of a seemingly senseless coup, the ethnic and structural tensions bequeathed by British rule, and whether the country’s increasingly united resistance movement can manage to overcome them. When the military seized power on February 1, 2021, many observers struggled to understand why the military leadership had taken such a disastrous step, after a decade in which Myanmar had opened its economic and political system. What in your view motivated the takeover? How would you describe the worldview of those at the upper echelons of the armed forces, and how is such a view inculcated? The short answer I think is that the military was worried that the “transition to democracy” it had initiated a decade earlier risked spiraling out of its control. This wasn’t a transition towards any sort of genuine democracy, but rather an attempt by the ruling generals to gain the legitimacy they desired – particularly from Western powers – while also holding onto the main levers of power. The transition/roadmap – whatever you wish to call it – was to be achieved through its own rules, by adhering to the 2008 Constitution, which it had passed in a sham referendum just months after Cyclone Nargis devastated large parts of the country. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. There were a couple of shortcomings with this approach. The first was that the people didn’t want to play by these rules. Every chance they’ve had the opportunity to do so, the Myanmar people have said loudly that they don’t want to be ruled by the military – in the elections of 1990, 2015 and 2020, not to mention by-elections in 2012 and 2017. In all of these votes, the people have overwhelmingly voted for non-military parties, in particular Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). Now of course she remains hugely popular in the country, but I see this as much more an anti-military vote rather than necessarily a pro-NLD one. And she didn’t want to play by these rules either, displaying a pretty clear desire to amend the constitution, which I think the generals worried could feasibly happen if the NLD were to rule for another term. The January 2017 assassination of constitutional expert U Ko Ni in broad daylight was a clear message by the military to leave their precious charter alone. So when the military’s proxy – the Union Solidarity and Development Party – performed even worse in the 2020 election than it had in 2015, I think that was a clear signal to the military rulers that they weren’t going to receive the popular mandate they desired, so they put an end to the experiment in the only way they know how – through violence. The NLD’s unwillingness to look into these claims of voter fraud was the final straw for them. In terms of the worldview of the Tatmadaw’s top brass, I think they view themselves as the only ones capable of keeping the country together – something that goes back to the military’s foundation as an anti-colonial fighting force, and through the difficult years after independence when the military did play an important role in keeping the country together. But the people view the military’s role in the exact opposite way, as responsible for the destruction of the country. I think that’s in large part because of the violence the military has meted out to the people for several decades, but also in the way it has destroyed other aspects of life in Myanmar, including education and the economy. Based on this worldview, I think the military wants complete control, and essentially for the people to bow down at its feet. Clearly, that’s not happening, and at the other end of the scale, you have most of the population now wanting the military completely removed from power. So, between a military that wants total power, and a resistance that wants the army removed from power, there really is this bottleneck that feels completely immovable at this moment in time. Your book examines in detail the history of military involvement in Myanmar’s politics from independence in 1948 up to the current iteration of military dictatorship. How is the current phase of military rule, which followed a decade of carefully graduated political and economic opening, different from past eras of direct military rule, and do you see any continuities? I see a lot of similarities, and a fair few differences. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. I think the main similarity is that they all hold onto this belief that the Tatmadaw is the only institution that can hold the country together. As I mentioned, this goes back to its foundations as an anti-colonial fighting force, its efforts to repel the Kuomintang – a foreign occupier – from northern Burma in the mid-20th century, and the important role the military played in keeping the country intact after independence. You simply don’t get to the top of the Tatmadaw without subscribing to this belief: it’s drilled into you through your education, through your daily life, through your social circle, through everything you do. The main difference I see in the current leadership – in particular coup leader Min Aung Hlaing, as after all this is a deeply hierarchical institution – is that it’s much more violent, or at least much more willing to resort to violence to hold onto power. Yes, previous juntas were violent, but I don’t think quite on this scale that we’re seeing – although that could be because it feels backed into a corner by the widespread resistance against it. I don’t want to claim for a second that previous juntas in Myanmar weren’t violent, but I don’t think we’ve ever seen such sustained violence by its forces across the entire country every day. Again, that could be because the resistance has never been as strong as it is now, but I do believe that the military in Myanmar today is a uniquely immoral institution. Prior to Myanmar’s independence, the country’s territory had never been under the control of a single, unitary state. What role do you think this challenge – the difficulty of consolidating state control in outlying, ethnic minority-dominated areas of the country – has played in justifying and perpetuating military rule? How much is military rule a symptom of Myanmar’s troubles, and to what degree is it a cause? Not all of Myanmar’s issues today are the fault of the military alone. Take British colonialism, for example, which had a pretty devastating impact on Burma. In addition to playing these different ethnic groups off against each other in a form of divide-and-conquer – the legacies of which persist today – they also dismantled most of the institutions that existed in the country at the time. The British also left behind a hugely unequal country in terms of a tiered education system, as well as one scarred by the brutal Burma Campaign of World War II, not to mention the thousands of weapons that were left behind from that fighting and fueled the insecurity of the early years after independence. The military likes to blame colonial rule for the problems the country is facing. In fact, just this morning I was reading a piece in state-run media to mark Union Day that essentially blamed “capitalist invaders” for the issues the country is facing. And there is some element of truth to that – a half-truth, if you will – but let’s not forget that it’s been more than 70 years since independence, and the military has had control of the country for the majority of that time. In that time, it has done almost nothing to lift the lives of the people. Instead, it has built up its own capabilities, filled its own pockets and those of its top brass, and done everything it can to hold onto power. Amid all of this, the people have not only been left to fend for themselves, but also subjected to the military’s violence. Since the coup, many Myanmar people have expressed intense frustration at the outside world’s inaction in the face of the military’s atrocities, right at the time that Western nations are mounting a joint effort to defend Ukraine from Russian aggression. How in your view should foreign governments deal with the growing political and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar? I think in large part the frustration is completely fair. While some Western governments have placed sanctions against the military’s business interests, there are still massive gaps in terms of what they could target. These gaps need to be closed as quickly as possible to ensure all steps are taken to ensure the military’s finances are cut off. Every day the military can continue making money, and it will continue meting out violence against the people. But we also need to be realistic and recognize that Myanmar’s future direction will be driven first and foremost by the dynamics inside the country. It will depend on the likes of those involved in the resistance – in those building parallel administrative systems, providing humanitarian assistance, the National Unity Government, and the armed resistance – as well as whether or not the military has the capabilities to cope with the huge resistance against it. I would say though, it’s clear that something in the world order is not working when a regime as objectionable as this one can cling to power. Of course, these are sovereign countries, and foreign interference in a country’s affairs is a complicated thing, but the “democratic global order” has shown itself to be pretty ineffective. Some U.N. departments do incredible work, so this isn’t an attack on the U.N. as a whole, but I have some pretty big questions about the role of the U.N. Security Council in its response. It describes itself as having “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security,” and here we are two years after the military’s coup with one pretty flimsy resolution. Clearly, a drastic reset is needed in its approach, starting with getting rid of the veto for permanent members. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Speaking in pragmatic terms, what I think we need to see from democratic countries is more support for the democratic resistance in Myanmar. There are so many remarkable groups doing important work, and these need to be highlighted and supported. Supporting justice initiatives against the military is also important, as is providing humanitarian assistance In terms of the resistance, I think it’s important to try and engage with the few governments who are allies of the military – your Chinas, Indias, Thailands, and Japans (for as long as Putin hangs onto power, Russia is a lost cause). The democratic resistance needs to be able to make a positive case to these countries about their ability to rule – I don’t think these countries particularly want to support the military, they just see no other option right now. One of the things that have historically benefited the military is the lack of unity between Myanmar’s various ethnic armed organizations and rebel groups on the one hand, and a simmering mistrust between these groups and the Bamar-dominated National League for Democracy (NLD) on the other. Are you at all optimistic that things have changed since the coup? I am. One of the few upsides of what’s been happening in Myanmar since the coup has been this new-found unity among the ethnic groups. I was in Myanmar in 2017, when much of the population pushed the military’s narrative that it had committed no wrongdoing against the Rohingya, so to see so many people apologize for that, and to admit they had fallen for the military’s propaganda, has been incredibly powerful. Now that’s not to say that any post-Tatmadaw existence in Myanmar is going to be straightforward, and in fact, I think it would be extremely messy and challenging. A lot of these grievances go back a long way, so a lot of trust-building has to be done to show that the change is genuine. But those looking to emerge as the future rulers of Myanmar have generally put together a positive case for the country’s future – one where federalism, justice, and respect for all are at its core. This is a much more positive vision for the country than the military has ever shown..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar junta forces including pro-regime militia have burned down more than 55,000 civilian houses nationwide since the 2021 coup, said Data For Myanmar, an independent research group. In total, 55,484 homes across the country’s 14 states and regions were torched as part of the military regime’s arson campaign between February 1, 2021 and the end of January 2023. Resistance stronghold Sagaing Region suffered the most arson attacks, with 43,292 houses burned, followed by 8,863 in Magwe Region and 1,484 in Chin State, according to Data For Myanmar’s report. The research group said that it used reports from the media, rights groups and refugee organizations to calculate the number of homes destroyed. However, the actual number of houses torched may be higher than the reported figure, as many regime arson attacks have yet to be verified and recent data from Kayah State is currently not available. Several resistance strongholds have experienced a recent escalation in junta arson attacks, following the regime’s imposition of martial law in 37 townships in Sagaing, Magwe and Bago regions and Chin and Kayah states. The Myanmar military has ignored calls from the international community to end all violence and release political prisoners. Instead, it has continued to commit atrocities including burning people alive, the arbitrary torture and killing of civilians, extrajudicial killings of resistance detainees, using civilian detainees as human shields, artillery and airstrikes on residential areas, looting and burning houses and acts of sexual violence. Since the February 1, 2021 coup, the junta has killed at least 2,989 people and arrested more than 19,000, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a rights group that monitors deaths and arrests by regime forces..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The 2-day campaign targeted a township hit hard by arson attacks this year.
Description: "More than 2,000 villagers in Myanmar’s northern Sagaing region fled ahead of two days of junta raids, the Kyunhla-Kanbalu Activists Group told RFA on Tuesday A spokesman, who didn’t want to be named, said a column of troops entered five villages in Kanbalu township over the weekend. “Before the troops entered Pon Nar Gyi village, they fired heavy artillery and a man in the village was hit by shell fragments,” he said. “The residents of nearby villages also had to flee because the troops were getting close.” After raiding Pon Nar Gyi on Saturday troops moved on to nearby Chat Lel. The following day they moved on to three other villages, including Pi Tauk Pin which has more than 100 homes, burning 12 of the houses there, the activists’ group said. Locals told RFA the military column comprised about 120 troops from junta Infantry Battalion 368 and the junta aligned Pyu Saw Htee militia. Calls to Sagaing region junta spokesman Aye Hlaing went unanswered Tuesday. In the past he told RFA he is not able to comment on security issues. Last month troops burned down 274 houses in Kanbalu and Kyunhla townships, according to the Kyunhla-Kanbalu Activists Group. It said seven people were burned to death. The military has stepped up a scorched earth campaign in Sagaing region this year, torching 4,271 houses in January and killing 17 civilians, Myanmar’s ousted National Unity Government said last week. In the last five months of 2022, the number of people in Sagaing region fleeing fighting and arson attacks rose 17% to 616,500 the Market Analysis Unit said on Jan. 29. That accounts for half of the newly displaced persons nationwide between August and December, according to the unit of the Myanmar Information Management Unit, which supplies data to the humanitarian and development community..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2023-02-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "(Chiang Mai, Thailand) The Karenni Human Rights Group, the Kayan Women’s Organization, the Karenni National Women’s Organization, and the Kayah State Peace Monitoring Network today released a new report, “How can we survive in the future?”: Atrocity Crimes in Karenni State. The report documents human rights violations amounting to war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by junta forces in Burma’s Karenni State and surrounding areas between May 2021 and September 2022. The serious violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law committed by junta forces include both indiscriminate and targeted attacks on Karenni civilian populations, murder and mass killings, widespread destruction of civilian property, forced displacement on a massive scale, arbitrary arrest and detention, torture and cruel treatment, sexual violence, and using Karenni civilians as forced labor and human shields. “The Burmese Army continues to conduct militarized activities, including the use of heavy artillery against civilians in Karenni State. Women and children are the most vulnerable in conflict. Civilians across the country, including Karenni State, have been forced to flee their homes and move to the jungle. The situation has become increasingly unstable due to armed clashes,” said Mie Mie, Chairperson of the Karenni National Women’s Organization. 1,190 homes in 87 Karenni towns, wards and villages have been either heavily damaged or completely destroyed by junta forces. At least 180,000 Karenni people have been forcibly displaced, which is more than 40 percent of the estimated total Karenni population. Up to 70 percent of internally displaced people (IDP) are women and children. Some families have been displaced multiple times, as IDP sites come under attack by junta forces. An internally displaced woman interviewed for the report whose home was destroyed by the regime’s mortar shelling said, “I lost everything. I don’t know where to take my children to stay and hide. I am really afraid and I don’t know where we can keep running safely.” The report also documents the arbitrary arrests of at least 260 Karenni civilians including 33 women by junta forces throughout Karenni State and neighboring areas. 115 Karenni civilians were documented to have been unlawfully killed while in Burmese military custody over the reporting period, including in three mass killing events. Based on legal analysis of the data collected, the report finds that members of the Burmese military have committed the war crimes of attacking civilians, attacking protected objects, pillaging, murder, torture, cruel treatment, and displacing civilians in Karenni State. The conduct likely also amounts to the crimes against humanity of imprisonment or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, murder, torture, enslavement, other inhumane acts, and forced displacement. The four Karenni organizations urged the international community to pursue justice and accountability to end the cycle of impunity for the Burmese military. This should include referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court, which would provide a pathway to justice and reparations for the thousands of Karenni victims. They also renewed calls for the international community to take concrete steps beyond ‘statement diplomacy’ to protect the thousands of civilians who live with the daily threat of being murdered by the military regime. These steps should include imposing a coordinated global arms embargo on the Burmese military and sanctioning aviation fuel supply in a bid to end deadly air strikes..."
Source/publisher: Karenni Human Rights Group, Kayan Women’s Organization, Karenni National Women’s Organization, Kayah State Peace Monitoring Network
2023-02-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-06
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Description: "A 12-year-old girl was killed and her brother injured in Myanmar regime shelling in Katha Township, Sagaing Region, on Thursday. A junta base at Aung Myay Tharsi monastery opened fire on adjacent Kyaut Htone Gyi village although no clashes had been reported in the area. The girl was killed instantly by a shell and her 13-year-old brother was injured in the hand and leg. Angella of the Moe Tar People’s Defense Force told The Irrawaddy: “The junta targets civilians. Ground troops seize civilians as human shields and there is frequent shelling.” She urged civilians to avoid regime forces where possible. In late October, a 12-year-old girl in Katha Township was killed by regime artillery while another child was seriously injured. Clashes have broken out around Moe Tar in Katha Township, according to resistance groups. Regime troops reportedly torched Nan Sam village houses on Saturday morning after fighting with resistance groups. “There were clashes for two days and 15 Nan Sam houses were burned,” Angella told The Irrawaddy. Nam Sam had more than 200 houses and all the villagers have fled. Katha Township borders Kachin State, where the Kachin Independence Army and its resistance allies are fighting the junta..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-01-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Raid appears to breach ceasefire between group and military
Description: "Myanmar’s junta jets dropped bombs over the weekend on the home of the leader of an ethnic Karen group that has not been fighting the military, appearing to violate an 8-year-old ceasefire, local residents told Radio Free Asia. The strike destroyed the home of Major Saw A Wan, commander of the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army’s, or DKBA, Tactical Operation Command, but he and his family were away at the time. It also destroyed a nearby guest house, high school and two employee quarters, the residents added. No one was killed in the early Saturday bombing, but one DKBA soldier was reportedly injured. The strike comes despite the group being a signatory to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement, signed under the previous military government of Thein Sein in 2015 with various ethnic armed rebel armies. Colonel Saw Sein Win, chief of staff at the DKBA, told RFA that his group is neutral and hasn’t been involved in helping resistance to junta rule since the February 2021 coup. "We are neutral. We maintain a close relationship with the military. On the other hand, we have occasional contact with the Karen National Union,” the colonel said, alluding to one of the major Karen rebel groups in Myanmar. “Despite our close ties and all the diplomacy, this (attack) happened, and we were surprised.`` He also suggested that the attack could have been carried out by a separatist faction from the DKBA, saying the group saw fighters defecting to the military last year. “They still have all the DKBA uniforms. They were fighting with the military wearing our uniforms, we would normally be accused of being involved in anti-junta activities,” he said. “Arm badges can also be bought at shops as well.” The DKBA was one of the groups that responded to the military’s peace talks invitation in the coup’s aftermath, with DKBA Commander-in-Chief General Saw Steel personally attending the talks with coup leader and Myanmar’s de facto leader Min Aung Hlaing. Analysts told RFA that the attack was a unilateral breach of peace between the ruling military and the DKBA. One eyewitness close to the DKBA said that the attack lasted almost 15 minutes. “All I could see was the light. I could not see the jets nor did I hear their sound. The guest house, which was about a hundred feet away from his house, collapsed and was destroyed,” the witness said. “The bomb didn’t hit his home directly but its stairs and handrails were cut in half just by blisters of the bombs.” Since the coup, the military has been frequently conducting airstrikes on areas where ethnic armed groups and anti-junta People’s Defense Force militias are located. Military spokesperson General Zaw Min Tun did not respond to RFA’s telephone request for comments on the attack today, and neither the junta nor the DKBA have released official information on the strike..."
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2023-01-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-23
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Description: "More than 15,000 residents from 10 villages in Katha Township, Sagaing Region have fled their homes as regime troops torch houses after conducting airstrikes on civilian targets. Junta forces burned houses in Moetar village, Tike Kone ward on Sunday and Monday after three days of intense clashes with local resistance forces nearby, according to local residents. “Regime forces entered Tike Kone ward on Sunday, a day after resistance forces retreated following clashes. They continued to burn house until this morning,” a representative of Katha People’s Administration Group told The Irrawaddy on Monday. Thousands of residents have fled to Katha town while many others are thought to be sheltering in forest and farmland, he said. Heavy fighting erupted 3 to 5 kilometers from Moetar village on Wednesday when a combined unit of the Katha-People Defense Force and All Burma Student’s Front (ABSDF) ambushed a military detachment of around 100 troops from Kachin State heading to the village. After suffering heavy losses in the clash, regime forces sent two fighter jets from the airbase in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina to bomb both resistance fighters and civilian targets in Moetar. The airstrikes killed eight villagers, mostly women, and injured 30 others. The lethal attacks prompted several thousand residents of Moetar and surrounding villages to flee their homes. The fierce clashes continued until Friday when regime forces deployed fighter jets and helicopter gunships to attack the resistance fighters while dropping reinforcements by helicopter. Regime aircraft bombed the villages of Moetar and Nant San, which were also targeted by a junta artillery unit based in Katha town. The combined attack left a father and child seriously injured, according to the Katha township People Administrative Group. The airstrikes also damaged the Nant San village school. Thirty regime personnel including a military strategist were killed in the three-day battle, according to local media, citing resistance forces that took part in the fighting. One resistance fighter was reportedly killed and three others wounded. The Irrawaddy was unable to confirm the reports. The Myohla PDF local resistance group last Thursday released video showing its members using grenade launchers and mortar shells in an intense clash. Junta jets also attacked Moetar Village a year ago on January 12, killing or severely injuring five civilians including children, and damaging six houses..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-01-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary: The Myanmar Interim Arrangements Research Project (MIARP) was funded by the Joint Peace Fund (JPF)1 , and implemented between October 2017 and October 2018. Researchers spoke to more than 450 people in Shan, Karen/Kayin and Mon States, Tanintharyi Region, Naypyidaw, Yangon and Thailand, including confict-affected communities, representatives of Myanmar government and Army, leaders and members of Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), civil society organisations (CSOs), political parties, diplomats and donors, and international aid workers and analysts. The term “Interim Arrangements” (ၾကားကာလအတြ߾္းေࠀာ߾္ရြက္ရ မည့္အ߿ီအ߿ဥ္မ်ား) is a contested concept, meaning different things to different stakeholders. The MIARP adopted the following working defnition of Interim Arrangements: “Service delivery and governance in confictaffected areas, including the relationship between EAOs and government systems, during the period between initial ceasefres and a comprehensive political settlement.” Interim Arrangement refers to EAOs’ governance functions, administrative authority and service delivery systems. The issue of which geographic areas are covered by Interim Arrangements is problematic. The Myanmar Army has pressed to restrict EAOs’ service delivery and governance functions to areas under armed groups’ exclusive control (which in most cases have not yet been demarcated); on the ground however, EAOs’ infuence and delivery of services and governance functions extend into areas where political and military authority is mixed, and contested with the government and Tatmadaw. In principle, the “interim” period extends until a comprehensive political settlement has been implemented, which given recent setbacks in the peace process may take many years to achieve. In the meantime, recognition of Interim Arrangements refects the government’s acknowledgement of key EAOs’ political legitimacy and administrative responsibilities - at least, for those groups which have signed the Nationwide Ceasefre Agreement (NCA). One of the key recommendations of this report is to support EAOs to exercise governance and administrative authority in a responsible and accountable manner. The only offcial text referring to Interim Arrangements is the October 2015 NCA. However, Interim Arrangements are relevant in areas where EAOs have not signed the NCA, and furthermore the NCA text fails to cover the full range of meanings associated with the term. Although Interim Arrangements are about more than the NCA, Chapter 6 (Article 25) of this agreement does recognize the roles of signatory EAOs in the felds of health, education, development, environmental conservation and natural resource management, preservation and promotion of ethnic cultures and languages, security and the rule of law, and illicit drug eradication. The NCA allows EAOs to receive international aid, in coordination with the government. However, with no agreed mechanism for addressing these goals through the peace process architecture, the NCA has had limited impacts on improving confict-affected communities’ access to equitable and effective governance and services. Furthermore, on the ground in southeast Myanmar, government offcials seem to regard EAOs primarily as service delivery actors, and/ or private companies, rather than legitimate governance and administrative actors. For many years, Myanmar’s larger EAOs have taken on governance and administration roles in their areas of control, often delivering a wide range of services in partnership with CSOs. In the southeast, groups like the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), Karen National Union (KNU) and New Mon State Party (NMSP) are de-facto governments in relatively small pockets of territory. They also have infuence and provide some services in wider areas of “mixed administration”, where EAO authority overlaps with that of the government and Myanmar Army. Between them for example, these three EAOs administer or support more than 2,000 schools, providing ethnic language teaching to vulnerable children who would otherwise often be denied an education. They also work with local partners to provide health services, access to justice and other public goods.2 Similar arrangements exist in other parts of the country, both in ceasefre areas where EAOs have not signed the NCA, and in areas of on-going armed confict. For example, across much of Kachin and northern Shan States, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and other EAOs provide elements of governance, and life-saving if under resourced services to Internally Displaced People (IDPs) and other highly vulnerable communities. There are three principal rationales for supporting Interim Arrangements: 1. Effective Interim Arrangements will provide the best outcomes for vulnerable and marginalised communities in confict-affected areas. Rather than reinventing the wheel, existing EAO and CSO service delivery systems should be supported on a case-by-case basis, recognising best practice (an “appreciative inquiry” approach). Meeting the government’s targets for school enrolment and universal health coverage for example, will depend on the work of EAOs and affliated civil society actors, who should be seen as partners in meeting critical needs and achieving development goals. Chapter 3 explores how these issues play out in relation to specifc sectors and issues. 2. Several of Myanmar’s EAOs (including NCA signatory and non-signatory groups) enjoy long-standing political legitimacy among the communities they seek to represent. Supporting EAO governance regimes will counter perceptions of the peace process as a vehicle for state penetration into previously autonomous areas, displacing existing EAO authorities and services, without consulting local stakeholders. In order to be confict-sensitive, aid should be delivered in ways that do not undermine systems associated with EAOs, to the beneft of the government (which is a party to the confict). Timely peace dividends can best be provided to vulnerable and marginalized communities by working with existing and trusted local service delivery systems. 3. Interim Arrangements could be a key element in building “federalism from below” in Myanmar, supporting effective local governance through equitable practices of self-determination. The administrative functions and services provided by key EAOs (and their civil society partners) should be regarded as the building blocks of federalism in Myanmar - a political solution to decades of armed confict which key stakeholders have endorsed. It will be very diffcult for confict-affected parts of Myanmar to move from the current mixture of service delivery systems and governance regimes towards a formalized (federal) system, without better coordination, and substantial political and technical negotiations. However, given the slow pace of the peace process since 2016, Interim Arrangements have been given relatively little attention. Given that the Political Dialogue element of the peace process appears stalled, it could be useful to identify a small number of political priorities, to help deliver on ethnic stakeholders’ key aims. These could be negotiated by EAOs (and political parties) in a „fast track“ manner, resulting in a Union Peace Accord that benefts both the government and ethnic stakeholders. Areas for possible progress include education and language policy (recognition of and funding for EAOs’ extensive school systems; “mother tongue” teaching in government schools); land issues (recognition of land title documents provided by EAOs; revision of unjust land laws; compensation and restitution for people who have had their land unfairly taken); equitable natural resource management; and addressing forced displacement – i.e. Interim Arrangements. This would not prevent ethnic stakeholders from continuing to campaign for federalism, including changes to the 2008 Constitution..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Joint Peace Fund and Covenant Consult
2018-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 14.2 MB (100 pages) - Original version
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Sub-title: Banned Weapons Kill, Maim Civilians for Decades
Description: "“I lost my leg and my cow.” Aoung Gya Thowai Tanchangya, 22, was grazing his cattle along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border on September 16. “Sometimes our cattle cross into Myanmar so we have to go bring them back,” he said. “I didn’t realize there could be mines planted. When I stepped onto the mine, it exploded. I lost consciousness. When I woke up, I saw that my left leg was gone. I still feel pain.” In 2022, 25 years since the international Mine Ban Treaty was adopted, only two countries actively use antipersonnel landmines: Russia and Myanmar. Myanmar’s forces have used landmines since 1999, but new use by the junta has surged since the February 2021 coup, according to the Landmine Monitor Report 2022, released last week. The report analyzed photographs of hundreds of landmines manufactured by the junta and planted across the country. From February 2021 to September 2022, 157 civilians were killed and 395 injured by landmines and explosive remnants of war in Myanmar. About one-third of the casualties were children. The military has placed landmines in homes, village pathways, church compounds, and farms. Military units have continued to force civilians to act as “human shields,” walking ahead of troops to detonate any mines. In August, as fighting spread across Rakhine State, the ethnic armed group Arakan Army located dozens of military-manufactured mines. Casualties are rising from landmines laid along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, where civilians like Tanchangya collect firewood, farm, and graze cattle. Witnesses reported activity by Myanmar soldiers near border posts in the days before recent mine blasts. Myanmar’s military has long been implicated in numerous serious violations of the laws of war, many amounting to war crimes, in armed conflicts in ethnic minority areas. Since the coup, junta authorities have blocked lifesaving aid and ordered healthcare workers to refuse treatment for mine injuries. For the 1.4 million people displaced across Myanmar, the risk of landmines can hinder their ability to return home. The Monitor report also cited use of mines by non-state armed groups. The 1997 Mine Ban Treaty prohibits antipersonnel mines and requires their clearance, destruction of stocks, and victim assistance. Although Myanmar is not a party to the treaty, the junta’s use remains unlawful: Landmines do not discriminate between civilians and combatants. They kill and maim long after they are placed. At the 20th meeting of states parties to the Mine Ban Treaty, opening this week in Geneva, governments should condemn Myanmar’s use of antipersonnel landmines, while strengthening efforts to cut off the junta from the revenue underwriting its use of these devastating weapons..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2022-11-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Responding to the news that Myanmar military air strikes reportedly killed dozens of people including civilians at a concert in Kachin State on Sunday night, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director Hana Young said: “Singers, artists and other civilians are among those reported killed in last night’s air strikes. We fear this attack is part of a pattern of unlawful aerial attacks by the military which have killed and injured civilians in areas controlled by armed groups. “The military has shown ruthless disregard for civilian lives in its escalating campaign against opponents. It is difficult to believe the military did not know of a significant civilian presence at the site of this attack. The military must immediately grant access to medics and humanitarian assistance to those affected by these air strikes and other civilians in need. “Myanmar’s military has been committing widespread atrocities since the 2021 coup, including unlawfully killing, arbitrarily detaining, torturing and forcibly displacing civilians. It has been able to carry out these crimes in the face of an ineffective international response to a human rights crisis that is only worsening. “As officials and leaders from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations prepare to host high-level meetings in the coming weeks, this attack highlights the need to overhaul the approach to the crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN has to step up and formulate a more robust course of action so that military leaders end this escalating repression.” Background: On 23 October, the Myanmar military launched air strikes on a musical performance near A Nan Pa village in Hpakant Township, Kachin State, in the north of the country. The attack reportedly killed dozens of people, but Amnesty could not independently confirm the figures. Among those injured and killed were civilians including prominent artists who were performing at the event. The performance was held as part of celebrations for the 62nd anniversary of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO). The KIO is the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army, which controls the area and has clashed with the Myanmar military for decades. The military has increasingly relied on air power as it struggles to retain control of the country since seizing power in a coup on 1 February 2021. In a July report, “Bullets rained from the sky”: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, Amnesty International found that Myanmar’s military has subjected Karen and Karenni civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions, often including torture or extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2022-10-24
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Last week in the East Asia Pacific region, civilians were killed during a clash between the Myanmar military and a local resistance group near a Buddhist religious site in Myanmar's Mon state. The United League of Arakan/Arakan Army (ULA/AA) attacked and occupied a border guard police outpost in Rakhine state, while the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army-South (RCSS/SSA-S) clashed with the Pa-Oh National Liberation Organization/Pa-Oh National Liberation Army (PNLO/PNLA) in southern Shan state. North Korea carried out another series of missile tests. In the Philippines, fighting between the communist New People's Army (NPA) and state forces intensified. Meanwhile, police shot three militant detainees dead after they took a detained former senator hostage during an attempted jailbreak. In Myanmar, a local resistance group attacked a military checkpoint at the foot of the Kyaiktiyo Golden Rock Pagoda, a famous Buddhist pilgrimage site, in Mon state on 12 October. Three women pilgrims were killed in the crossfire. Eighteen others, including a police officer, were injured. The resistance group and military accused each other of killing the civilians (Myanmar Now, 13 October 2022). Elsewhere, in Rakhine state, the ULA/AA attacked and occupied the Lait-ya border guard police outpost in Maungdaw township on 10 October, inflicting police casualties and seizing weapons and ammunition (Irrawaddy, 11 October 2022). One ULA/AA member was killed in the fighting (Narinjara, 10 October 2022). Members of another border guard police outpost in nearby Kyein Chaung village fired artillery at the ULA/AA during the clash. The ULA/AA claimed the Lait-ya border guard police outpost had been responsible for artillery attacks on civilians (Narinjara, 11 October 2022). Fighting between the two groups has intensified over the past few months. These trends contribute to the 717% increase in average weekly violent events in Rakhine state in the past month relative to the weekly average for the preceding year flagged by ACLED's Subnational Threat Tracker. The Subnational Tracker also warned of increased violence in Rakhine state during the preceding four weeks. In southern Shan state, fighting broke out between the RCSS/SSA-S, an ethnic Shan armed group, and the PNLO/PNLA, an ethnic Pa-Oh armed group, on 11 October in the reportedly PNLO/PNLA-controlled Ka Du Gyi area of Mawkmai township. The PNLO/PNLA claimed that the clash resulted from the RCSS/SSA-S's failure to inform them of troop movements, as required by the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (Shan Herald Agency for News, 13 October 2022). The clash came after the RCSS/SSA-S invited ethnic armed organizations operating in Shan state and other areas to meet to ease tensions and to discuss potential cooperation (Thanlwin Times, 11 October 2022). ACLED's Subnational Surge Tracker warned of increased violence in southern Shan state during the preceding four weeks. Violence in southern Shan state is both common and highly volatile; it is considered an area of 'extreme risk' by ACLED's Volatility and Risk Predictability Index. North Korea continued to carry out missile tests last week. On 9 October, North Korea test-fired two short-range ballistic missiles into the sea off the country's east coast, before test-firing two long-range cruise missiles into the sea off its west coast on 12 October. On 14 October, North Korea flew 10 warplanes close to the border with South Korea, before launching a short-range ballistic missile into the sea off its east coast and firing hundreds of artillery shells into a maritime buffer zone surrounding the Northern Limit Line (AP, 14 October 2022). These activities came after North Korea's defense ministry criticized the recent redeployment of a US aircraft carrier near the Korean Peninsula (YNA, 6 October 2022). Last week in the Philippines, fighting between NPA rebels and the military intensified, with clashes reported in Bicol and Soccsksargen, as well as Central, Western, and Eastern Visayas. These trends contribute to a 75% increase in violent events in the Philippines over the past week relative to the weekly average for the preceding month, as flagged by ACLED's Conflict Change Map. In Western Visayas, Himamaylan city saw fierce clashes on 8, 10, and 12 October, leaving a suspected high-ranking NPA leader, Romeo Nanta (also known as Juanito Magbanua), dead. The NPA claimed that Nanta was not killed in the clash, but rather, captured and summarily executed (Rappler, 11 October 2022). Human rights group Karapatan condemned alleged military abuses against civilians during the clashes, including allegedly indiscriminate artillery fire and aerial bombing (Karapatan, 12 October 2022). As a result of the clashes, the military implemented lockdowns in several affected barangays, and the city government declared a state of calamity (Manila Bulletin, 12 October 2022). Around 15,000 villagers were also evacuated from the area (Panay News, 12 October 2022). Meanwhile, a high-profile jailbreak attempt led to the deaths of three detained Islamist militants in Quezon City last week. On 9 October, three militant detainees -- alleged members of Abu Sayyaf and Dawlah Islamiyah -- attempted to escape from the Philippine National Police Custodial Center, wounding a police officer with an improvised knife and taking detained former Senator Leila de Lima hostage during the attempt. Responding police officers shot the militant detainees dead and freed de Lima, who was lightly wounded. The incident led to renewed calls for the release of de Lima, a prominent critic of former President Rodrigo Duterte. De Lima has been held in police custody since February 2017 on drug-related charges, which human rights organizations and opposition groups view as politically motivated (HRW, 4 May 2022; Manila Bulletin, 9 October 2022). Note: This dashboard automatically updates to cover the latest four weeks of data released by ACLED. Use the date filters to view data for the one-week period covered by this Regional Overview..."
Source/publisher: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
2022-10-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 103.65 KB
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Description: "On this International Day of the Girl Child, we bring your attention to the difficulties faced by girls in Kawthoolei (Karen State, Southeast Burma). Obstacles to growing up in peace, to securing food, to obtaining education, to accessing healthcare, and to attaining justice. The challenge for girls in Burma to remain children; sheltered in a safe environment where they can develop in a wholesome manner. On this 11th October, the Karen Women’s Organization (KWO) and the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) call the international community to take concrete action to end violence in Burma, which is harming all girl children in the country. Violations of girls’ rights Since the 2021 military coup, over 350,000 people have been displaced by the violence and military attacks committed by the State Administrative Council (SAC; or Burma Army) in Kawthoolei. Displacement disproportionately impacts women and children: almost half of all displaced people are children and half of those are girls. Both KHRG and KWO have received numerous reports of women fleeing while pregnant, or right after giving birth. While displaced, people must live in very poor conditions, moving suddenly and often, escaping SAC soldiers and their weapons, constantly at risk of injury or death from landmines, air strikes, and artillery shelling. There is little access to clean water and food, to education, sanitary facilities, and health services, including maternal and paediatric health care.[1] Women and girls who remain in their villages are also particularly vulnerable to threats and attacks from Burma Army soldiers since many local men are forced to flee to escape systematic arrest and torture by the junta. In one case reported to KHRG, SAC soldiers tortured the wife and child of a villager in order to obtain information about his whereabouts following a nearby bomb explosion.[2] Gross human rights violations are being committed by the military junta against girls in Burma, including forced labour, use of human shields, air strikes and shelling, trafficking in human beings, and sexual violence. Girls’ basic rights are being violated in Karen State every minute of every day, including today. Protection challenges and justice Under previous military regimes, violence against women and girls (VAWG), including sexual violence and gang rape, committed by Burma Army soldiers was taking place on a wide scale, particularly in conjunction with forced portering.[3] These military leaders and soldiers enjoyed total impunity for their crimes, and still do to this day. Lack of jurisdiction over Burma Army personnel by the civilian justice systems remains one of the biggest challenges in combatting sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in the country. Since the 2021 military coup, villagers in Karen State have reported sending young women and girls to hiding sites to protect them whenever the Burma military enters their village or sets up nearby camps.[4] Crimes of sexual nature committed by the Burma Army soldiers do not get reported, as impunity prevails. Since the coup, SGBV crimes reported in Karen areas are those perpetrated by community and family members, which are prosecuted through local community procedures which are still functioning, albeit with even fewer resources and less security. The current situation of conflict hinders the legislation and justice mechanisms in place, that already fell short of ensuring adequate protection for survivors. Stigma placed by the community on survivors of SGBV diminish reporting, justice-seeking processes, and the welfare of women and girls. Girl victims of sexual violence do not expect to get justice; it is not something we can celebrate today. Call to action In the current situation in the country, girls in Southeast Burma are increasingly exposed to violence and insecurity. KWO and KHRG urge the international community to: Put pressure on the military junta and its army to stop killing and injuring children, and eradicate all violence against girl children. Stop selling weapons, ammunition, aircrafts, and jet fuel to the military junta, and sanction those companies and individuals responsible for arms deals. Make violence against women and girls, including sexual violence, a stand-alone designation criterion for sanctions where possible, and include it as a criterion in more sanction regimes. Direct funding earmarked for protection services for victims of SGBV and other forms of violence to local existing CSO/CBOs (in Burma and neighbouring countries) already operating on the ground so that they can expand and develop support programmes and services, including child protection services. Prioritise and strengthen methods of humanitarian aid delivery that are cross border and organised by local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers that have the networks for local implementation of support programmes. Do not act in any way to legitimise the SAC. Do not collaborate with the SAC to implement any development or humanitarian programs. Take immediate action to bring military leaders in Burma who permitted and perpetuated systematic and widespread child abuse, and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) to justice in international courts and tribunals..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "ယနေ့ကျရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာမိန်းကလေးများနေ့တွင် မြန်မာပြည်အရှေ့တောင်ပိုင်းရှိ အမျိုသမီး ငယ်လေးများ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသော အခက်အခဲများကို မီးမောင်းထိုးပြလိုပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့အတွက် ငြိမ်း ချမ်းစွာ အသက်ရှင်နေထိုင်နိုင်ရန်၊ အစားအစာလုံလောက်ရန်၊ ပညာသင်ယူခွင့် ရရှိရန်၊ ကျန်းမာရေး လက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်ရန် နှင့် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိရန် အခက်အခဲများစွာ ရှိပါသည်။ ၎င်းတို့မှ ကလေးသူငယ် များကဲ့သို့ အသက်ရှင်ပြီး လုံခြုံသည့်ပတ်ဝန်းကျင်တွင်ကြီးထွားလာရန် အခက်အခဲများစွာရှိနေပါ သည်။ ယနေ့ အောက်တိုဘာလ ၁၁ ရက်နေ့တွင် ကျရောက်သော နိုင်ငံတကာ မိန်းကလေးများနေ့တွင် ကရင်လူ့အခွင့်အရေးအဖွဲ့နှင့် ကရင်အမျိုးသမီးအစည်းအရုံးတို့မှ မိန်းကလေးများအား အကြပ်အ တည်းထဲသို့ တွန်းပို့စေသည့် မြန်မာပြည်အတွင်းဖြစ်ပေါ်နေသော အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကိုရပ်တန့်နိုင်ရန် အတွက် နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအား လုပ်ဆောင်သင့်သည့် အရာများကို အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းလိုပါသည်။ မိန်းကလေးများအပေါ် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှုများ ၂၀၂၁ ခုနှစ် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း စစ်ကောင်စီ၏အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့် ထိုးစစ်ဆင်မှုများ ကြောင့် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်အတွင်း ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်ရသူ ၃၅၀၀၀၀ ကျော်ရှိလာသည်။ အမျိုးသမီး များသည် နေရပ်ရွှေ့ပြောင်းနေထိုင်ရမှုများကို မတူကွဲပြားစွာ ရင်ဆိုင်နေရပြီး ထွက်ပြေး တိမ်းရှောင် နေရသူထက်ဝက်သည် ကလေးသူငယ်များဖြစ်နေပါသည်။ ထိုကလေးငယ်များ ထက်ဝက် သည် မိန်းကလေးများဖြစ်ကြသည်။ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရသူများသည် ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာ ရရှိမှု၊ မြေမြှုပ် မိုင်းပေါက်ကွဲမှု၊ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုနှင့် လက်နက်ကြီး အန္တရာယ်များကို ရင်ဆိုင်ကြရသည်။ ထွက်ပြေးတိမ်းရှောင်နေရချိန်တွင်လည်း ဆင်းရဲကြမ်းတမ်းမှုများအတွင်း နေထိုင်ကြရပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီ စစ်သားများနှင့် ၎င်းတို့၏ ပစ်ခတ်တိုက်ခိုက်မှုများကို ရှောင်ရှားရန် မကြာခဏနှင့် အလျှင်အမြန်ရှောင် တိမ်း ကြရသည်။ ၎င်းတို့သည် သောက်ရေသန့်၊ အစားအစာ၊ ပညာရေး၊ ရေဆိုးစနစ်နှင့် မိခင်နှင့်က လေးကျန်းမာရေး ကဲ့သို့သော ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှု စသည်များကို လက်လှမ်းမီနိုင်ခြင်း မရှိကြ ပါ။[1] စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဖမ်းဆီးမှုနှင့် ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများကို အမျိုးသားများမှ ရှောင်ရှားနေချိန်တွင် ကျေး ရွာများအတွင်း ရှိနေသေးသော အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ စစ်သား များ၏ ခြိမ်းခြောက်မှုနှင့် တိုက်ခိုက်မှုအန္တရာယ်များကို ရင်ဆိုင်ကြရသည်။ ကရင်လူ့အခွင့်အရေး အဖွဲ၏ အစီရင်ခံစာတစ်ခုထဲတွင် ဗုံးပေါက်ကွဲမှုဖြစ်ပွားပြီးနောက် သံသယရှိသူ အမျိုးသား၏ အ ကြောင်းကိုသိရှိရန် စစ်ကောင်စီစစ်သားများမှ ထိုအမျိုးသား၏ ဇနီးနှင့် ကလေးကို ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက် ခဲ့ပါသည်။[2] မြန်မာပြည်အတွင်း မိန်းကလေးများအပေါ် အဓ္ဓမခိုင်းစေမှု၊ လူသားဒိုင်း အဖြစ်အသုံးပြုမှု၊ လေကြောင်းတိုက်ခိုက်မှုနှင့် လက်နက်ကြီးပစ်ခတ်မှု၊ လူကုန်ကူးမှု၊နှင့် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှု စသည့် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးချိုးဖောက်မှု အများကို စစ်ကောင်စီမှ ချိုးဖောက်နေပါသည်။ ကရင်ပြည်နယ် အတွင်းတွင် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များ၏ အခွင့်အရေးများသည် နေ့စဉ်နှင့်အမျှ ချိုးဖောက်ခံနေရပါသည်။ အကာအကွယ်ရရှိမှုဆိုင်ရာ စိန်ခေါ်မှုများနှင့် တရားမျှတမှု လွန်ခဲ့သည့်စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်မှုများ အောက်တွင် အထူးသဖြင့် ပေါ်တာထမ်းခိုင်းမှုများနှင့်ဆက်စပ်ပြီး စစ် သားများသည် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးများအပေါ် လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ၊ အုပ်စုလိုက် မုဒိန်း ကျင့်မှုများကို ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့်ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့ကြသည်။ ထိုကျူးလွန်သူစစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များနှင့် စစ် သားများသည် ၎င်းတို့ကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သောပြစ်မှုများအတွက် ပြစ်ဒဏ်ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် အပြည့်အဝ ရရှိခဲ့ကြ သည်။ မြန်မာပြည်၏ အရပ်သားတရားရေးစနစ်မှ စစ်တပ်အပေါ် လွမ်းမိုးနိုင်မှုမရှိခြင်းသည် ကျား၊မ အခြေပြု အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ကာကွယ်တားဆီးရန် အဓိကစိန်ခေါ်မှုတစ်ခုဖြစ်cခဲ့သည်။ ၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှုဖြစ်စဉ် ပြီးနောက်ပိုင်းတွင် ကရင်ပြည်နယ်အတွင်းရှိရွာသားများသည် စစ်ကောင်စီ စစ်သားများ ရွာအတွင်း သို့မဟုတ် ရွာအနီးတွင်စခန်းချသောအခါ အမျိုးသမီးငယ်များကို ပုန်းခိုသည့် နေရာများသို့ပို့ ဆောင်ကြကြောင်းတင်ပြခဲ့ကြပါသည်။ စစ်ကောင်စီစစ်သားများကျူးလွန်သော လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့်ဆက်စပ်သည့် ပြစ်မှုများသည် ပြစ်ဒဏ် ကင်းလွတ်ခွင့် အလေ့အထ ရှိနေသောကြောင့် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအနေဖြင့် တိုင်ကြားခြင်းမပြုကြပါ။ စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းကတည်းက ကရင်ဒေသအတွင်း တိုင်ကြားခဲ့ကြသော ကျား၊မ အခြေပြုလိင်အကြမ်း ဖက်မှုများသည် လူမှုအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းအတွင်းနှင့် မိသားစုဝင်များ ကျူးလွန်သော ပြစ်မှုများသာ ဖြစ်ကြ သည်။ ဒေသတွင်းရှိနေသော တရားရေးစနစ်များသည် အရင်းအမြစ်နှင့် လုံခြုံရေး အားနည်းသော် လည်း ထိုပြစ်မှုများကို ကိုင်တွယ်ဖြေရှင်းပေးနေကြရသည်။ ယခုဖြစ်ပွားနေသော ပဋိပက္ခများသည် ဥပဒေပြုရေးနှင့် တရားမျှတမှုယန္တရားများကို နှောင့်နှေးစေပါသည်။ လူမှုအသိုက်အဝန်းမှ လိင်အ ကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအား အပြစ်တင်ဝေဖန်မှုပြုခြင်းသည်လည်း လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့် ပတ်သက်သည့် တိုင်ကြားမှု၊ တရားမျှတမှုဆိုင်ရာ ရှာဖွေရေးလုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များနှင့် ကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများ၏ ကိုယ်စိတ်ကျန်းမာရေး နှင့်လုံခြုံရေးများကို ထိခိုက်စေပါသည်။ လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှု ကျူးလွန်ခံရသည့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များသည် ယခုလက်ရှိအချိန်တွင် တရားမျှတမှုရရှိရန် မျှော်လင့်ချက် နည်းနေသေး သောကြောင့် ဤနေ့သည်ကျွန်ုပ်တို့အတွက် လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းအဖက်မှုအတွက် တရားမျှတမှု ရရှိနိုင်သည့်နေ့တစ်နေ့မဟုတ်သေးပါ။ လုပ်ဆောင်ရန်ဖိတ်ခေါ်ခြင်း မြန်မာပြည်၏လက်ရှိအခြေအနေတွင် မြန်မာပြည်အရှေ့တောင်ပိုင်းရှိ မိန်းကလေးငယ်များသည် အ ကြမ်းဖက်မှုနှင့် မလုံခြုံမှုများကိုပို၍ ရင်ဆိုင်လာရပါသည်။ ကရင်အမျိုးသမီးအစည်းအရုံးနှင့် ကရင်လူ့ အခွင့်အရေးအဖွဲ့တို့မှ နိုင်ငံတကာအသိုင်းအဝိုင်းကိုအောက်ပါအတိုင်းတိုက်တွန်းလိုပါသည်။ မိန်းကလေးများကို သတ်ဖြတ်ခြင်းများ၊ ထိခိုက်ဒဏ်ရာရစေခြင်းများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးများ အ ပေါ် ကျူးလွန်သည့်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ ရပ်တန့်သွားစေရန် စစ်ကောင်စီအပေါ် ဖိအားများ ပေးရန်။ စစ်ကောင်စီအား စစ်လက်နက်၊ လက်နက်ခဲယမ်းများ၊ လေယဉ်များနှင့် လေယဉ်ဆီများ ရောင်းချခြင်းများကို ရပ်တန့်ပြီး စစ်ကောင်စီအား လက်နက်ရောင်းချရာတွင်ပါဝင်သည့် ကုမ္ပဏီများနှင့် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များကို စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုများ ပြုလုပ်ရန်။ လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုအပါအဝင် အမျိုးသမီးများနှင့် မိန်းကလေးငယ်များအပေါ်ကျူးလွန်သည့် အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများကို ဖြစ်နိုင်လျှင် ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူမှုအတွက် သတ်မှတ်ချက်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ထားရှိပြီး နောက်ထပ်ပြုလုပ်မည့် ပိတ်ဆို့အရေးယူမှုများတွင်ထည့်သွင်းသွားရန်။ ကျား၊မ အခြေပြုလိ င်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုကျူးလွန်ခံရသူများအား အကာအကွယ်ပေး နိုင်ရန်အ တွက် ငွေကြေးထောက်ပံ့မှုများထားရှိပြီး မြေပြင်တွင်လှုပ်ရှားလုပ်ကိုင်နေ‌သော အရပ်ဖက်နှင့် လူထုအခြေပြုအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသို့ ထောက်ပံ့မှုများအားတိုက်ရိုက်ပေးသွားရန်။ သို့မှသာလျှင် ၎င်းတို့မှ ကလေးသူငယ်များအတွက် အကာအကွယ်ပေးရေး ဝန်ဆောင်မှုအပါအဝင် ထောက် ပံ့မှုအစီအစဉ်များနှင့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများကို ချဲ့ထွင်လုပ်ဆောင် နိုင်မည်။ ဝန်ဆောင်မှုများပေးဆောင်ရာတွင် ဒေသခံများနှင့်ပုံမှန်ထိတွေ့မှုရှိပြီး ၎င်းတို့၏ ယုံကြည်မှုကို ရရှိထားသော စွမ်းရည်နှင့်ကွန်ယက်ရှိပြီးသား ဒေသခံ CSO/CBO များနှင့် ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေး သည့် တိုင်းရင်းသားအဖွဲ့အစည်းများကို ဦးစားပေးရန်နှင့် ထိုအစုအဖွဲ့များ၏ ဝန်ဆောင်မှုပေး သည့် နည်းလမ်းများကို အားဖြည့်လုပ်ဆောင်ပေးရန်။ စစ်ကောင်စီကို အသိအမှတ်ပြုစေမည့်အရာများကို မပြုလုပ်ရန်။ စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့်ပူးပေါင်းပြီး မည့်သည့်ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုလုပ်ငန်းများကို မပြုလုပ်ရ။ ကလေးသူငယ်များအပေါ် ညှင်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်မှုများနှင့် ကျား၊မအခြေပြု လိင်အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများ အား ခွင့်ပြုခဲ့ပြီး စနစ်တကျကျူးလွန်ခဲ့သော စစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များကို နိုင်ငံတကာ ခုံရုံးများတွင် အရေးယူလုပ်ဆောင်မှုများ ချက်ချင်းလုပ်ဆောင်ရန်။..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Sequel Report: Civilians, including children, were allegedly hit with artillery in different incidents
Description: "Since the military attacked M’dat (မဒပ်) village with artillery shells in May 2022, leading to a 10-year-old boy and his mother being seriously injured (Child Injured in M’dat Village, Mindat Township), it has been alleged that villages in Mindat Township (မင်းတပ်မိနယ်) have suffered from further artillery shelling, the destruction of houses and the killing of civilians. In one such case, the older brother of the child originally reported on by Myanmar Witness was allegedly killed by artillery fire a little over a month after the original incident. In this report, Myanmar Witness has investigated reports of civilian damage and deaths in Mindat Township (မင်းတပ်မိနယ်) as a result of artillery fire from the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 274 military base. This included: reports of homes destroyed and villagers killed in Mui Tui (မွီတွီ) village on 16 June; the reported death of the older brother of the child whose injuries were investigated in a previous report on M’dat village, on 29 June 2022; and, the destruction of homes in Kyam Ain Nu (ကာအိမ်း) village, also on 29 June 2022. These villages are all located within a 7 or 8km firing range from the LIB 274 military base, located in Mindat Town (မင်းတပ်). Myanmar Witness was able to previously verify the location of the LIB 274 base in Mindat Town (မင်းတပ်), Mindat Township (မင်းတပ်မိနယ်), Chin State (ချင်းြပည်နယ်). On 16 June 2022, there were reports of villagers killed by artillery fire in Mui Tui (မွီတွီ) village, in Mindat Township (မင်းတပ်မိနယ်). No user-generated content (UGC) could be verified of the dead individuals in Mui Tui (မွီတွီ), but their images match those described to have died and Myanmar Witness geolocated other images of destruction to the village. On the morning of 29 June 2022, the Chindwin News Agency, reported that the 274th Light Infantry Battalion in Mindat fired medium artillery mortar rounds at civilian areas in Mindat Township (မင်းတပ်မိနယ်), Chin State (ချင်းြပည်နယ်) killing a 13 year old boy in M’dat village (မဒပ်). The boy was reportedly the elder brother of a 10-year-old boy who was seriously injured, also by artillery fire, along with his mother on 23 May 2022. This event has been described in more detail in Myanmar Witness’ report Child Injured in M’dat Village, Mindat Township. Myanmar Witness was not able to thoroughly verify images of the dead child, but analysed images of a deceased child alleged to be the child in question, with wounds consistent with those described in eye-witness reports provided to Myanmar Witness by a partner. There was no verifiable footage of the attack itself, meaning it was not possible for Myanmar Witness to independently verify how the child was killed. However, Myanmar Witness has geolocated images alleged to be of the child’s home in M’dat (မဒပ်) village. The hole in the wooden wall and the inside structure of the house, as well as some damaged foliage close to the home all indicate a strike of some sort that had caused this destruction. This was the same house geolocated by Myanmar Witness in the incident involving the child’s brother (see: Child Injured in M’dat Village, Mindat Township). Images of ammunition reportedly found in M’dat (မဒပ်) village after the attack are consistent with locally produced 120mm mortar rounds known to be used by the Myanmar military. Myanmar Witness verified the presence of a military base within firing range of the village and identified a mortar present at the base in our last report, although it was not possible to verify whether it was a model capable of firing the particular rounds alleged. Attribution is difficult without verified UGC to confirm the munitions were found in M’dat (မဒပ်), their origin, or images of the deceased child. While Myanmar Witness was able to identify a likely location for images of a destroyed home in Kyam Ain Nu consistent with media reporting, it was not possible to confirm this with 100% certainty or independently verify that the home was destroyed on 29 June 2022. These collective incidents in Mindat Township (မင်းတပ်မိနယ်) are some of many monitored and analysed by Myanmar Witness documenting alleged indiscriminate attacks in civilian areas in Myanmar since the coup which has - in this case - allegedly led to the deaths of civilians. To read the full report download the PDF. [Warning: Graphic] has been inserted ahead of links to sources that show graphic and distressing images of injured or dead persons..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Witness
2022-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 8.88 MB (Original version) - 27 pages
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Sub-title: Inflation is Contributing to Rising Levels of Poverty in Southeastern Burma as Civilians Struggle to Cope Amid Worsening Uncertainty
Description: "Throughout the month of September, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) reported on the challenges being faced by civilians in Southeastern Burma. Amid increasing clashes and worsening conflict, the military junta has also weaponized the law to work in their favor. Despite being an international human right, those abducted, detained and charged by the Burma Army are being denied their right to a free and fair trial. The regime continues to deny family members any information about loved ones and has continued to fabricate charges in sham trials. In addition to the junta making a mockery of the rule of law, they continue to deploy strategies and activities which terrorize local populations. Across HURFOM’s target areas of Mon State, Karen State and Tanintharyi region, people of all ages and backgrounds are being targeted. On 2 September 2022, four young nursing students were arrested, and one of them was sent to ​a notorious camp known as the “MI detention center.” A witness described that these four young men were beaten and arrested by junta soldiers while the troops raided the hostels: “They came with no arrest warrants but complete lists of who they wanted and arrested four of these students.” They are still under investigation, according to friends and families. Another local civilian from Painnae Taw confirmed that in the last two days, junta forces have been checking the families’ registration lists and guest checks in some wards in Dawei downtown. Students, including young children, also continue to have education prospects threatened and undermined by the military’s presence in Burma. Parents are extremely worried about the uncertainties their children face at school given the heightened presence of the military junta. As a result, some University students in Mon State who have already passed their matriculation exam have chosen to put their studies on hold due to unsettled political agreements and security concerns. Top universities including the University of Medicine, Economics, Computer Studies and the Education Degree College institute are located in Yangon, Mandalay and Magway. As these institutions are located in cities that are very far from Mon State, parents worry: “Our child has a high enough score to join the University of Economics. However, it is scary to go to Yangon because it’s not peaceful there. I dare not send my child there. The current situation creates too much fear for me to send my child away,” said one parent from Mudon Township. A lack of alternatives means these students often attend local universities such as the one in Mawlamyine. Despite this uncertainty, the junta is putting pressure on schools to open despite security concerns. Approximately ten government schools in Kyaing Seiki Township, Karen State were forced to reopen despite security concerns. Due to the armed conflicts in the villages, most villagers have closed the schools since June 2022: “Even though armed clashes are ongoing, the junta council is pressuring our village head and school officials to open government schools in Nan Tie Tun, Pha Yar Ngar Zu and Daung De village of Kha Lae – Da Gon Dai area.” The junta issued the order to open schools, but the teachers, the parents, and the village administrators held a discussion. The security situation here remains unstable, so most teachers are afraid of teaching. “No one can guarantee the safety of students,” said a villager. Parents told HURFOM that they could not send their children to area schools due to the instability and fighting in the area with armed forces: “If we send our children to school, we have to worry about them for the whole day. We don’t even dare go to work for our own livelihoods. If something happens, we would have to rush to school to pick up our children. Can the military guarantee the security of the children? If not, we will never send our children to school,” said a woman from Daung De village. The junta forces have established bases at the Da Gon Dai Police Station and at nearby schools. A local news source also reported the Junta army placed active landmines on the school premises and put a ground-based artillery weapon in front of the school. The insecurity across Burma is widespread. It extends to all social and economic sectors which the military has completely obliterated. In all of these circumstances, it is the people who continue to suffer the most. Those who have fled Burma for their safety, including human rights defenders, are still facing challenges in neighboring countries. HURFOM Program Director, Nai Aue Mon, spoke to Southeast Asia Globe on the security risks faced by activists who are living in exile stating: “The situation on the ground is still horrible, everyday people are living in unstable circumstances.” Forced recruitment has also become a concerning issue across the region. More than sixty villagers were forced to flee their villages in Yebyu, Dawei fearing they would be abducted and forced to fight. Now, they are unable to return as the junta’s naval command seeks to expand their forces through advertising false promises of high pay and security. The military battalion conducting the forced recruitment is known as ‘Maw-Ra-Waddy-Naval Command,’ and operates under the management of Coastal Regiment Command in Ohn-Pin-Kwin, Yebyu, Dawei. Further, as another month passes, it is also a reminder of the inaction of the international community. Rather than take steps to hold the Myanmar military accountable, numerous United Nations bodies have instead signed multiple Memorandum of understanding with the regime. It is disappointing to see such a contradictory approach to human rights from bodies who have set international standards that they are failing to oblige by. HURFOM reiterates the calls of our networks and members in condemning the atrocities taking place and calling for urgent action. Situation Overview in Target Areas Karen State Locals in Karen State have reported worsening offensives between the military junta and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). Troops from the Light Infantry Battalion No. 545, led by Captain Soe Min Thu and the Police Officer, Tun Thin Oo, have committed human rights violations against civilians: “Since mid-September, we have been facing lots of movement restrictions which directly impact us. We have no chance of working outside the village. There is extortion and sexual harassment against young women in the village,” a villager from Taung-Kyarinn village, Kawkareik said. “It appears like the junta is generating money under the name of security,” he added. They have extorted many young villagers. In some cases, the villagers’ motorcycles have been confiscated and forced to pay 200,000 MMK to be returned. On September 13, troops indiscriminately fired artillery shells at the village. At least 14 houses were damaged, including a Buddhist monastery. Four villagers were injured. Among them, one Buddhist Monk was included: One of the village committee members said that: “Meanwhile, the Junta Army (LIB No. 545, 546, 310 and IB 22) deployed more troops to southern Kawkareik Township to conduct offensive against the KNLA B.6 and People Defense Forces. These militarization acts negatively affect the local inhabitants, including forced village sentry duties, unpaid labor, commandeering vehicles for their transportation, and porter services, looting,” a 25-year-old villager from Taung-Kyar-Inn, Kawkareik Township, told the reporters In addition, concerns over landmines planted in civilian areas pose serious threats to local livelihoods. At the moment, no one dares to go and work in their own village. Residents said a drone flew over a military base in Hpa-An, Karen State, and then the junta opened fire and abducted at least two innocent civilians nearby, according to eyewitnesses on September 16th. It was 8:00 PM and a drone flew over the LIB No. Armor Repair Unit. (151), which operated under the Military Council Division No. (22) in Hpa-an city Karen. Several indiscriminate gunshots were fired as the junta attempted to shoot down the drones. A source near the shooting described the arbitrary arrests: “An estimated 20 troops with guns pointed at the residents and grabbed two young men by accusing them of using drones and attempted to attack them. These young locals were ordinary civilians, and they were innocent.” Mon State Civilians in Mon State continue to live with the uncertainty surrounding the military’s midnight checks and raids. A group of approximately 30 members of the junta and militia groups, including members of the junta-backed village administration, have been conducting midnight searches in Ka Mar Mole village, in the Chaung Zone Township, Mon State. Villagers said they are worried about their safety. “We don’t know when they will come to search our houses. They’ve said they’ll search for drugs, but we’re afraid that they will give us an irrational reason to arrest us,” said one villager. The military has presented unsubstantiated claims to justify the night searches. The junta forces are alleging that members of the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) are hiding in Ka Mar Mole village. They also claim that a Ka Mar Mole resident who is the biggest drug dealer in the village is supporting them. The military junta has also established many checkpoints where passengers traveling by car or motorbike are stopped and subjected to rigorous security checks. The hardships in Burma are even taking a toll on the soldiers of the military who are serving on the front lines, and are being exploited by upper military officials. The primary way this takes place is through loans attached with high interest rates, according to one source. Family members of the junta soldiers are dependent on the military salaries, which are not sufficient to cover the rising costs of basic commodities. Family members then have to borrow money from senior military officials who are charging high interest rates: “My husband is on the front lines and my family lives in the battalion. His salary isn’t enough for us, so we have to borrow money from captains. Then we are in debt. It keeps going round in circles,” said the wife of a private soldier. Meanwhile, the junta continues to abuse their power by extorting civilians for their money, property and possessions and even their time. Locals reported that in some villages in Kyaikmayaw Township, Mon State, the junta is forcing them to serve as sentries to protect their Administration Offices, schools and other community perimeters from attack. Although village security falls under the junta troops’ authority, the area’s ongoing conflicts have resulted in the soldiers forcing the local civilians to guard the villages and the junta-related departments and buildings: “They have been forcing us to take sentry duties for almost a year and a half. They ordered us to work for free. This is a form of forced labor.” said a civilian, age 45 who wished to remain anonymous. Inflation has made every day decisions impossible as villagers must consider whether or not they will risk their lives to leave their homes and try to generate an income amid the fighting and possibility of being arrested and detained: “We are scared of being stuck between the two sides who are fighting. During this time, I cannot find enough income to support my family,” said a local resident. Villagers living in not only part of the eastern Kyaikmayaw Township, but also in some villages located along the side of Attaran River have been forced to guard their towns for the junta. Indiscriminate firing and attacks are also threatening civilian security. On September 23 2022, at 2:00 in the morning, a young man from Kaloh village was shot and killed by the junta security troops in the village, Ye Township. Residents who witnessed the incident reported that the shooting happened during the curfew decree, which has increased fears. The deceased is 35-year-old U Naing Oo, a resident of Kaloh Village, who was shot while leaving his home: “When he was walking and crossing that road, he was shot dead by the deployed army” said another witness. He died on the spot due to the shooting. Naing Oo’s body was brought in a car and left at the village entrance. “Another case of losing a villager that will end like this without getting any justice.” a young villager expressed. These attacks are mounting and further indicators of the miscarriages of justice that are ongoing in Mon State. Victims are entitled to reparations and accountability. Tanintharyi Region The situation in the Tanintharyi region is continuing to deteriorate. In the last six months alone, the junta-backed courts have imposed orders on approximately 42 political prisoners in Dawei Prison, according to the sources from Dawei Political Prisoners Network. At least 30 are still facing sham, closed-door trials. Most of those imprisoned in Dawei have been unlawfully charged under sections 505 A and B of Penal Code Junta forces have been relentlessly arbitrarily arresting people. On 4 September 2022, three young people were driving a car in Nyang Yangtaung Ward, Dawei. According to the local witnesses, a group of police forces and soldiers were conducting a security check on a car and three people were arrested. The second source also confirmed that the junta checked and arrested the Honda Fit car driver and pointed the guns at the three men, forced them to kneel on the street and started beating them: “They were likely included in the list of arrest warrants, and that was why the three young men were taken. Their names and addresses are still being investigated,” a 50 year old man who talked to the reporters said. According to the HURFOM field research, there were about (19) civilians arrested in Dawei within a week, and only about (11) people were released by paying ransoms. The junta forces have also carried out their campaign of deliberately destroying civilian properties. In Kyun-Su Town, Myeik District, troops destroyed 14 houses and seized land plots: “They destroyed and took the land with no compensation. They justified it by saying that it was for building the electricity department compound and office.” The director of the General Administration Department and the person in charge of the electricity department were the ones who gave the orders for confiscating the land and removing the houses. The dates this occurred was between September 3 and 6 at Ward no.3, Kyun-Su Town. Reporters tried to contact one of the landowners, and she said most of the male heads of households living in these homes are currently working in the fishing boats. Some of them lived as day laborers in the plantation and orchards, and the rest of the family members found it difficult to move during the rainy season. The incidents happened while their husbands were away. A member of the destroyed family confided that there was no life security, no food, and now there was no place to live. The growing military presence has made villagers fearful to leave their homes. The junta forces have been patrolling around the villages with approximately 200 soldiers in the Kanbauk village, Ka Laing Aung township, Dawei. Villagers dare not travel or go to the plantations. At least five villages have been under the control of the junta. More than 200 soldiers are based there. Locals are worried. On September 9 at 9:30 PM, the joint forces of pro-junta militias and military forces (approximately 40 troops ) entered the Nyaung Zin village, Thayetchaung Township, Dawei, and fired discriminately at the civilians’ houses and harmed at least three women villagers. Three of them were shot in the shoulder and arm. Ma Thin Myint, Daw Moe, and Daw Aye Shin were wounded by the indiscriminate gunfire. The junta and militias illegally burglarized villagers’ locked homes by kicking them in. They kicked the door and forced it open. Homeowners were taken out at gunpoint. Nyaung Zin villagers have kept organizing silent strikes and threatened not to go on any more strikes, and if they went out again, they threatened to burn down the whole village. In the case of terrorist attacks and lootings, the militias and soldiers mainly enter houses with shops and take valuable things such as phones and gold items by force. Later that night at 3:30 a.m., a junta military council of Light Infantry Battalion #406, a convoy with 17 military trucks, entered Wa-kone village in Dawei Township by indiscriminately firing heavy weapons. Seven homes were destroyed. Villagers had to flee because of the attacks. The junta spent a night in the villages, destroyed things and stole the villagers’ belongings, including the motorbikes and valuable items. Released political prisoners are also being targeted. A previously detained activist in Dawei Prison was re-arrested at around 2:30PM on 12 September 2022, according to his colleagues close to him. Ko Myo Minn Oo, age 22 a student at Dawei University of Technology, was arrested when he came to his work in Khon-Win-Dyt Ward, Dawei. This is the second time he was arrested: “the first time was in May last year,” his neighbor said. “He spent about 6 months in prison in October 2021, but then he was freed and released.” On September 11, one of his colleagues, Ko Aung Wayan Tun, a student at Dawei University of Technology, was also abducted by junta security forces during a midnight raid in Dawei downtown. It is not yet known why they were arrested. The junta continues to violently abuse, beat, arbitrarily arrest, and destroy properties, and confiscate goods in Bawapin village, according to the villagers who are fleeing parts of Tanintharyi region regularly. A 50-year-old female villager, who fled with three children, said junta soldiers and their allied militias continue to commit illegal confiscation and destruction of villagers’ property. “Approximately 70 soldiers with full-armed forces and the local militias raided the village. After that, they arrested seven men and beat them. The villagers who escaped could not take anything with them. The soldiers picked up the remaining items they wanted and destroyed what they could not carry. It’s like a real battlefield.” Young men continue to be accused of being affiliated with local resistance forces. At least five young civilians were abducted for having alleged ties with the People’s Defense Forces in Dawei according to their friends, on the evening of September 22, 2022. Two detainees Maung Maung Lwin and Ko Thet, were natives of Yebyu township, and three originally from Dawei. These arbitrary arrests happened when a group of 10 junta troops and local pro-junta militias, raided Painnae-Taw Ward, Dawei: “Their motorcycles have been confiscated and the troops brought all five men to unknown places,” said a 45 year old witness. Nonetheless, young brave activists in Dawei are still pursuing peaceful protests despite the grave danger and numerous challenges in their areas. “We must continue raising our voices as the revolution is longer than we predicted. We are worried that the movement’s momentum will slow down.” Key Findings Inflation across all target areas has had a devastating toll on civilians who are unable to have their most basic needs met. Clashes have led to forced internal displacement in Burma as instability and tensions force people from their homes. Concerns have spread as the military junta begins to make decisions which would bar competing, democratic parties from the next election in Burma. The military junta has been trying to change/manipulate the numbers of constituencies. Motorcycles, mobile devices, and money are regularly confiscated and extorted from civilians at checkpoints stationed by the junta deliberately along key-routes. Civilians were forced to pay excessive bribes to retrieve their possessions. However, very few were able to afford the high costs. Torture remains rampant in Burma, and across target areas where innocent civilians are subjected to grueling, horrifying acts by the junta to extract information. The international community including UN bodies and ASEAN are not responding swiftly enough to the situation on the ground in Burma, which demands urgent attention and consequences for the junta. Military impunity remains deeply ingrained into the institutions representing the Tatmadaw, which only emboldens the junta to continue perpetrating human rights violations. Children have been targeted by the military junta, and deprived of their basic needs including medical attention, food, education and the right to live safely. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful detention by the junta are ongoing, as are warrantless raids and indiscriminate firing into civilian areas. Recommendations The Human Rights Foundation of Monland immediately calls for the following: ● A referral of the situation on the ground in Burma made immediately by the United Nations Security Council to the International Criminal Court ● Concerted and coordinated action by global actors for an urgently mandated global arms embargo which would prevent the free flow of weapons into the hands of the murderous junta ● Aviation fuel sanctions to put an effective end to the airstrikes in Burma which have contributed to significant loss of life, particularly among innocent civilians ● Targeted sanctions on military junta officials, as well as their families, which puts holds on their financial assets and possessions and undercuts their ability to do corrupt business dealings abroad..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2022-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-01
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Sub-title: Country’s military has deployed brutal violence to crush dissent since taking power in a 2021 coup but resistance is growing
Description: "On 1 February 2021, Myanmar’s military took power in a coup, abruptly halting the country’s fragile transition towards democracy. It justified the coup by alleging widespread fraud in the 2020 election – which Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy won by a landslide. Independent observers have rejected such claims. In the weeks following the coup, huge numbers of people took to the streets for mass protests. The military responded with deadly violence and imposed a campaign of terror, raiding homes and arresting anyone suspected of supporting democracy. More than 15,500 people have been arrested as of September 2022 – a number that continues to rise. Reports of torture in prisons are common. Many resorted to taking up arms to oppose the military, forming people’s defence forces. In some cases anti-coup groups are supported by established ethnic armed organisations that have fought against the military for decades. Faced with defiant and widespread resistance, the military has been unable to consolidate its control of the country. It has deployed increasing brutal violence to try to crush dissent. The UN’s human rights office said earlier this year that the military’s actions might amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Almost 700,000 people have been forced to flee their homes due to conflict since the coup, meaning more than 1.2 million are currently displaced. The economy is in crisis, and public services have collapsed. Aung San Suu Kyi has been detained since the coup and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Further cases against her, which could lead to decades more prison time, are ongoing..."
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Source/publisher: "The Guardian" (UK)
2022-09-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-19
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Description: "Eleven children were killed in junta air strikes in Let Yet Kone Village in Tabayin Township, Sagaing Region on Friday, after which junta soldiers cremated most of their bodies in Ye-U, about 11 km away, in an attempt to remove any trace of the killings, according to local sources. Two regime Mi-35 helicopters attacked a monastic school in Let Yet Kone Village at 1 p.m. on Friday. Seven children were killed immediately, and 17 other people—three teachers and 14 students—were injured. Two more children died when ground troops raided the village. Regime forces took the bodies of the seven children who were killed in the initial airstrike, and those who were injured, to a traditional medicine hospital in Ye-U overnight, and cremated their bodies at Ye-U cemetery the following day. They cremated two more bodies at the cemetery around 4 p.m. that day. Locals suggested those two might have been among the students taken for medical treatment at Ye-U traditional medicine hospital. “Some of the children taken with the vehicle had their lower body parts or limbs severed. A [dismembered] child was wrapped and put in a bamboo basket [used as backpacks by Myanmar military troops]. There were pools of blood inside the school. Pieces of flesh were scattered all over the place, on fans, on the walls and on the ceiling,” said a villager who went to see the monastic school after the air strikes. Another resident of Let Yet Kone said: “Parents of two children came to search for their children, but all that was left was the clothes of their children. The junta soldiers did not leave a single body part, so parents could not hold funerals.” The bodies of four boys and two girls, along with a sack of body parts believed to be those of another victim, were cremated at Ye-U cemetery at around 6 a.m. on Saturday, and two more boys were cremated at 4 p.m., according to the Ye-U Township People’s Defense Force (PDF). Junta troops forced a Let Yet Kone villager to drive the three injured teachers and 14 injured children as well as the bodies of the dead children to Ye-U on Friday evening. A Ye-U resident who is familiar with the matter said: “The regime forces returned to Ye-U, carrying both the dead and injured children in a vehicle that they forcibly took from Let Yet Kone. The driver thought the bodies were of soldiers. He was shocked when he opened the sacks and found children.” The injured people are being kept at the traditional medicine hospital in Ye-U, where junta troops have made their base in the town. Some children were seriously injured and had lost limbs. It is not clear which battalions are responsible for the killings, but local resistance groups believe they belong to Light Infantry Battalion 701 based in Yangon’s Hmawbi, which is under Yangon Command, and Division 33 based in Sagaing. Apart from the young children, seven other villagers including two teenagers aged 13 and 16 were killed. The five other victims included a woman and were aged 22, 31, 34, 37 and 49. Junta troops carried out the air raid alleging that resistance fighters were at the village monastery, residents said. The junta’s Myawady TV said in a newscast on Saturday, “The Myanmar military made checks in response to a tip-off that the Kachin Independence Army [KIA] and PDFs were planning to transport weapons via Let Yet Kone, and the village monastery was a hideout for National League for Democracy supporters and PDF members who extort money from locals and travelers.” It added: “Civilians were killed as the KIA and PDFs used them as human shields in the exchange of fire.” However, local residents said it was a one-sided attack by junta soldiers. Similar incidents involving child casualties occurred on Thursday and Saturday. Two displaced sisters aged 7 and 12 taking shelter at a monastery in Moebye on the Shan-Kayah border were killed in a junta artillery strike on the monastery on Thursday. A 5-year-old boy was shot dead by junta soldiers in Kantbalu Township in Sagaing Region on Saturday..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-19
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Description: "Myanmar military troops killed nearly 30 civilians in the east of Kantbalu Township and the west of Kyunhla Township in Kantbalu district, Sagaing Region over the past two weeks amid escalating fighting with resistance groups, local defense forces and residents said. The clashes between junta troops and defense forces broke out in the last week of August, with the Myanmar military launching both air and ground attacks against villages. On Aug. 24, the military started launching air strikes on some villages in the border area where Kantbalu, Kawlin and Kyunhla townships meet, leaving villagers dead, including a 6-year-old boy and a pregnant woman from Thit Saint Kone Village, Kantbalu Township. On Sept. 2, at least two dozen bodies were found at the monastery in Tal Pin Seik Village, Kyunhla Township, according to residents, and local defense forces confirmed the victims were the same people who were arrested by the military between Aug. 25 and Aug. 28, said a member of the Red Eagle Kanbalu People’s Defense Force (PDF). The military launched further air attacks on Aung Chan Thar, Lat Khote Pin and Koe Htaung Bo village tracts, and deployed army columns in the area. During these operations military troops torched several villages, he added. Local PDF groups said the death toll could increase as bodies are usually found for several days after the military leaves an area it has controlled. They said they had heard reports of additional casualties, but could not yet confirm them. The PDFs fought back, however, arresting two captains and a lieutenant from the junta’s military on Aug. 28. Within two weeks, the junta’s military had suffered at least 40 casualties in clashes with local resistance forces. This did not prevent the Myanmar military from targeting civilian areas, however. About 200 houses were torched in Kyunhla Township alone in just four days, from Sept. 1-4, according to the Kyunhla Activists Group. U Nay Zin Latt, the elected MP for Kantbalu Township and a member of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which was formed after last year’s coup by ousted lawmakers, said such murders by the Myanmar military were totally unacceptable. He said that even the PDF groups, which were organized very recently, can distinguish a legitimate military target from a civilian area, but the military was targeting civilian areas that should not be considered combat zones. “There were some operation plans that we have avoided even though we would have had a competitive edge over the enemy. But the military is killing civilians deliberately,” U Nay Zin Latt, who now also serves as an operations commander of Kant Balu Battalion 2, a local PDF in Kantbalu district. At least three military columns are now deployed in Kantbalu district. They have arrested at least 100 civilians and taken them as prisoners of war, according to the local PDFs. At least 10 villages were torched in Kantbalu district alone during the two-week period and more than 40,000 people in total have fled the area, residents said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-06
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Description: "At least 1,000 people from Paletwa Township on the border of Chin and Rakhine states in western Myanmar have been forced to flee their homes, following fighting between the ethnic Rakhine armed organization the Arakan Army and the Myanmar military, according to residents and local aid groups. Fighting broke out near Ah Baung Thar, Hna Maung Dar and Ree Ma Wa villages on August 21. Clashes were still ongoing as of 30 August, with regime forces calling in artillery strikes. Some 1,000 people from around 190 households fled their homes in the three villages on August 24 because of the fighting. The majority are staying with relatives and friends. But around 300 of those forced to flee are staying at a cyclone shelter in Paletwa Town, said residents of the town. The largest number of refugees is from Ah Baung Thar Village, where 120 households fled. Another 70 households left Hna Maung Dar and Ree Ma Wa villages, according to the Raiki Community Development Foundation (RCDF), a local NGO. With no one left in the villages, there are fears that the refugees will go hungry as they are now unable to harvest their crops. “This is the time for people in the township to harvest their crops of yam, peanuts, sesame and rice,” said Salai Kyaw Shun, founder of RCDF. “But as they [AA and junta forces] keep fighting and the conflict area gets larger, the people are going to face starvation. We have no idea what we will do if the fighting intensifies,” he said. With transportation routes into Paletwa blocked by the military regime, the price of all goods has gone up and stocks are running low, said locals. “We no longer have any place to run away to. If the fighting gets heavier, we are going to starve,” said a 62-year-old man from Ah Baung Thar Village, who is now staying in Paletwa Town’s cyclone shelter. Before last year’s coup, fighting between the AA and the Myanmar military in Paletwa displaced some 5,000 people and was ongoing until November 2020, when an informal ceasefire was agreed. Now more and more clashes are taking place in the township, with civilians being killed or displaced. On August 24, a 40-year-old mother of three was killed in a landmine blast near Ah Baung Thar Village. Paletwa Township is of strategic importance to both the AA and the Myanmar military. Currently, junta forces still control Paletwa, with Light Infantry Battalion 289 deployed along the banks of the Kaladan River, the major waterway connecting Chin and Rakhine states..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-08-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-31
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Description: "This Short Update describes events that occurred in Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District during the period between May and the first week of June 2022. It covers activities of the State Administration Council (SAC) Infantry Battalion (IB) #403 under Military Operation Command (MOC) #8 and Border Guard Force (BGF) Battalion #1011 in the area between Meh Pree and Na Kyee army camps. The SAC and BGF troops committed human rights violations including the arrest of local villagers for use as human shields, torture and killing. SAC and BGF troop movement caused fighting and the local Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) planted landmines to defend their territory. Two of the landmines exploded, killing a villager’s goats. The villager relies on these goats for the family’s livelihood.[1] Since the coup, State Administration Council (SAC)[2] troops under Military Operations Command (MOC)[3] #8[4] and Border Guard Force (BGF)[5] Battalion #1011 [formerly Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA)[6] Battalion #333] in Na Kyee and Meh Pree army camps, Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, have increased military activity and movement between their army camps. During patrols, these SAC and BGF troops passed villages including Aee Soo Hkee, Kloo Htaw Law (Kwee Htaw Law) and Wah K’Teh villages in Aee Soo Hkee village tract[7], and Wah Hkaw Pwa, K’Hser Hpoe and Meh Pree Hkee villages in Meh Pree Hkee village tract, in Bilin Township. Moreover, fighting sometimes broke out close to the villages when the SAC and BGF encountered local troops from the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO)[8]. Sometimes the local KNDO troop attacked them, while these SAC and BGF troops patrolled Karen National Union (KNU)[9]-controlled territory. During fighting, the SAC and BGF frequently conducted indiscriminate shelling close to villages. This shelling placed villagers’ lives at high risk and destroyed livestock and property. [Details of the fighting and shelling cannot be confirmed.] As a result of the fighting and the SAC and BGF activities during the period between the beginning of May and June 3rd 2022, villagers were in danger of being hit by bullets and shrapnel, arrested for portering, used as human shields, as well as tortured and killed. Killing On about May 10th 2022 [the specific date cannot be determined], SAC troops [unknown battalion number] under MOC #8 and BGF troops from Battalion #1011, led by Battalion Deputy Commander Hennery, transported one of their injured soldiers from Meh Pree army camp to Na Kyee army camp for treatment. They stopped at Na Kyee army camp for about one week and then returned to Aee Soo Hkee army camp on May 18th 2022. When they arrived at W--- village, Aee Soo Hkee village tract [on their return to Aee Soo Hkee army camp on May 18th,] they shot at a villager [and a KNDO soldier] beside the village. Both died [immediately from the shooting]. The incident happened when the villager was going to buy food. The KNDO soldier had ordered him to buy food for the local KNDO troops. The villager and KNDO soldier had planned to meet along a path beside the village to exchange the food. The SAC and BGF shot them dead [as soon as they arrived at the meeting place]. Therefore, [villagers suspect that the] BGF and SAC were waiting [in secret] to shoot at them [the villager and KNDO soldier] beside the path since before they arrived. Then, the SAC and BGF troops headed back to Aee Soo Hkee army camp. During the night, other SAC and BGF troops [unknown battalions] passed through Kwee Htaw Law village from Aee Soo Hkee army camp back to Na Kyee army camp, which created a high security risk for civilians. The victims’ family could only get the corpses for the funeral the following day on May 19th 2022, after the local KNDO troop had made sure that there were no landmines around the incident place. The name of the [civilian] victim is Saw[10] H---. He was 34 years old and leaves behind his five young children and his wife. Saw H--- had three sons and two daughters, and his youngest child is only around one year old. As he [Saw H---] was the only breadwinner for his family, it is a big loss for their family’s wellbeing and livelihood. His widow is now deeply concerned about the future education, wellbeing and livelihood of her five children. Even though her four older children could go to school last year, it is uncertain if they will be able to go to school this year or in the future. A family member expressed that, “Everything is a challenge for her [the victim’s wife] because she lost the breadwinner of the family. How can she raise the group of children without her husband? […] Now his children and wife are crying a lot and we cannot do anything now.” Villagers and village leaders from Aee Soo Hkee village tract provided 100,000 kyats [USD 54.01][11] to the victim’s family, but they have not received any compensation or support from any authorities or armed groups. Use of human shields Whenever the SAC and BGF who are based in Na Kyee and Meh Pree army camps patrolled the area between their army camps, they arrested any villagers they saw on their way to use as navigators and human shields. On May 3rd 2022, the SAC Infantry Battalion (IB)[12] #403[13] and BGF Battalion #1011 arrested a number of villagers [the total number cannot be confirmed] as human shields, including four villagers from Aee Soo Hkee village and four villagers from Wah K’Teh village, and released those villagers when they arrived at the next place [the exact location cannot be confirmed]. Physical assault Moreover, one villager named Saw L--- from B--- village, was also physically assaulted by being slapped across the face while standing beside his house, without being given a reason. Saw L---’s face became swollen and it was painful. The incident happened in the afternoon of May 3rd 2022, and was perpetrated by a soldier from SAC Infantry Battalion (IB) #403 under MOC #8 and BGF Battalion #1011 under Bo[14] Henry, when the troops arrived at B--- village while patrolling between Meh Pree army camp and Na Kyee army camp. Landmine incident In May 2022 [specific dates are unknown], two landmine incidents happened near Kwee Htaw Law village, Aee Soo Hkee village tract, Bilin Township. The exploded landmines were planted by a local KNDO battalion, to defend their territory following fighting with the SAC and BGF. One of the incidents happened in a place just outside of Kwee Htaw Law village and the explosion killed three goats. The other landmine exploded in Chaw K’Lee Hta area, beside the Bu Law Kloe River and the explosion killed seven goats. The 10 goats were all owned by one villager from Kwee Htaw Law village. Moreover, the presence of landmines near the community farms [located outside of the villages] also created a high security risk for the nearby villagers [who had to travel to and work on their farms]. From early June 2022, the SAC and BGF stopped patrolling the area between their army camps, so the situation in Aee Soo Hkee village went back to normal and villagers did not have to face armed conflict, arrest, torture and the fear of human rights violations by armed actors. Therefore, villagers are now preparing their farms to start planting paddy for their livelihoods. However, fighting can happen when the SAC and BGF resume their troop movements. Just recently, villagers received information about the SAC and BGF resuming their military activities. So once again they fear conflict and other abuses so need to be cautious. Further background reading on human rights violations in Doo Tha Htoo District in Southeast Burma can be found in the following KHRG reports: “Doo Tha Htoo District Short Update: SAC troops arbitrarily detain seven villagers, March 2022”, June 2022. “Doo Tha Htoo District Short Update: Deliberate SAC shelling at religious event results in civilian deaths, injuries and property damage in Tha Htoo Township, March 2022”, April 2022. “Doo Tha Htoo District Short Update: Ongoing fighting in Bilin Township leads to more than 2,000 IDPs, as well as injury and property damage, December 21st 2021 to January 11th 2022”, March 2022. Footnotes: [1] The present document is based on information received in June 2022. It was provided by a community member in Doo Tha Htoo District who has been trained by KHRG to monitor human rights conditions on the ground. The names of the victims, their photos and the exact locations are censored for security reasons. The parts in square brackets are explanations added by KHRG. [2] The State Administration Council (SAC) is the executive governing body created in the aftermath of the February 1st 2021 military coup. It was established by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing on February 2nd 2021, and is composed of eight military officers and eight civilians. The chairperson serves as the de facto head of government of Burma/Myanmar and leads the Military Cabinet of Myanmar, the executive branch of the government. Min Aung Hlaing assumed the role of SAC chairperson following the coup. [3] Military Operations Command (MOC) is comprised of ten battalions for offensive operations. Most MOCs have three Tactical Operations Commands (TOCs) made up of three battalions each. [4] This information was taken from the KNU Doo Tha Htoo News Facebook page, from a post dated May 5th 2022. [5] Border Guard Force (BGF) battalions of the Tatmadaw were established in 2010, and they are composed mostly of soldiers from former non-state armed groups, such as older constellations of the DKBA, which have formalised ceasefire agreements with the Burma/Myanmar government and agreed to transform into battalions within the Tatmadaw. [6] The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) was originally formed in 1994 as a breakaway group from the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). Since its separation from the KNLA in 1994, it was known to frequently cooperate with and support the Tatmadaw in its conflict with the KNLA. The original group underwent major change in 2010 as the majority of the original DKBA was transformed into the Border Guard Force (BGF), under the control of the Burma/Myanmar government. [7] A village tract is an administrative unit of between five and 20 villages in a local area, often centred on a large village. [8] The Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) was formed in 1947 by the Karen National Union and is the precursor to the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). Today the KNDO refers to a militia force of local volunteers trained and equipped by the KNLA and incorporated into its battalion and command structure; its members wear uniforms and typically commit to two-year terms of service. [9] The Karen National Union (KNU) is the main Karen political organisation. It was established in 1947 and has been in conflict with the Burma/Myanmar government since 1949. The KNU wields power across large areas of Southeast Burma and has been calling for the creation of a democratic federal system since 1976. Although it signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement in 2015, relations with the government remain tense. [10] Saw is a S’gaw Karen male honorific title used before a person’s name. [11] All conversion estimates for the kyat are based on the July 5th 2022 mid-market exchange rate of 1,000 kyats to USD 0.54 (taken from https://wise.com/gb/currency-converter/mmk-to-usd-rate). [12] An Infantry Battalion (IB) comprises 500 soldiers. However, most Infantry Battalions in the Tatmadaw are under-strength with less than 200 soldiers. Yet up to date information regarding the size of battalions is hard to come by, particularly following the signing of the NCA. They are primarily used for garrison duty but are sometimes used in offensive operations. [13] This information (battalion information) was taken from the KNU Doo Tha Htoo News Facebook page, from a post dated May 5th 2022. [14] Bo is a Burmese title meaning 'officer'..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
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Sub-title: The fires also burned stashes of rice and forced more than 4,000 residents to flee.
Description: "Myanmar junta forces and members of an affiliated militia group torched most of the homes in a village in the central Magway region, another display of the regime’s reliance on arson in its fight to hold onto power 18 months after removing the democratically elected government in a coup. Area residents on Thursday reported the arson to RFA Burmese, a day after Noeleen Heyzer, the U.N.’s special envoy for Myanmnar, called for an immediate end to violence in the Southeast Asian country and asked to see ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi in a meeting with the junta leaders. Soldiers along with members of the Pyu Saw Htee militias supporting the regime began setting fire to more than 400 of the 500 houses in Ngatayaw village in Magway’s Yesagyo township on Wednesday morning, forcing more than 4,000 residents to flee, locals told RFA. Some of the remaining houses were set ablaze on Thursday morning, said an Ngatayaw village resident who did not want to be named for safety reasons. “The fires went out last night because it rained heavily at about 10 p.m.,” he said. “They started the fires again today at 8 a.m. until now. We can see the smoke billowing all the way up from here.” Villagers watched from a distance as their town burned while soldiers randomly fired their weapons, he said. Other residents said they fled to safety when Myanmar troops entered the community on Wednesday, adding that soldiers previously had raided their village four times, including on Aug. 10 when they set fire to 14 motorcycles. “This is the fifth time we’ve had to run,” said one woman. “There is so much trouble that it’s terrible. They set fire to several houses the last time they came here. Now, the whole village is almost gone. I had to run with some stuff and the cows. I only have the clothes on my back.” 'House has gone to ashes' Elderly, sick and disabled residents who could not run away remained in Ngatayaw on Wednesday amid the wreckage, villagers said. Up to 200 or 300 baskets of rice that had been stored in some of the burned homes are now gone, they added. Another woman from the village said she was lucky to get a lift out of the community on a motorcycle when soldiers began raiding homes. “In the past, we had gotten through very, very hard times, but now our whole house has gone to ashes,” she said. “I’m 63 years old now, and I have never seen anything like this.” The military has not yet issued any information about the burning of Ngatayaw village. Junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun previously told RFA that army columns did not enter villages or commit arson. He blamed the arson on the anti-junta People’s Defense Forces. A member of the Yesagyo township’s People’s Defense Forces, a militia group fighting the regime, told RFA that an army column entered the Ngatayaw after a 15-minute clash with the local defense groups near the village around 9 a.m. Wednesday. “There was a small clash between them and some local groups yesterday just before they entered the village,” he said. “There were Pyu Saw Htee members from their area along with them. They have been deployed in Minywa village for the past 12 days, and later about half of them launched the attack.” The 150-member army column has been in the Yay Lei Kyun area, comprising more than 40 villages, since July 26, locals said. At least 5,000 local residents have been forced to flee their homes because military troops have been active in several villages in the area, including Ngatayaw, Hlay Khoke, Minywa, Pauktaw, Nan U, Nay Yin, since last week, they said. Junta soldiers burned the village of Hlay Khoke three times in the past few days, destroying more than 200 of the community’s 400 houses, they said. The army has torched thousands of civilian homes in Magway and Sagaing region in northwestern Myanmar, where it has faced fierce opposition from local PDFs..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-08-18
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-18
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Description: "The lack of technical details and progress of the peace talks amid ongoing land and air incursions in the borderlands has drawn criticism that the negotiations are superficial and hollow. The Tatmadaw’s outreach to Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) in Myanmar for peace talks has drawn much domestic and international attention. The rare conciliatory tone towards rebel groups could be driven by growing international pressure to focus reconciliation efforts as constant fighting with these groups has resulted in heavy losses. Although many resistance groups adopted a wait-and-watch approach after the military takeover in 2021, the junta has managed to convince 10 out of 21 EAOs (both signatories and non-signatories to the 2015 nationwide ceasefire agreement) to enter into a ceasefire—mostly those that are not in a direct conflict with the regime. Both SSA and UWSP have sought to further consolidate their positions in the Shan state amidst the ongoing competition amongst the EAOs there. The Tatmadaw’s engagement with the EAOs is more on an individual basis rather than on a group level. The country’s Army General Min Aung Hlaing held individual meetings in May 2022 with leaders of the Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS), the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), and the United Wa State Party (UWSP). Both SSA and UWSP have sought to further consolidate their positions in the Shan state amidst the ongoing competition amongst the EAOs there. While the SSA is facing resistance from other rebel groups in the state, the UWSP has a stronghold in areas under its command, supported by Beijing across the border. Meeting the EAOs individually is easier for the junta to attend to their separate and unique demands. However, some EAOs including the Karen National Union (KNU), Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Chin National Army (CNA), which have engaged in violent clashes with the regime in recent months, have refused to join the latest round of peace talks. They have said that the negotiations lack inclusion given that the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) and People’s Defence Force (PDF) were not invited. The junta has denounced the PDF, NUG, and Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) as terrorist groups and refused to include them in the peace talks. The recent round of military operations in Karen State in June 2022 could also play a role in dissuading the KNU from reciprocating the peace overtures. The Arakan Army (AA) has also expressed cynicism about the talks given that the Tatmadaw has waged offensives, occupied religious buildings, and set up military posts in public spaces in Rakhine. The EAOs adopted divergent reactions to the February 2021 coup, only some expressed willingness in joining forces with the NUG to fight the Tatmadaw while a few ended up switching sides. Historically, most EAOs have played a minimal role in anti-coup movements given that they have neither had a loyalty to the Tatmadaw nor the National League for Democracy (NLD). Many rebel groups felt that the NLD deprioritised their interests and well-being when they entered into a power-sharing arrangement with the junta in 2015. Therefore, the EAOs adopted divergent reactions to the February 2021 coup, only some expressed willingness in joining forces with the NUG to fight the Tatmadaw while a few ended up switching sides. For instance, although the SSA-S supported the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) following the coup in 2021, it has now changed its position and was the first EAO to accept the junta’s recent ceasefire offer. EAOs will likely continue their strategy of hedging for individual mileage. Figure 1: A map of Myanmar showing key areas contested by Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) Superficial engagement rather than a genuine outreach The lack of technical details and progress of the peace talks amidst ongoing land and air incursions in the borderlands has drawn criticism that the negotiations are superficial and hollow. There are three possible reasons for the peace overtures. First, the reconciliation efforts appear to be a smokescreen to conceal the junta’s real intent of continuing their brutal crackdown against those directly and indirectly affiliated with the resistance—from the PDF soldiers to political dissidents to anti-regime netizens. Second, it could be a ruse to sow discord amongst the groups and find ways to dissuade the EAOs from aligning with the NUG. It could also be a “divide and rule” policy to delegitimise and instigate conflict given that some of these EAOs continue to have a factitious relationship with one another. It could also be a distraction to prevent them from aligning with the NUG. Third, the ongoing land and aerial attacks could be a strategy for the junta to come to the negotiating table from a position of power and strength. It may be using its military aggression against rebel fighters and civilians to have an upper hand at these talks. The negotiations are unlikely to lead to a new and lasting ceasefire agreement given the junta’s tendency of not sticking to its own commitments in the past and the lack of group unity during these peace talks. Accepting the junta’s offer for peace talks, however, not only legitimises the regime but also serves as a reminder that rebel groups do not have much agency in Centre-peripheral relations. The regime’s vision for nation-building and national unity resulted in processes of discrimination and subordination of minority groups. It remains to be seen what roles would play in the coming years, and whether they will receive more autonomy in the country. After all, the Tatmadaw perceives itself as guardians of the unitary state and strongly opposes efforts toward federalism or equal distribution of power between the Centre and the peripheries. It is also uncertain whether the junta will continue its conciliatory and accommodating stance toward the EAOs once it has consolidated more power across the country. The negotiations are unlikely to lead to a new and lasting ceasefire agreement given the junta’s tendency of not sticking to its own commitments in the past and the lack of group unity during these peace talks. The recent developments do not bode well for the NUG which wants EAOs to play ball with them, either through an alliance or by remaining neutral. Efforts by the ousted government to encourage rebel groups to align with them appear to be challenging given the trust deficit between the two sides. Several “peace conferences” in recent years have done little to overcome the deep resentment and distrust between Bamar and ethnic groups. The KIO’s efforts to encourage EAOs who do not want to join the peace talks to side with the NUG and PDF have had limited success as well. The lack of positive engagement with the NUG raises the question of how far the ousted government will go to keep its legitimacy intact on the domestic and international levels. At the moment, some Burmese still think that the NUG is their legitimate government and a few western countries continue to engage with them informally. There are also concerns about whether the international community has provided sufficient support to these pro-democracy forces to ensure that Myanmar does not slide into the zone of neglect, indifference, and silence given the disproportionate attention given to the Ukraine crisis..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Observer Research Foundation
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
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Sub-title: A Myanmar Commentary by Kyaw Lynn
Description: "Tensions are rising in Arakan (Rakhine State) where a ceasefire exists between the Myanmar military government and Arakan Army. On the surface, the relative stability contrasts with the chaos that has enveloped many other parts of the country following last year’s coup. In this commentary, Kyaw Lynn analyses the changing landscape highlighting that, while confrontations are occurring, neither side appears yet ready to return to open warfare. “Retaliatory” actions, though, are increasing. Twenty months after an informal ceasefire between the Myanmar military and Arakan Army (AA), social and political stability in Arakan (Rakhine State) are deteriorating, leading many local people to worry about the future. Many changes have taken place in the country since the introduction of this de facto ceasefire, not least the coup by the military State Administrative Council (SAC) in February 2021. And it now seems that both parties to the agreement – the Myanmar military and AA – are starting to recalculate their military strategies and political interests. Tit for tat actions have become commonplace. This was highlighted on 22 June, when SAC troops arrested 30 local Rakhine people in response to the AA arresting three government staff from the “Intelligence and Investigation Department” in Mrauk-U, the ancient capital of Arakan and one of the most conflict-sensitive townships in Rakhine State. Before this event, tensions were visibly growing between the SAC and the United League of Arakan (ULA), the political wing of the AA. In the preceding weeks, the AA had arrested military and police force members in Kyauktaw, Ponnagyun and Tin Nyo, Mrauk-U township, as well as Ramree in southern Rakhine State. As an explanation, the ULA-AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha told a party press conference on 14 June that they had been arrested in response to the growing number of ULA and AA members being seized by the SAC authorities in different parts of the state. “Hostage exchange” is possible, he said, if the SAC is willing. In the ULA-AA’s defence, he argued that the arrests were an “equivalent retaliation” for the SAC’s breaking the promises of the informal ceasefire not to arrest unarmed and non-uniformed members on both sides. Khaing Thu Kha also had sobering words of warning. During the press briefing, he repeatedly stated that the outbreak of “another war” could happen at any time and that mediation through third parties was not working. The people continue to watch the situation closely. But the past month has not shown any notable improvements, and it seems that the spate of arrests are just the tip of the iceberg in revealing deeper reasons for the changing trends in Arakan politics. A critical time is approaching. A ceasefire of distrust When the informal ceasefire was initiated in November 2020, it caused surprise for many people both inside and outside of the country. Coming in the aftermath of the 2020 general election, the timing seemed odd, and for many observers the real intentions of the leaders of the Myanmar military for accepting such a ceasefire were only revealed when they staged their coup on 1 February 2021. Until the ceasefire turning-point, it was Myanmar’s military leaders who had always refused to recognise the ULA-AA’s existence in Arakan and insisted that they would eradicate the movement by military means in line with their “black and white” definitions of combatting opponents. In essence, “white” areas are those that the government is perceived to control and “black” are under armed opposition which, military leaders say, must be destroyed. Certainly, in the months following the coup the SAC leaders sought to take advantage in Arakan by a combination of different measures. On the political front, the SAC attempted to build on the rivalry between the National League for Democracy (NLD) and Rakhine political parties – the Arakan National Party (ANP) and Arakan Front Party (AFP) – in the electoral space. To try and achieve legitimacy for the SAC, a number of ANP members were included in SAC administrative structures and Dr. Aye Maung, the AFP chair and a former ANP leader, was released from prison. Such gestures appeared more profitable for the SAC in Rakhine State where, given the electoral opposition to the NLD in many constituencies (especially in the north and centre of the state), the regime faced less protest reaction in urban areas when compared to other parts of the country following the coup. During these difficult months, the AA ceasefire further added to a lessening in security and political challenges faced by the regime after the SAC’s assumption of power – both in Arakan and Myanmar at large. For several months the security situation appeared more stable in Arakan in contrast to the chaos that had enveloped other parts of the country following the coup. This meant that, at the union level, the SAC military no longer needed to provide intensive operational attention to Rakhine State which, until the AA ceasefire, had been the most active conflict region in Myanmar. In line with this new strategy, the SAC leadership sought to contain ULA-AA activities on the one hand while taking profits from political stability and economic extraction on the other. Located on the country’s western seaboard, Rakhine State is an important source of revenue to the regime, including oil and gas pipelines that run to Yunnan Province in China. Containing the ULA-AA, however, did not prove a simple option after several years of warfare. To implement this policy, a raft of activities was laid out. These included re-building military and police apparatus across the state and adjoining Paletwa township in Chin State where the ULA-AA is also based; increasing intelligence surveillance; re-organising broken administrative structures by forcing village-tract leaders not to cooperate with the ULA authorities; and threatening ULA administrative and judiciary activities in territories that the SAC regards as its exclusive sphere of influence. The main focus of these pressures was generally in urban areas of northern Rakhine State as well as southern townships, such as Kyaukpyu, Ramree and Taungup, where there had been no strong AA movement during the previous round of conflict. At the same time, the SAC military presence was reinforced by the maintenance of trade and travel sanctions inside and along the borders of Rakhine State. In essence, although the truce was sustained, many people experienced a more difficult economic and security situation following the 2020 ceasefire. Inevitably, such behaviour proved unacceptable to the ULA-AA leadership. After several months of ceasefire initiation, the ULA-AA chief, Gen. Twan Mrat Naing, declared the movement’s policy of “state-building” and “nation-building” as the fundamental task of the Arakan people on 10 April 2021 on the 12th anniversary of the Arakan Army’s foundation. ULA-AA leaders also called for faster action to support progress on the ground in the ceasefire aftermath. After three years of intense conflict and deepening poverty, the ULA-AA wanted to prioritise reconstruction, resettle displaced peoples, build new infrastructure and promote socio-economic development for the general population while securing political stability in Rakhine State. For this reason, Yohei Sasakawa, Japan’s Goodwill Ambassador for the Welfare of the National Races in Myanmar and Chairman of the Nippon Foundation, had been welcomed to play a visible role in the initiation of the Arakan ceasefire. However, within months of the SAC coup, it quickly became clear that the situation was not developing as the ULA leadership had desired. While trying to crack down on the expansion of ULA administrative and judiciary systems in southern Rakhine State, the SAC was continuing to impose trade and travel restrictions on local communities across the territory. The ULA-AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha spoke openly of deepening concerns at the party press conference in June this year: “We, the ULA-AA, are waiting and watching such aggressive and inhospitable actions of the SAC authority as we want more freedom and better socio-economic conditions for our people while maintaining political stability in Rakhine State. However, if their actions are becoming more aggressive than we can tolerate, we want to warn that it could lead to an even greater deterioration in relations.” As tensions continue to deepen, many people are asking the same question: “What do we actually get from a de facto ceasefire like this?” Ceasefire in Arakan but fighting in other areas In his 2021 address on the 12th anniversary of the AA’s foundation, Gen. Twan Mrat Naing stated that the ULA-AA does not want the Civilian Disobedience Movement and other anti-military or pro-democracy movements to become active in Arakan because the organisation has its own “Way of Rakhita” philosophy to bring about social and political change. Since this time, many people in Arakan and outside became interested in what the “Way of Rakhita” means and how it can guide the civil and political movements in Rakhine State in the face of the complex political landscape that exists countrywide. There is, in fact, no official definition or document about the “Way of Rakhita”. But based on interviews and speeches by the ULA-AA leadership, it is usually summarised as a “way of thinking which is solely based on the national interest of Arakan people rather than any other philosophical or political values and principles.” In line with this philosophy, the ULA-AA leadership started to re-shape the politics of Arakan in new ways following the SAC coup. At the time, they thought this strategy would be better following the ceasefire in pursuit of their political goals and interests. In Gen. Twan Mrat Naing’s most recent speech, however, there was a very different tone. Speaking two months ago on the 13th anniversary of the AA founding, he said: “Comrades, be ready to fight when ordered!” It was an occasion that attracted attention. On the same day, the rival National Unity Government (NUG) and more than a dozen armed opposition groups, including the (Kokang) Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and Ta’ang National Liberation Army, sent their own “congratulatory statements” in solidarity with the ULA-AA. Notably, a number of these movements are newly established since the coup and are engaged in anti-SAC military activities in other parts of the country. New groups include the Burma People`s Liberation Army, Student Armed Force, People’s Revolutionary Alliance (Magway), Karenni National Defence Force, Asho Chin Defence Force, Mara Defense Force and Chin Defence Force (Mindat). In some of their statements, they mentioned the support of the ULA-AA in terms of military training and equipment. This is not the only link that exists between the ULA-AA and anti-SAC movements. News has continued to emerge about AA soldiers fighting – or being present – in conflict frontline areas in Kachin and northern Shan States alongside other ethnic armed organisations since the SAC coup. In a recent example, six AA soldiers were killed in an air raid in Karen State in early July where they were stationed in territory administered by the Karen National Union (KNU). Technically, the KNU also has a ceasefire with the Myanmar military (initiated in 2012), and the air strike was considered a hostile act. But it is generally safe to argue that the AA, outside of Arakan, has not truly been under a ceasefire following the SAC takeover. Against this backdrop, relations between the SAC and ULA-AA leaderships have been stalling. A lower-level ULA political team attended the 73rd anniversary of Union Day, held by the SAC at Nay Pyi Taw in February, where they argued for the release of their members who have been arrested. But ULA-AA leaders declined a peace talk invitation by the SAC Chairman, Sen-Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, in May this year. Although two key ULA-AA allies in the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee – the United Wa State Army and National Democratic Alliance Army – chose to participate in the talks, the ULA-AA did not release an official statement explaining their refusal. But one informal response by the ULA Secretary Dr. Nyo Twan Awng appeared on social media: “The SAC still does not change its policy about ethnic rights for the peace talks.” Reflecting the deepening divide, the NUG then declared its recognition of the “Arakan People’s Government”, which is led by the ULA, at the end of May following an online meeting between NUG and ULA leaders. All such events are raising speculation in Arakan politics. During the past two years, changes have happened rapidly, and the path that the ULA-AA is following is sure to make the SAC leadership angry. However it is still too early to say that the ULA is totally on the side of the NUG against the SAC, and it will mostly like not want to choose one “government” over another in the struggle between the two camps: the SAC and NUG. In explanation of this ambiguity, the strategy of ULA leaders cannot be understood on the basis of dialectical thinking between the SAC or NUG but only realised through the “Way of Rakhita” philosophy, which is centred upon the “Arakan National Interest” and not subject to any outside political domain. The Rohingya crisis: old challenges and new questions Adding to the complexity of pressures, the question of the Rohingya community in Arakan is also becoming more difficult to answer. On 21 June, the ULA released a statement warning the people to avoid a recurrence of communal violence in Rakhine State due to a series of incidents that were causing tensions to rise and accused the SAC of being involved. These included the kidnapping of two ethnic Rakhine teachers in Maungdaw township, who were released one week later in exchange for 5 million takas on the Bangladesh side of the border, and the bullying and beating of a young Rohingya man in Pauktaw township. Subsequently, the ULA-AA leader Gen. Twan Mrat Naing accused the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army of being the culprit behind the kidnappings, stating that this was a grave disservice to efforts for social cohesion and trust-building among communities in Arakan as well as to Rohingya refugees who want to come back to their homes. The situation, however, is much changed since the first round of communal violence in 2012. Large segments among both communities today believe that they cannot allow another outbreak of violence in Rakhine State and, if this happened, it would only prove beneficial to the SAC which prefers the tactics of “divide and rule” to cause disharmony among different peoples and communities. At the same time, it needs to be recognised that community reconciliation in Rakhine State is not an all-finished task, and there is still no common vision about the future of Arakan. This theme was taken up in a recent International Crisis Group (ICG) report about the political situation in Arakan, which made a number of points suggesting the formalization of the informal ceasefire with the initiation of a Rohingya repatriation process.* The ICG recommendations, which are based on achieving tripartite relations between SAC, ULA and Bangladesh government, are quite welcoming on a peace and repatriation process. There are, however, still many challenges in implementing such a sensitive programme due to the rise in political instability and lack of common understanding between the different actors and communities that need to become involved. Despite the desire to avoid any repetition of communal violence, many different opinions still exist on the ground. For example, there has been a significant change in perceptions among the ethnic Bamar majority since the SAC coup as well as a NUG policy declaration towards addressing the Rohingya crisis. But these views cannot be regarded as the same as those of ULA-AA leaders nor the Rakhine majority population in Arakan. Similarly, while there is competition between SAC and NUG leaders over gaining international recognition for their governments in handling the Rohingya issue, the ULA-AA is much more focused on building local and international support for the achievement of an Arakan State as part of any process of resolving the Rohingya and other socio-political challenges. The SAC, NUG and ULA see the Rohingya crisis with very different priorities and perspectives. In summary, collaboration will be needed among different actors to solve the Rohingya crisis, and this will mean mediation among competing interests. But, at present, this will not be an easy task at all. The possibility of another war in Arakan For the moment, it is difficult to estimate the possibility of a resumption of armed conflict in Arakan, and how this might come about. Politics aside, there are other strategic interests that both parties to the ceasefire have to consider. Two, in particular, stand out: intention and capability. Both play important roles in the power competition between the two sides, with the expansion of either party – and hence its capacity – making the other doubtful about their rival’s intentions and vice-versa. As such, an increase in capability has the potential to change the intention of one side or the other at any time. Such is the state of play in Arakan. For this reason, one of the key factors hindering another outbreak of armed conflict in Arakan is the lack of a clear “war mission” for both parties. The current situation, both in Arakan and the country more generally, encourages both parties to keep to the ceasefire status quo and be generally defensive about developing and implementing another war strategy due to their limited capacities on the ground. It is also very difficult to relate the post-coup combat involving new People’s Defence Forces and other anti-SAC movements in other parts of the country, where there are no ceasefires, to the particular challenges in Arakan. In essence, both SAC and ULA-AA leaders may feel that they have more to lose than gain by returning to open conflict in Arakan at this time. If fighting breaks out, for example, the ULA-AA would be expected to try and “conquer and control” some of the urban areas and key communication channels in northern Rakhine State at the least, while the SAC would return to the familiar tactics of the Myanmar military in launching “regional clearance” operations against AA strongholds in rural and mountain areas. In the present impasse, however, both parties appear to have limited capability to carry these objectives out. For the ULA-AA gaining control of new areas requires new technology, human resource training and supplies of military equipment. In contrast, attempts at SAC “domination” will also face logistical challenges and strong resistance because the regime cannot provide enough soldiers or open new battlefronts due to the scale of fighting in other parts of the country. Such realities indicate that the return to war in Arakan may ultimately be determined by the changing military pendulum between the SAC and anti-SAC forces in central Myanmar and the different ethnic states around other international borders. The country is presently in a deep state of civil war in which Arakan has, in many respects, been an exception until now. But this does not mean that there will be no armed clashes between SAC and ULA-AA forces in the meantime. Conditions of what can be termed “limited war” still exist in areas like Paletwa township and other disputed areas where both sides have strategic objectives. Many lives could still be lost and properties destroyed, similar to the intense fighting between 2018-20, and this time the battlefields will be even closer to the major towns and villages, especially in northern Rakhine State. Until the present day, the AA is arresting military and police members in several front-line areas, while the SAC is apprehending civilians suspected of supporting the ULA-AA in such nationalist strongholds as Ponnagyun, Kyauktaw and Mrauk-U townships. Currently, more than 30 local people have been charged by the SAC authority under Article 505 of the Penal Code, accused of incitement or state defamation, although some have been released. Occasional clashes are still being reported, most recently in Maungdaw township where it was reported this week that 14 police and troops were captured and a number killed in a “retaliatory” AA attack for the air raid that killed six members in Karen State. And causing growing anger in local communities, the Rakhine Ethnic Congress reported in early July that six civilians had been killed and eleven wounded during the previous two months in explosions caused by landmines which the SAC military is planting outside its bases. All such incidents are putting pressure on the ULA leadership to fight back against the SAC. Many fear that, whether it suits the SAC or ULA-AA or not, the clock towards a return to open warfare is now ticking. In the international community, there is only one country which can seek to manage the unpredictable and changing dynamics in Arakan: that is China. With strategic and economic interests, Chinese officials have relationships with all sides on Myanmar’s political divides. The situation is different for Western governments. But there are still many things that they can try in order to prevent the outbreak of war in Arakan. They know that Western engagement with the SAC risks legitimatization of the regime which is an outcome that all wish to avoid. Instead, they can prepare in providing emergency and humanitarian assistance through different channels, including trans-border through the Bangladesh and India borders. There is also potential, as the ICG has suggested, that reaching a formal ceasefire agreement between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army might – at some stage in the future – prevent a further humanitarian disaster and provide the chance for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh to return to Arakan. This is not, however, the time for naivety nor failure to understand the complexity of challenges in Arakan and Myanmar at large. The aspirations, needs and perceptions of the people must come first. And, in this respect, the current trends in national politics are loading more weight into negative directions where the future of Arakan is concerned..."
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Source/publisher: Transnational Institute ( Amsterdam)
2022-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-22
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Description: "Inherently indiscriminate landmines kill and injure civilians Military laid landmines in homes, on farming lands and on church grounds Myanmar increasingly isolated globally in its use of antipersonnel landmines The Myanmar military is committing war crimes by laying antipersonnel landmines on a massive scale in and around villages in Kayah (Karenni) State, Amnesty International said today after an on-the-ground investigation in conflict-affected parts of the state. Antipersonnel landmines are inherently indiscriminate and their use is internationally banned. The landmines laid by the Myanmar military have killed and seriously injured civilians and will have significant long-term consequences, including on displaced people’s ability to return home and to farm their lands. “The Myanmar military’s use of landmines is abhorrent and cruel. At a time when the world has overwhelmingly banned these inherently indiscriminate weapons, the military has placed them in people’s yards, homes, and even stairwells, as well as around a church,” said Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues. The Myanmar military’s use of landmines is abhorrent and cruel. Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues “The world must urgently respond to the military’s atrocities against civilians across Myanmar. Countries around the world must cut off the flow of weapons to Myanmar and support all efforts to ensure those responsible for war crimes face justice.” From 25 June to 8 July, Amnesty International researchers interviewed 43 people in Kayah State’s Demoso, Hpruso, and Loikaw Townships. These areas have been at the centre of fighting between the military and Karenni armed groups since May 2021, when conflict in Kayah State re-ignited following the military coup. The organization interviewed landmine survivors and other witnesses, as well as health professionals who treated landmine injuries and people who had discovered and deactivated landmines in villages. It also visited several recently demined villages. The Myanmar military is laying several types of landmines that it manufactures itself. These include the M-14, which typically blows off the victim’s foot at the ankle, and the more powerful MM-2, which often blows off the victim’s leg at the knee and causes injuries to other parts of the person’s body, with severe risk of death due to blood loss. Antipersonnel landmines, including the M-14 and MM-2, are inherently indiscriminate and their use is banned under customary international humanitarian law, as well as the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, which 164 states have joined. According to Landmine Monitor, Myanmar’s military is the only state armed forces confirmed to have used antipersonnel landmines in 2020-21. Civilians killed and injured Lu Reh, 62, and his family were displaced from Daw Thea village in Demoso Township in late February 2022 after a Myanmar military air strike killed two people in a neighbouring village. On 10 June, he and others returned to collect things from their property. As he walked along a dirt path to collect jah fruit, Lu Reh stepped on a landmine that ripped off his right leg just below the knee, leaving the bone exposed at the calf. According to a witness and another person with direct knowledge of the incident, it also wounded his left leg and right hand and caused significant blood loss. Lu Reh died on the way to the hospital. The Myanmar military has controlled that area since February 2022 and soldiers from the 66th Light Infantry Division (LID) have based themselves out of several nearby villages. The Karenni Human Rights Group (KnHRG) has documented at least 20 civilians killed or seriously injured by landmines in Kayah State since June 2021. According to activists, local aid workers, and people without formal training who have tried to demine villages, the military’s use of landmines there has soared in recent months, especially as they retreat from certain areas. In early April 2022, Rosie, 52, and her daughter Ma Thein Yar Lin, 17, were trying to return to their home in Loikaw town after being displaced by fighting in January. Rosie parked their motorbike near a rocky path, and Ma Thein Yar Lin walked a short distance away to go to the bathroom. I heard the explosion, then I looked and saw a lot of smoke. I heard my daughter yelling, ‘Mama, Mama,’ and I went to look and saw her lying on the ground…my daughter had no leg anymore. Rosie, whose daughter was injured in a landmine incident “I heard the explosion, then I looked and saw a lot of smoke,” Rosie recalled. “I heard my daughter yelling, ‘Mama, Mama,’ and I went to look and saw her lying on the ground.” “I noticed that my daughter had no leg anymore… I went searching for [her leg], but the man who [was passing by and stopped] to help us said, ‘Stop! There will be another landmine. The most important thing is to stop the bleeding.’” Ma Thein Yar Lin lost her right leg from the mid-calf down and had landmine fragments throughout her left leg. She now uses a wheelchair donated by a friend. She and her mother cannot return to their home partly because the house and bathroom are not accessible. She told Amnesty International that she wants to continue her studies; she had reached Grade 11 before the Covid-19 pandemic and the coup stopped her schooling. She said she also wants to ensure her leg recovers so that she can be fitted with a quality prosthetic. Attack on a church On 27 June 2022, Amnesty International researchers visited St Matthew’s church in Daw Ngay Khu village in Hpruso Township. The military had planted at least eight landmines on church grounds in mid-June, when there was fighting in the area. Amnesty International photographed areas where landmines had been removed, including along the main entrance path and behind the church. People involved in demining the church believed there were more landmines there that had yet to be discovered. On the afternoon of 15 June, soldiers also burned down the church and the priest’s house next door. When Amnesty International researchers visited 12 days later, the grain stored in the priest’s house was still smouldering. A 41-year-old woman from Daw Ngay Khu told Amnesty International: “That church was the centre of our village. We worried about our things [when the military started coming], so we brought them to the church to keep [them] there. We thought the Myanmar military would not attack the church, that it was a hallowed place.” Researchers saw a discarded uniform of the 66th LID on the church grounds, along with bullet casings and a used round from a 40mm grenade launcher. Amnesty International previously implicated the 66th LID in war crimes and likely crimes against humanity in Kayah State, in a report published in June 2022. In addition to the church, Myanmar soldiers laid landmines in and near homes in Daw Ngay Khu village, according to six people who lived there as well as people who had demined parts of the village. Other areas of Daw Ngay Khu likely remain contaminated. Widespread displacement and fear Amnesty International received credible information that the Myanmar military has laid landmines in at least 20 villages in Hpruso, Demoso, and Loikaw Townships in recent months. There are likely many more contaminated villages across Kayah and southern Shan States. The military appears to be systematically laying landmines near where it is based as well as in areas from which it retreats. The region along the main road between Moe Bye in southern Shan State and Hpruso town in Kayah State is particularly contaminated. The military systematically burned homes in the same area from February to April 2022, as Amnesty International reported previously. Soldiers have placed landmines in people’s yards, at the entrance of homes, and outside toilets. In at least one documented case, soldiers boobytrapped a house stairwell with a trip-wire improvised explosive device (IED). They have also placed landmines on paths to rice fields, and credible evidence indicates that at least one civilian was seriously injured recently from stepping on a landmine when going to their field. Displaced civilians across these areas of Kayah State told Amnesty International that fighters from ethnic armed groups had warned them about the military’s use of landmines in their villages and said they should not go back. The warnings have helped to limit civilian casualties so far, but many people are desperate to see their property and to work their fields during the planting season. Paulina, 20, a teacher from Daw Ngay Khu village, said her house was damaged by a military mortar during fighting and that soldiers then based themselves in the village. She said: “Last year we could move back and forth and get things from our village. But this year we dare not go back… We are worried about landmines, because they plant them anywhere.” Limited demining is overwhelmingly being undertaken by members of armed groups, who do it by hand with only rudimentary equipment and without any professional training. Contamination remains widespread. The threat to lives and livelihoods posed by landmine contamination remains an issue in other parts of Myanmar where the military has engaged in conflict with armed groups. In 2017, Amnesty International documented several incidents of landmines injuring Rohingya women, men and children along the border of Myanmar’s Rakhine State and Bangladesh. The military’s depraved use of landmines in homes and villages will continue to have devastating effects on civilians in Kayah State for years to come. Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International “The military’s depraved use of landmines in homes and villages will continue to have devastating effects on civilians in Kayah State for years to come. We know from bitter experience that civilian deaths and injuries will mount over time, and the widespread contamination is already blocking people from returning to their homes and farmland,” said Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International. “Myanmar’s military leadership should immediately end its use of landmines and join the majority of the world in supporting the Mine Ban Treaty, which includes provisions for demining and victim assistance. “There is an urgent need for a scaled-up humanitarian response that addresses rising food insecurity and ensures proper rehabilitative, psychosocial, and other needed care for landmine survivors, as well as adequate planning for and resourcing of post-conflict demining operations to clear contaminated areas.”..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2022-07-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Description: "Since late 2021, fierce fighting has raged between the SAC regime and Karen resistance forces in Dooplaya District (KNU’s 6th Brigade) on both sides of the Dawna Range, south of the Asia Highway, Burma’s main trade route to Thailand. Heavy shelling and airstrikes by SAC forces have killed or injured 71 civilians and displaced over 86,000, many of whom are sheltering in makeshift IDP camps along the Thai border. This briefing paper describes the unfolding of conflict, instigated by the regime’s incursions into KNU ceasefire territories, and fueled by mobilization of thousands of SAC troops, including from bases across Dooplaya which were never withdrawn despite the KNU’s 2012 ceasefire. A key flashpoint has been the Lay Kay Kaw "Peace Town”, south of Myawaddy, funded by Japan for returning refugees. This flagship peace project now lies deserted and bomb-scarred, its over 3,000 residents once again fleeing for their lives. This must serve as a lesson for Japan, not only against premature funding of refugee return, but also provision of billions of dollars in development aid to the Naypyidaw government without benchmarks of progress towards genuine peace. Japanese ODA has not only subsidized Naypyidaw’s war machine, but also funded strategic infrastructure projects such as the East West Economic Corridor (EWEC) which have facilitated quick deployment of the regime’s troops into conflict areas. As the SAC’s atrocities mount across the country, KPSN calls for stronger economic and diplomatic pressure on the regime, and urges Japan to suspend all ongoing ODA projects, including bridge building along the EWEC. KPSN also urges foreign donors to provide increased cross-border humanitarian aid to IDPs.....Post-coup eruption of conflict in Dooplaya...For nearly ten years after the KNU's 2012 bilateral ceasefire, there was little armed conflict in Dooplaya. However, as the regime began cracking down on anti-coup protesters in the months following the coup on February 1, 2021, tensions began to rise between the regime’s forces and the KNU in the KNU’s 6th Brigade, where anti-regime activists were sheltering. SAC troops set up new checkpoints along roads and carried out random searches in villages. In September, the SAC sent armed patrols into KNU territories south of Kawkareik, in violation of ceasefire protocols. On September 30, KNU troops resisted, and the ensuing fighting spread into six villages, causing thousands to flee their homes. At the same time, KNU troops sought to block the SAC from sending reinforcements along the road from Thanbyuzayat to 3 Pagodas Pass, and on October 11, the SAC attacked and seized the KNU’s Lu Shah checkpoint, 20 kilometers southeast of Thanbyuzayat. The fighting displaced four villages in the area.....Fighting erupts in Lay Kay Kaw "Peace Town", spreads southwards along Thai border...The “Peace Town” of Lay Kay Kaw south of Myawaddy, funded by Japan for returning refugees after the KNU ceasefire, was one of the areas suspected of harbouring anti-regime activists. At the end of September 2021, SAC troops from LIB 560, under Tanintharyi-based Military Operations Command (MOC) 13, deployed to Dooplaya before the November 2020 election, started carrying out house-to-house searches in Lay Kay Kaw, but did not initially make any arrests. However, on December 13, 2021, Brigadier General Myint Htun Naing, the MOC 13 commander, arrived at the SAC artillery base just south of Lay Kay Kaw and on December 14 led over 150 troops into Lay Kay Kaw, forcibly entering houses and arresting suspected activists. On December 15, the troops returned at 10 am, beating and carrying out further arrests. In total 22 men were arrested, tied up and taken to Myawaddy for interrogation, including two former NLD MPs. The fate of those arrested remains unknown. Local KNU officials immediately protested the arrests, but SAC troops ignored this, and continued searching through Lay Kay Kaw, causing the KNLA to open fire. Heavy fighting ensued, with SAC shelling indiscriminately into Lay Kay Kaw from nearby “Artillery Hill”, causing the town residents to flee in terror. Over the next few weeks, fighting between SAC and Karen resistance forces spread east and south along the Thai border, displacing thousands more villagers. On December 23, SAC started launching airstrikes over Lay Kay Kaw to try to dislodge the KNLA. During early 2022, fighting continued to spread southwards. On March 21, KNLA temporarily seized the SAC base at Maw Khee, 50 kilometers south of Lay Kay Kaw, and carried out successful ambushes of SAC troop reinforcements from Myawaddy, prompting further retaliatory airstrikes. On May 18, 2022, KNLA forces managed to seize the SAC base at Thay Baw Boe on the Thai border, 30 kilometers south of Lay Kay Kaw, despite multiple airstrikes by SAC fighter jets and helicopters..."
Source/publisher: Karen Peace Support Network
2022-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Over the past month, violence against civilians in Southeast Burma reached new heights as the State Administration Council (SAC) escalated its military offensives. Already engaged in heavy assaults to cripple resistance and cut off resources and humanitarian support since the 2021 coup, the military junta continues to perpetrate gross human rights violations throughout Karen State, including arbitrary arrest and torture, the burning down of entire villages, the use of human shields, and relentless air strikes and shelling. Forced displacements continue to rise, as do the number of civilian deaths and grave injuries. The SAC is intentionally targeting civilian areas in its air and ground attacks, thus forcing villagers to flee; destroying civilians’ homes, farmlands and livestock, local schools, and medical clinics; and placing villagers in constant fear of life. Since the 2021 coup, there have been more than 60 SAC air strikes in Karen State, almost all centred on villages. At least 32 civilians have been killed by these air strikes.[1] Unexploded ordnance from these air attacks have landed inside villages or in villagers’ farmlands creating additional risks and insecurity, as does the planting of new landmines. In some areas, indiscriminate shelling into and near villages is taking place on a near daily basis. The estimated number of displacements in Karen State since February 2021 is now over 200,000. Despite the international community’s condemnation of the military junta and its assault on the people of Burma, little concrete action has been taken to end the violence. The ongoing intensification of attacks and human rights violations is proof that current efforts are insufficient. One villager in Karen State, after being interrogated and tortured by SAC soldiers in March 2022,[2] asked: “Is the international community just going to watch while civilians have to go through things like this? Is there no longer anything they can do to help us?” The SAC’s actions are in breach of international humanitarian law, and amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. KHRG condemns these heinous acts, and calls on the international community to take actions that show the people of Burma that there is still reason to trust in the UN, international human rights and justice mechanisms, and the principles that underlie international humanitarian action. Use of human shields, and burning of houses in Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District Human rights violations perpetrated by the SAC and affiliated forces have significantly increased in Bilin Township, Doo Tha Htoo District since August 2021. Reports of forced labour, including the use of civilians as human shields, looting, and direct threats against villagers have multiplied. On May 1st, two air strikes were conducted, and as a result, 10 houses in Lay Kay village, Bilin Township, were burned down and another 66 were seriously damaged. SAC troops at Lay Kay army camp have continued to fire mortars into surrounding villages, injuring a woman with a 2-month-old baby on June 22nd. In May 2022, over 150 villagers in T’Kaw Hpoe and Weh Pyar village tracts, Hpa-an Township, were arrested and forced to act as human shields and porters. Many were detained for around 2 weeks. Beginning June 1st, SAC troops from Artillery Unit #9 conducted heavy artillery fire into Waw Ray village tract, Tha Htoo (Thaton) Township, for six days straight after an SAC company commander and military medic were captured by the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). As a result, more than 3,000 villagers in the area were forced to displace. An SAC officer from Artillery Unit #9 also threatened to burn everything between Hton Bo Gyi and Hton Bo Lay villages in Waw Ray village tract. On June 25th, the SAC set fire to Hton Bo Lay village, after looting homes, the school and monastery, and taking villagers’ livestock. At least 66 houses and 30 thatch huts were completely burned to the ground. Increased fighting and indiscriminate shelling in Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District Since June 2022, ground attacks have escalated in Ler Doh Township, Kler Lwee Htoo District. From June 10th to 13th, and June 25th to July 2nd, SAC troops along with the Phyu Saw Htee (a pro-junta militia group), fired into different villages in Ain Net village tract, resulting in the displacement of 1,489 villagers from six villages. Five villagers were also injured. On June 12th, SAC troops also fired into Lian Pin Wen village, Lian Pin Wen village tract, displacing an additional 1,184 villagers (259 households). On July 2nd 2022, SAC troops entered into Ler Muh Per village, Ler Muh Per village tract, Ler Doh Township and shot dead four villagers and injured another. SAC soldiers looted villagers’ homes and set fire to the village, destroying 12 houses and several vehicles. In response to the capture of four SAC army camps by the KNLA on July 2nd, the SAC conducted air strikes and heavy shelling in nearby villages in Moo (Mone) Township, killing four villagers and injuring one. These offensives resulted in the displacement of at least 3,202 villagers from 81 villages in Moo Township. Following the air strike and shelling, the SAC entered multiple villages and arrested and tortured 16 villagers. Air and ground attacks, fighting and displacement in Mu Traw (Hpapun) District Villages in Mu Traw District, particularly in areas near Hpapun Town and Kamamaung Town, have experienced ongoing attacks. There have been at least 28 air strikes in Mu Traw District alone since the 2021 coup, with the first attack taking place in late March 2021. Most villagers have been forced to flee, seeking refuge in the jungle or along riverbanks, with little access to humanitarian support. The most recent attack occurred on July 4th 2022, when two SAC aircraft bombed an Arakan Army (AA) camp located near the Thai-Burma border, in a Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled area. The attack destroyed multiple buildings including a clinic. Afterward, one of the SAC’s jets entered into Thai airspace, over Phop Phra area of Tak Province, leading local residents to take shelter in bunkers and evacuate the schools. Yet Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha referred to the incursion as “not a big deal”. Relentless air strikes in Dooplaya District The SAC launched 17 air strikes in Dooplaya District, primarily Kaw T’Ree (Kawkareik) Township, between December 2021 and May 2022. On June 27th 2022, SAC resumed its bombardment of Kaw T’Ree Township, first sending three fighter jets into Au Kree Hta village, Choo Kalee village tract. The attacks in the area continued for six consecutive days, with bombs also being dropped in nearby Thay Baw Boh village tract. The July 1st air attack on Thay Baw Boh village killed two villagers and injured three more. One of the bombs did not explode and remains in the village. The next day, the SAC conducted air strikes in Lay Ghaw village, Thay Baw Boh village tract, injuring four villagers, including an 11-year-old boy. Due to these attacks and ongoing indiscriminate shelling, about 1,000 local villagers fled once again to the Thai-Burma border. Most villagers continue to be pushed back by Thai authorities. KHRG makes the following recommendations: Since the pursuit of justice is one of the most visible forms of accountability and will show that human rights violations and impunity for these acts will no longer be tolerated, there is an immediate need to prosecute military leaders for their past and present crimes. The international community should: Support current investigations and proceedings by intervening in the genocide case at the ICJ, and pushing for an ICC referral and acceptance of the NUG’s declaration delegating jurisdiction of the court to investigate and prosecute mass atrocity crimes that occurred in Burma since 2002. Seek out all additional opportunities (through hybrid courts, ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction and other existing mechanisms) to hold the Burma military accountable for its vast array of crimes committed against Karen peoples, as well as other ethnic and religious minorities. Develop and support International Accountability Platforms, and increase support for human rights organisations operating on the ground. Meanwhile, it is imperative that adequate humanitarian assistance and protection for ethnic populations who are facing violence and atrocities at the hands of the Burma military be ensured. The international community should: Consult and sign MoUs with the NUG and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), rather than the SAC, to address the unfolding humanitarian crisis across the country. Urge neighbouring countries to ensure that their authorities do not deny entry to people crossing the border seeking refuge. Prioritise and strengthen methods of service delivery and communication that rely on local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers that have the ability and networks (due to consistent access and trust from the community) for local implementation of support programmes. Include local CSO/CBOs and ethnic service providers in decision-making processes since these actors have already worked for decades to provide support and services to local communities, and are the most knowledgeable about current needs and challenges..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
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Sub-title: Ruling junta’s talk of peace is desperate political necrophilia and ultimately just cover for more war
Description: "Myanmar is in conflict freefall, as the State Administration Council (SAC) junta regime fights a myriad of proliferating resistance groups on fronts across the country, many galvanized to arms by the military’s democracy-toppling February 2021 coup. Fighting in western regions such as Sagaing, Magwe and Chin State has surged in recent months, as scores of People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) ambush military columns and battle pro-SAC militias. The military, in turn, has pulverized civilian villages with air strikes, heavy artillery and army columns in expeditionary arson campaigns that have destroyed close to 20,000 houses, by some estimates. Internal displacement in the country, meanwhile, has surpassed one million. Despite the desperation of the humanitarian and human rights catastrophe, many analysts estimate that the military has been seriously degraded by armed resistance to the coup. That’s been led by PDFs and many established ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) such as the Karen National Union (KNU), some of which have forged alliances with or otherwise pledge loyalty to the National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel administration formed after the coup. So what does the SAC leadership do when faced with such unprecedented and geographically spread resistance? Logically, it calls for peace talks, the tried and true escape hatch for military repression in Myanmar. Myanmar’s Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) was signed by eight mostly small organizations in 2015 (another two signed in 2018), but despite incessant talks and secretive mediation, the agreement was moribund by October 2018. The military commander Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, the current dictator who staged the 2021 coup, announced a “Ceasefire for Eternal Peace” in December 2018, extending it every few months for years through the Covid-19 pandemic right up to the coup, even as fighting raged with EAOs in many parts of the country. The call for new peace talks in April this year conforms to a consistent pattern of perfidy over peace talks. Using a motley crew of desperate or insignificant NCA signatories is for the SAC desperate political necrophilia. The first round of “talks” in May was with Chairman Yawd Serk of the insurgent Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) resulted in a number of agreements related to the “Union Accords”, which were negotiated for several years in a pre-coup process. The RCSS’s eagerness can be largely explained by its strategic missteps since late 2015. It used the cover of signing the 2015 NCA as a pretext to expand operations in northern Shan state, triggering a multi-sided conflict for control of territory and commodities between various EAOs, especially the ethnic Ta’ang armed group and the RCSS parent organization the Shan State Army (SSA) formed in 1964. This conflict displaced thousands of civilians, many for several times a year, disrupting livelihoods and trade and exacerbating intercommunal tensions amid aid restrictions by the military and previous government. The RCSS has decided to sit out the post-coup resistance and prioritize its own survival now that it has been restricted to territory closer to the Thailand border. The arrival of Saw Mra Razar Lin of the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) at the junta’s peace talks was particularly surreal. The only senior woman leader of an EAO to attend peace talks for several years, she commands few troops, most of which are based on the Thailand-Myanmar border far away. The ALP and its armed wing are meaningless compared to the ethnic Rakhine Arakan Army (AA), which is estimated to field more than 8,000 troops. In heavy fighting between 2019 to the end of 2020, AA fought the Myanmar military to a standstill, inflicting hundreds if not thousands of casualties during a conflict that displaced some 200,000 civilians. An uneasy ceasefire has allowed space for the AA to expand its own judicial and taxation system on an estimated 60% of western Rakhine state, incorporating Rohingya Muslim representatives of the Arakan People’s Authority (APA). The AA suffered a blow on July 4 when an air strike killed six of its soldiers in a base in Kayin state close to the Thailand border, raising new questions about the durability of their uneasy post-coup ceasefire. Other groups that attended the talks included the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army Peace Council, the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), the New Mon State Party and the Pa-O Nationalities Liberation Organization (PNLO). These groups could potentially muster several hundred troops combined among them, but they have essentially been artificially inflated by Western donors to the peace process for several years. They are now ornamental bit-part actors in the SAC’s shoddy process. The largest EAO in Myanmar, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), controls its own autonomous region on the Chinese border with an estimated 30,000 troops and sophisticated weaponry, and didn’t really need to attend the peace talks. It dispatched a nominally senior official of no real significance in the hierarchy, and released a statement following the talks which basically stated that the Wa had their own autonomy and this was a Burman problem they wanted nothing to do with. Planned talks with the Shan State Progress Party, or SSA, have not been held as fighting continues between their forces and the SAC’s army in northern Shan State. In another indication of renewed bellicosity, well-known Myanmar model and actress Thin Zar Wint Kyaw has reportedly been arrested after wearing an SSA military uniform at a recent wedding ceremony close to the EAO’s headquarters at Wan Hai, after traveling to the area to endorse business initiatives. The SAC is making enemies of everyone, even as it supposedly cultivates peace. Further adorning the pretense of peace talks, the SAC has called for PDF members, or people involved in the civil disobedience movement (CDM), to defect from the “terrorist” NUG and return to the “legal fold”, a euphemism for the peace process of the 1990s which resulted in reduced conflict fighting but no conflict resolution. The SAC in recent days has even pledged to open “reception centers” for resistance actors to surrender along the borders, another indication of the junta’s underlying desperation. The subterfuge of peace talks extends to efforts at mediation by the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), whose Special Envoy Prak Sokhonn visited Myanmar recently and was instructed to only meet with EAOs who had attended the SAC talks. This clearly violates the terms of the Five Point Consensus the SAC’s leader reached with ASEAN in April 2021: “constructive dialogue among all parties concerned shall commence to seek a peaceful solution in the interests of the people.” ASEAN is further compromised by the role of the ASEAN Humanitarian Center (AHA), which is conducting a needs assessment essentially as cover for the United Nations to operate in SAC-controlled areas and not areas of armed conflict where belligerents who are not part of the peace talks operate, and where civilian communities and aid workers are not represented and rely on cross border assistance not covered by the AHA or the UN. The NUG and main EAOs fighting the SAC issued a bitter statement condemning the role of ASEAN in humanitarian aid delivery in May, as the exercise was seen as clearly pro-SAC. Myanmar’s military leaders may lack sophistication but they possess the cunning to checkmate rule-bound international aid actors, consistent with the past decade during the previous peace process. A serious danger is that peace talks, alongside SAC announced plans for a nationwide election in 2023 with an entirely new electoral system that will likely ban the coup-ousted National League for Democracy’s participation, provide the bare minimum of a lifeline for the international community, especially the UN and international aid agencies, to justify their continued presence. It is perilous to promote fake peace while a conflict is raging elsewhere. The only accurate gauge of the SAC’s true intent is its behavior on the ground, seen in the thousands of civilian casualties, burning villages and interdiction of humanitarian assistance. In Myanmar, talk of peace is often cover for just more war..."
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Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
2022-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Around 5,000 residents from over 10 villages in Sagaing Region’s Tabayin Township have been forced to flee their homes after the Myanmar military airlifted reinforcements into the area. On Monday at around 4.30pm three helicopters carrying over 50 junta soldiers landed in a Tabayin village, forcing the residents to flee the same evening, according to local sources. A volunteer helping the displaced people said on Tuesday: “It was not convenient for travel as it rained the whole night. The temporary camps are crowded. People continued to flee their homes until midnight. People fleeing in their cars, motorbikes and motorized trailers formed a long line. There were unspeakable troubles.” Junta forces carried out airstrikes on July 2 after a memorial to mark the one-year anniversary of fighting in Tabayin’s Set Pyar Kyin Village which left over 20 resistance fighters dead. Regime troops have since been raiding villages in Tabayin. Clouds of smoke were seen in Kyauntawlay and Inpin villages on Tuesday. It was unclear how many houses were torched by military regime forces as villagers still can’t return home, said a resident. Regime troops stationed in Set Pyar Kyin and Boke villages reportedly used heavy weapons to attack resistance fighters advancing to the villages, according to a local resistance member. One resident said: “As they kill not only children but also elderly persons by burning them alive, slitting their throats and shooting them in their heads, people dare not let the soldiers see them. They flee as soon as they hear soldiers are heading to their villages.” Over 340,000 people have been displaced by fighting in Sagaing Region, as well as some 110,000 people in neighboring Magwe Region, according to the Institute of Strategy and Policy Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s military regime reportedly carried out 125 airstrikes within five days to defend its strategic outpost in Karen State near the Thai border while it was being attacked by resistance forces. The armed wings of the Karen National Union, the Karen National Liberation Army and the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO), and other resistance forces assaulted the Ukayit Hta outpost on a strategically important road near Waw Lay in Myawaddy Township on June 26. Fighting continued for nearly a week. Witnesses said the battle for Ukayit Hta is the fiercest they have seen since last year. A source said last Tuesday that shells landed every three seconds. Junta spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun told a press conference on Friday that the outpost is still in junta control with the support of airstrikes and artillery. Drone pictures released by the Cobra Column, one of the resistance groups, show heavy destruction at the outpost and the bodies of junta troops on the ground after an attack. The resistance forces have reported casualties because of junta airstrikes and artillery. Cobra Column said from June 27 to July 1 the junta conducted 125 attacks with YAK jets and a MIG-29 jet. It said the group suffered no casualties in the airstrikes. It said junta reinforcements were sent 12 times by helicopter from Mawlamyine. Reinforcements were attacked and a Cobra Column video shows a junta corporal captured by the group saying at least 20 soldiers (of his group) were killed in an attack. The corporal was shown being treated for his injuries. He said his commander fled during the attack so he ran away and was captured later. The KNDO said on Thursday it attacked Light Infantry Division 44 reinforcements, killing at least seven soldiers and seizing weapons. The casualties on both sides are unknown. More than 300 Waw Lay residents have fled across the Moei River to Thailand. On Friday and Saturday junta airstrikes killed two civilians and injured seven others, including children, in two Karen villages..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The boy screamed in agony as the landmine exploded, ripping his foot off. Behind him, the church burned. What was once a peaceful Karenni village has now been torn apart by the marauding Burma Army. Troops from Division 66 have been attacking this village all week. The villagers are hiding in the mountains behind the village and we have come to know them well over the last several days. Each day they pray their village is not burned. Each day they hear the sounds of shooting and shelling and watch helplessly as their homes are burned in the valley below. The local Karenni forces are made up of volunteers who have banded together to try to push the Burma Army out before they burn all the homes. One of the volunteers was a Karenni boy, 16 years old, who wanted his home back. The Burma Army has been burning villages and killing villagers at a speed and a force we have not seen before. Here in the village of Daw Nye Ku, all the villagers have fled but the Burma Army is burning homes and on June 15, they burned the new church. We watched from a distance, unable to get close as the Burma Army fired all around. Local volunteers, the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), and the Karenni Army tried to push the Burma Army out and save the town. We had set up a forward casualty collection point and went closer to the front line to find a route so we could help if people were wounded. On the way we came under intense machine gun, rifle, RPG, and M-79 grenade fire. None of us were hit and the Karenni forces were able to push the Burma Army back out of the village temporarily. We entered and saw the church on fire. It gave me a sick feeling to watch the beautiful church that had just been built, now burning. The roof collapsed and flames licked around what remained of the doors. We knew the Burma Army placed land mines in villages they occupied so we were watching our feet as we went in to film the burning church. As we got close to the church I saw that they had also shot up a cross just outside the church. I stopped looking for landmines in the ground and took a step forward to take a photo. One of our Ranger teammates, nicknamed Cobra, stepped up behind me and passed me on the side. When he turned to come back to me, a villager who was with us shouted, ”Stop! Landmine!” He pointed down and there I could see the mine clearly, about a foot away from where I had just stepped, and less than an inch away from the heel print of Cobra’s boot as he stepped over it. The villager had also stepped over it without seeing it but when he turned around he saw it. His alertness saved our legs and maybe our lives. We reinforced to everyone: “Watch out, there are landmines here.” We took photos of the M-14 Burma Army anti-personnel mine, marked it with a branch, and warned away the Karenni volunteers. We then carefully retraced our steps out of the church compound and told everybody where the landmine was and said there were probably more. We reassembled our team in the road and told the commander that we had found a mine and we thought there were more. We then started to walk back to our CCP. Just as we started to walk away we heard an explosion, then a scream of pain and anguish. We went back to the church and there are on the ground was a young Karenni volunteer, 16 years old. His foot was completely gone and his lower leg was a mangled mess. He moaned and I could hear in his voice not just pain but the anguished realization that he had lost his foot forever. He had stepped an a different mine than the one we had seen and we again realized that the Burma Army had seeded this yard with destruction. Our medic Peter, and team member Klo Law La Say, and one of the friends of the boy moved carefully forward as Cobra and I followed. Medic Peter and Klo Law La Say put on a tourniquet and begin to work on his leg. I moved carefully, checking for more mines and worked on his other leg which was intact but also injured. I held his hand before I bandaged him and prayed with him. I asked him his name he said his name was David. I told him that wasmy name too. I prayed for him and then went to work on his leg and helped Peter and Klo Law Law Say bandage the stump. We asked the commander to send a vehicle and then carried the boy out. We carefully retraced our steps by the burning church and out of the compound. We loaded the boy onto the commander’s vehicle and he sent them to our casualty collection point. Burma Army mortars came in but they were not close. We walked back to our casualty collection point but by the time we got there, the boy had been treated and sent on to a field hospital in the jungle. The fighting intensified again as the Burma Army counterattacked to drive the Karenni out of their village. The fighting is going on as I make this report. I’m grateful for the villager who saved Cobra and me. I’m grateful for the bravery of our team as they went through the minefield to save this boy. I am grateful for our team back at the casualty collection point who took care of this boy and sent him on to the hospital. I’m grateful for all of your prayers and help. I’m grateful that we have a chance to help this boy and we will do our best to get him a good prosthesis and support any decision he wants to make for his future. I’m grateful for you all who care about people being killed, maimed, chased, their churches burned and homes destroyed. We thank God that they and we are not alone in this..."
Source/publisher: Free Burma Rangers
2022-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s junta committed almost 2,800 war crimes across the country in the last six months, according to the parallel civilian National Unity Government (NUG). The NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration said that from December 1 to May 31, regime forces committed 2,778 war crimes including arbitrary killings, extrajudicial executions, the use of torture, using civilians as human shields, air and artillery strikes on civilian targets, the looting and burning of houses and the use of sexual violence. Some 12,719 houses and religious building have been destroyed by junta forces, causing estimated losses of 241 million kyats (US$6.9 million). Last Friday, the ministry also said that the regime had conducted 910 arrests and carried out 479 arson attacks, 346 murders, 336 attacks, 226 robberies and 101 cases of torture in the same six month period. Regime forces also committed 10 cases of sexual violence, as well as 27 instances of using civilian detainees as human shields to deter attacks by resistance groups. Sagaing Region, a stronghold of the resistance movement, suffered the most recording a total of 1,178 war crimes, followed by Magwe Region with 537 cases and Mandalay with 234. Junta arson attacks also targeted Sagaing the most, with some 8,933 houses being lost, followed by Magwe with 2,168 and Chin State with 1,332, according to the NUG’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Immigration. The ministry said it has collected evidence of the military regime’s war crimes and that its priority is to hold those responsible accountable for their crimes. People are being urged to report junta war crimes to police forces and People’s Administration Groups operating under the NUG, which is working with local and international organizations to hold the regime responsible for its atrocities. “Everyone who committed war crimes must be held to account whatever the situation,” said the NUG. In early June, authorities in Turkey initiated a preliminary investigation into members of the regime, including coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, concerning a criminal complaint filed by the Myanmar Accountability Project (MAP), a UK-based nongovernmental organization. In late March, MAP filed a criminal case with the public prosecutor’s office in Istanbul, Turkey against junta leaders over the use of torture in the military interrogation center in Yangon. As of June 10, over 1,900 people have been killed by regime forces and more than 14,000 people, including democratically-elected lawmakers, have been arrested or detained since last year’s coup, said the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-06-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Last week in the East Asia Pacific region, fighting between the military and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and local resistance groups continued in Myanmar. North Korea conducted its 17th missile test in 2022. In the Philippines, there was an increase in violence related to ongoing Islamist and communist rebel insurgencies. In Thailand, military forces clashed with Malay Muslim Separatists in the Deep South after a lull in violence during Ramadan. In Indonesia, a protest against a same-sex couple was recorded in West Java amid parliamentary discussion on a bill potentially outlawing homosexuality. In South Korea, disability advocates protested throughout last week to demand improvements to mobility and disability rights. New Zealand extended the deployment of military personnel in the Solomon Islands to support the country’s security. In China**,** student demonstrations increased in universities opposing COVID-19 restrictions. In Myanmar, fighting between the military and EAOs and local resistance groups continued across multiple parts of the country last week, including Mon, Shan, Kachin, and Chin states. In Mon state, a combined force of the Karen National Union/Karen National Liberation Army (KNU/KNLA), the People’s Defense Force (PDF), and the Kyaikhto Revolution Force (KRF) simultaneously attacked the central police station and the Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 207 base in Thein Za Yat town, Kyaikto township. The combined force fired artillery shells and killed a military sergeant in the fighting (Myanmar Now, 26 May 2022). ACLED’s Subnational Surge Tracker first warned of increased violence to come in Mon in the past month. In southern Shan state, the military fired artillery and conducted clearance operations targeting EAOs and local resistance groups in the hills near eastern Pekon Lake and the surrounding villages last week. In response, a combined force of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), Karenni National Progressive Party/Karenni Army (KNPP/KA), Pekon PDF, and Southern Shan Revolution Youth (SSRY) attacked and occupied the Hsee Mi Lawt village military base in southern Pekon Lake on 24 May. Military offensives began in the area after a combined force of the KNDF, KNPP/KA, Pekon PDF, Inle PDF, and SSRY overran a military outpost in Nyaungshwe township on 12 May. Violence in Shan-South is both common and highly volatile; it is considered an area of ‘extreme risk’ by ACLED’s Volatility and Risk Predictability Index. In Kachin state, the Kachin Independence Organization/Kachin Independence Army (KIO/KIA) launched multiple mine attacks against a military convoy last week. Attacks were reported near Hway Hkar and Hseng Taung villages of Hpakant Township and near Tanja village of Puta-O township between 22 and 27 May, causing military casualties (Kachinland News, 23 May 2022). The attacks came as the military increased movements in areas controlled by the KIA’s 6th Battalion, 9th Brigade, transporting reinforcements, weapons, and ammunition over the last week (Kachinland News, 23 May 2022). Elsewhere, in southern Chin state, the military clashed with the United League of Arakan/Arakan Army (ULA/AA) in Paletwa township on 26 May. Following the clash, the military council issued a curfew, restricting locals from traveling between 6pm and 6am (Radio Free Asia, 27 May 2022). North Korea conducted its 17th test missile launch in 2022 last week. On 25 May, a suspected intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) and two shorter-range missiles were test-fired from waters in Sunan, Pyongyang, towards the ocean off the country’s east coast (AP, 25 May 2022). The test came hours after US President Joe Biden completed a trip to South Korea and Japan, where he agreed to new measures to deter North Korea (Channel News Asia, 25 May 2022). Last week in the Philippines, the military carried out a major ground assault with air and artillery support against the Dawlah Islamiyah-Toraife Group in Datu Salibo town, Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). Two militants were killed, while 17 militants – including the group’s leader, Abu Toraife – were reportedly wounded. Following the clash, the rebels detonated two IEDs in Soccsksargen. No casualties were reported. A number of militant Islamist groups in the southern Philippines have pledged allegiance to the Islamic State (IS). Dawlah Islamiyah is believed to be an umbrella group for many of these IS-inspired groups (International Crisis Group, 27 June 2019). These trends contribute to the 300% increase in violence in BARMM last month relative to the past year flagged by ACLED’s Subnational Threat Tracker. The Subnational Tracker first warned of increased violence to come in BARMM in the past month. Elsewhere, several clashes between the government and the communist New People’s Army (NPA) also occurred last week, including in the Cordillera Administrative Region, Davao region, and Eastern Visayas. Violence associated with the NPA and Islamist militant insurgencies contributed to the 53% increase in violence in the Philippines last month relative to the past year flagged by ACLED’s Conflict Change Map, which first warned of increased violence to come in the country in the past month. In Thailand, military forces clashed with Malay Muslim separatists in Narathiwat last week. On 25 May, Malay Muslim separatists opened fire and threw bombs at an army base near the Thailand-Malaysia border, injuring three soldiers. The attack comes after a lull in violence in recent weeks, coinciding with a temporary truce between the Thai government and Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu (BRN) during Ramadan, from 3 April to 14 May. In Indonesia, a group of villagers protested in front of a same-sex couple’s home in Cugenang district, Cianjur regency, West Java, on 22 May, demanding the couple leave the neighborhood. This event comes as the Indonesian parliament discusses a bill that would outlaw homosexuality (Benar News, 24 May 2022). Meanwhile, on 23 May, the Indonesian government summoned a British diplomat after the UK embassy in Jakarta displayed a rainbow flag in support of the LGBT+ community. Such incidents have been criticized by human rights activists as potentially increasing the likelihood of violence and discrimination against minorities (Benar News, 24 May 2022). In South Korea, disability advocates took to the streets last week, calling for policies to improve the basic rights of people with disabilities. On 26 May, hundreds of protesters affiliated with the Korean Parents’ Network for People with Disabilities (KPNPD) held a protest march (News1, 26 May 2022), demanding a state-run support system for families of people with developmental disabilities. On 27 May, members of eight disability advocacy organizations picketed in front of President Yoon Suk-yeol’s office, calling for better access to polling stations ahead of local elections on 1 June (YNA, 27 May 2022). Meanwhile, Solidarity Against Disability Discrimination (SADD) staged subway-riding protests throughout the week, urging the government to improve mobility rights, including demands for greater accessibility on public transportation. Meanwhile, on 25 May, the New Zealand government announced that it would extend the deployment of New Zealand Defense Force troops in the Solomon Islands until at least May 2023, to continue providing support to the country’s security apparatus (RNZ, 27 May 2022). This follows a recent security agreement between Beijing and Honiara in April (Reuters, 25 May 2022), amid competition in the Pacific between China and the US, Australia, and New Zealand (CNN, 21 April 2022). In China, university students continued to rally against COVID-19 restrictions last week. At China University of Political Science and Law, Beijing Normal University, and Tianjin University, students demanded the right to return to their hometowns amid ongoing restrictions. In Tianjin, students had been confined to their dorms, studying online since January (RFA, 27 May 2022). Following the protests, university students in Beijing were allowed to return home, ahead of the upcoming anniversary of the 4 June Tiananmen Square protests (SCMP, 25 May 2022)..."
Source/publisher: Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project
2022-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary: Rakhine State has avoided the violence that has engulfed the rest of Myanmar since the February 2021 coup. The quiet owes in part to an informal ceasefire, which ended two years of fighting between the military and the Arakan Army, a pro-Rakhine ethnic armed group, and which came into force a few months before the military seized power in Naypyitaw. The Arakan Army has spurned the growing de facto alliance between the National Unity Government (NUG)-led opposition and other ethnic armed groups, focusing on getting control of much of Rakhine State. Until recently, the military has been too distracted to try loosening the Arakan Army’s grip, but tensions have started rising. The parties could soon find themselves back in conflict. While each side has reason to be leery of a formal ceasefire, both would also have reason to welcome the breathing space it would create. Most importantly, Rakhine’s people would benefit. In parallel, the Arakan Army should rein in demands on humanitarian actors, which should coordinate their interaction with it, and Dhaka and Naypyitaw should engage the group on Rohingya repatriation. The two-year war that engulfed Rakhine State between late 2018 and 2020 significantly eroded Naypyitaw’s control of the region. Police and many other civil servants were often reluctant to leave major towns during the conflict due to the risk of attack or abduction and they remain wary of venturing into the countryside. Many local administrators resigned during this period due to threats either from the armed group or from the Myanmar military, which suspected them of collaborating with the enemy. The Arakan Army has since either replaced them with its own administrators in the areas it controls or co-opted the new appointees that the military regime has sent since the coup. As a result, the Arakan Army now directly or indirectly controls most rural areas in the centre and north of the state, while exerting significant influence in urban areas; it has also begun expanding farther south, as well as north toward the border with Bangladesh. Over the past year, the Arakan Army has further consolidated its control by rolling out a suite of public services through its administrative branch, the Arakan People’s Authority. These include a judicial system and police force, which operate parallel to the state’s, and some health-care services (including the provision of COVID-19 vaccines). As a result, many residents are turning to Arakan Army mechanisms, rather than those run by Naypyitaw, for basic services and to resolve disputes. The service provision strategy has deepened public support for the group and its governance, but it is not without risk: it could be a major drain on the armed group’s resources, harm its popularity if the services do not live up to expectations and attract pushback from Naypyitaw. The impact of these developments in Rakhine State has not been limited to the ethnic Rakhine community. The rise of the Arakan Army has brought positive changes for some hitherto ostracised Rohingya. While the overall situation for the Rohingya remains dire, some communities have improved access to public services and some are enjoying greater freedom of movement because of the Arakan Army’s non-enforcement of restrictions imposed by Naypyitaw. These testimonials should be considered in context, however; although Rohingya sources Crisis Group spoke to largely praised the Arakan Army and its administration, the community as a whole remains vulnerable and its members are generally not in a position to criticise the group for fear of reprisal. Myanmar’s military regime … made only token efforts to counter the Arakan Army’s expanding control. Myanmar’s military regime, which calls itself the State Administration Council, is focused on subduing resistance to the coup elsewhere in Myanmar and until recently made only token efforts to counter the Arakan Army’s expanding control. Part of the reason may be that locally based government and military officials, hunkered down in large towns, have little choice but to accept the facts on the ground. As a measure of the group’s growing influence, many state-run schools, which are still nominally under Naypyitaw’s control, have started playing an Arakan Army-written Rakhine anthem instead of the national anthem. There are even examples of active collaboration, such as Naypyitaw-controlled police working with the Arakan Army to resolve crimes and administrators from the two sides holding regular informal consultations. But cooperation is certainly not the state’s default posture. The junta has in some instances sought to scare both Rakhine and Rohingya communities away from working with Arakan Army mechanisms and institutions. Recently, it has adopted more aggressive tactics, setting up roadblocks and searching vehicles, reinforcing troops, increasing patrols and detaining people it suspects of supporting the group. The military is still too stretched to give much attention to Rakhine State, but there is a clear risk of a return to conflict. If the Arakan Army seeks to expand its influence consistent with its ambitious political aspirations – for example, into border areas or in southern Rakhine – it risks provoking the Myanmar military, which refers to itself as the Tatmadaw, into action. Similarly, a partnership with the NUG-led opposition – something many in Myanmar would welcome – could spark a return to war. While it would be difficult for the Tatmadaw to win this fight, the collateral effects of renewed conflict could be terrible for Rakhine State’s population, which is already reeling from neglect, a poor economy, communal violence and the earlier two-year war. Although there is no clear path toward peace and stability for Rakhine State, one step that could offer both the parties and the region an extended respite from fighting might be to formalise the informal ceasefire that has largely kept the peace for the past eighteen months. Such an arrangement would focus primarily on maintaining the peace, in particular by demarcating territory and establishing formal communication channels to help de-escalate in the event that tensions begin to build once again. Both the government and the Arakan Army have reason to be wary of such a step in that it would give the other party a chance to gather strength and prepare for renewed confrontation down the road. But each also has reason to embrace it. The military is preoccupied with the spiralling consequences of the coup that it launched over a year ago; a formal ceasefire would be a measure of insurance that it will not face another conflict that will stretch it further. As for the Arakan Army, such an arrangement could allow it to further consolidate its authority over the territories already under its control and gain recognition from outside actors, including both humanitarian organisations and neighbouring Bangladesh. While the extended respite could give the parties the chance to fortify themselves for further clashes, it would also create the possibility of a durable, peaceful solution emerging in the future – something outside actors could encourage. If the parties agree to solidify the current ceasefire into a formal agreement, it will also be important to improve certain other ad hoc arrangements with implications for people in Rakhine. For example, humanitarian organisations are increasingly concerned that they may soon face parallel sets of requirements to operate in Rakhine State – some imposed by Naypyitaw and others by the Arakan Army – which could create both administrative burdens and operational difficulties. The group should work to ensure that those in need are not cut off from humanitarian assistance because of paralysing new rules and humanitarian organisations should come together to present a united front should such rules become overly burdensome. Dhaka and Naypyitaw should additionally engage with the Arakan Army on the possible return of Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh. While a formal ceasefire would offer neither party precisely what it wants, there would be enough in it for both sides that it could conceivably work. That in turn would allow Rakhine State residents to get what they need most: a continued break from violence and the corresponding opportunity to build toward a more peaceful future, one in which Rakhine and Rohingya can live in relative safety side by side..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Belgium)
2022-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Since the February 1st, 2021 coup d’état in Myanmar, the country has become engulfed in a rapidly escalating civil war as the pro-democracy movement picked up arms in conjunction with several longstanding ethnic armed organizations to challenge the military junta’s control over the country. In little over a year, the conflict has spread across half a dozen distinct theaters, destabilizing military rule in many places, and resulted in widespread violence and devastation in Myanmar as the junta deployed indiscriminate violence against its opponents. Yet, the determined anti-junta resistance gained substantial momentum and now fields an impressive number of enthusiastic volunteers that stand poised to continue fighting indefinitely. Challenges remain, however, most notably in the pro-democracy forces’ lack of centralized command and equipment..."
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Source/publisher: Wilson Center, Asia Program and Tagaung Institute of Political Studies
2022-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Post-coup military assault in Kayin and Kayah States includes war crimes and likely crimes against humanity More than 150,000 displaced, with entire villages emptied and burned Amnesty International interviewed almost 100 people and visited border area Myanmar’s military has been systematically committing widespread atrocities in recent months, including unlawfully killing, arbitrarily detaining and forcibly displacing civilians in two eastern states, Amnesty International said today in a new report. The report, “Bullets rained from the sky”: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar, found that Myanmar’s military has subjected Karen and Karenni civilians to collective punishment via widespread aerial and ground attacks, arbitrary detentions that often result in torture or extrajudicial executions, and the systematic looting and burning of villages. The violence in Kayin and Kayah States reignited in the wake of last year’s military coup and escalated from December 2021 to March 2022, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing more than 150,000 people. “The world’s attention may have moved away from Myanmar since last year’s coup, but civilians continue to pay a high price. The military’s ongoing assault on civilians in eastern Myanmar has been widespread and systematic, likely amounting to crimes against humanity,” said Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International. “Alarm bells should be ringing: the ongoing killing, looting and burning bear all the hallmarks of the military’s signature tactic of collective punishment, which it has repeatedly used against ethnic minorities across the country.” Alarm bells should be ringing: the ongoing killing, looting and burning bear all the hallmarks of the military’s signature tactic of collective punishment, which it has repeatedly used against ethnic minorities across the country. Rawya Rageh, Senior Crisis Adviser at Amnesty International Post-coup surge in violence For decades, ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar, including in Kayin and Kayah States, have been engaged in struggles for greater rights and autonomy. Fragile ceasefires in place in both states since 2012 broke down after the February 2021 coup, and new armed groups have emerged. In its operations, the military has relentlessly attacked civilians. Some attacks appear to have directly targeted civilians as a form of collective punishment against those perceived to support an armed group or the wider post-coup uprising. In other cases, the military has fired indiscriminately into civilian areas where there are also military targets. Direct attacks on civilians, collective punishment, and indiscriminate attacks that kill or injure civilians violate international humanitarian law and constitute war crimes. Attacks on a civilian population must be widespread or systematic to amount to crimes against humanity; in Kayin and Kayah States, they are both, for crimes including murder, torture, forcible transfer, and persecution on ethnic grounds. Unlawful strikes In its ongoing operations, Myanmar’s military has repeatedly fired explosive weapons with wide-area effects into populated civilian areas. Dozens of witnesses told Amnesty International about barrages that lasted days at a time. The organization documented 24 attacks by artillery or mortars between December 2021 and March 2022 that killed or injured civilians or that caused destruction to civilian homes, schools, health facilities, churches, and monasteries. For example, on 5 March 2022, as families were at dinner, the military shelled Ka Law Day village, Hpapun Township, Kayin State, killing seven people, including a woman who was eight months pregnant. A close family member of four of the people who were killed said he had to sit in his house all night looking at the bodies, for fear of being injured by further shelling, before burying them in the morning. Many people described the military’s use of fighter jets and attack helicopters as particularly terrifying. Witnesses described not being able to sleep at night out of fear of air strikes, or fleeing to seek shelter in bunkers and caves. Amnesty International documented eight air strikes on villages and an internally displaced persons (IDP) camp in eastern Myanmar in the first three months of 2022. The attacks, which killed nine civilians and injured at least nine more, destroyed civilian homes and religious buildings. In almost all documented attacks, only civilians appear to have been present. In one case, at around 6pm on 23 February 2022, a fighter jet fired on Dung Ka Mee village, Demoso Township, Kayah State, killing two civilian men and injuring several others. Amnesty International interviewed two witnesses and a relative of one of the deceased as well as an aid worker who responded after the attack. They said there was no fighting that evening and that the nearest armed group base was a mile or more away. A local resident, a 46-year-old farmer who witnessed the attack, said the military aircraft made three passes, firing guns and a rocket: “When that fighter jet was flying toward us in a nose-down position, I was numb… When they fired the rocket, I got myself together and realized I had to run [to a bunker]… We were shocked to see the dust and debris come towards us… There is a two-story building… The family lives upstairs and the downstairs is a mobile phone store. This building collapsed and it was also on fire.” Another witness, a 40-year-old farmer, saw the remains of a neighbour’s body: “We couldn’t even put them in a coffin, we put them in a plastic bag and buried them. People had to pick up the body pieces and put them in a bag.” In another incident, the military carried out an air strike on Ree Khee Bu IDP camp at around 1am on 17 January 2022, killing a man in his 50s as well as 15- and 12-year-old sisters. We couldn’t even put them in a coffin, we put them in a plastic bag and buried them. People had to pick up the body pieces and put them in a bag.” A 40-year-old farmer who witnessed an air strike. Extrajudicial executions The report documents how Myanmar’s military carried out arbitrary detentions of civilians on the basis of their ethnicity or because they were suspected of supporting the anti-coup movement. Often, detainees were tortured, forcibly disappeared or extrajudicially executed. In one of many cases where soldiers extrajudicially executed civilians who ventured out from displacement sites to collect food or belongings, three farmers from San Pya 6 Mile village in Kayah State went missing in January 2022. Their decomposed bodies were found in a pit latrine around two weeks later. The brother of one of the victims said he identified the men by their clothes and the state of their teeth. Soldiers fired on him and others as they tried to retrieve the bodies; they could only return to finish the burial a month later. In a massacre that prompted rare international condemnation, soldiers near Mo So village in Kayah State’s Hpruso Township reportedly stopped at least 35 women, men and children in multiple vehicles on 24 December 2021, and then proceeded to kill them and burn their bodies. Doctors who examined the bodies reportedly said many of the victims had been tied up and gagged, bearing wounds suggesting they were shot or stabbed. Amnesty International maintains that the incident must be investigated as a case of extrajudicial executions. Such killings in armed conflict constitute war crimes. Witnesses also described Myanmar’s military shooting at civilians, including those attempting to flee across a river along the border with Thailand. Looting and burning Following a pattern from past military operations, soldiers have systematically looted and burned large sections of villages in Kayin and Kayah States. Witnesses from six villages reported having items including jewellery, cash, vehicles and livestock stolen, before homes and other buildings were burned. Four men who fled Wari Suplai village, on the border of Shan and Kayah States, said they watched from nearby farmland as houses went up in flames after most villagers fled on 18 February 2022. They told Amnesty International that the burning went on for days, destroying well over two-thirds of the houses there. “It’s not a house anymore. It’s all ashes — black and charcoal… It’s my life’s savings. It was destroyed within minutes,” said a 38-year-old farmer and father of two young children. Amnesty International’s analysis of fire data and satellite imagery shows how villages were burned, some of them multiple times, in parts of Kayah State. The burning directly tracks military operations from village to village in February and March 2022. A defector from the military’s 66th Light Infantry Division, who was involved in operations in Kayah State until October 2021, told Amnesty International that he witnessed soldiers looting and burning homes: “They don’t have any particular reason [for burning a specific house]. They just want to put the fear in the civilians that ‘This is what we’ll do if you support [the resistance fighters].’ And another thing is to stop the supply and logistics for the local resistance forces… [Soldiers] took everything they could [from a village] and then they burned the rest.” They don’t have any particular reason [for burning a specific house]. They just want to put the fear in the civilians that ‘This is what we’ll do if you support [the resistance fighters].’…[Soldiers] took everything they could [from a village] and then they burned the rest. A defector from the military’s 66th Light Infantry Division. The violence has caused the mass displacement of more than 150,000 people, including between a third and a half of Kayah State’s entire population. In some cases, entire villages have been emptied of their populations; at times, civilians have had to flee repeatedly in recent months. Displaced people are enduring dire conditions amid food insecurity, scant health care — including for the conflict’s enormous psychosocial impact — and ongoing efforts by the military to obstruct humanitarian aid provision. Aid workers spoke of growing malnutrition and increasing difficulties in reaching displaced people due to the ongoing violence and military restrictions. “Donors and humanitarian organizations must significantly scale up aid to civilians in eastern Myanmar, and the military must halt all restrictions on aid delivery,” said Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues. “The military’s ongoing crimes against civilians in eastern Myanmar reflect decades-long patterns of abuse and flagrant impunity. The international community — including ASEAN and UN member states — must tackle this festering crisis now. The UN Security Council must impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation there to the International Criminal Court.” “The military’s ongoing crimes against civilians in eastern Myanmar reflect decades-long patterns of abuse and flagrant impunity. The international community — including ASEAN and UN member states — must tackle this festering crisis now. The UN Security Council must impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation there to the International Criminal Court. Matt Wells, Amnesty International’s Crisis Response Deputy Director – Thematic Issues Methodology The report is based on research carried out in March and April 2022, including two weeks on the Thailand-Myanmar border. Amnesty International interviewed 99 people, including dozens of witnesses or survivors of attacks and three defectors from Myanmar’s military. The organization also analysed more than 100 photographs and videos related to human rights violations — showing injuries, destruction and weapon use — in addition to satellite imagery, fire data, and open-source military aircraft flight data..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
2022-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "More Myanmar junta victims have been found around Mone Taing Ping village in Ye-U Township, Sagaing Region, with the death toll rising to 36, according to residents. Most of the victims were found in torched houses and bore signs of torture, they said. Some corpses were dumped in wells. “We found the bodies while clearing debris from the fire. The bodies were disfigured. We found six bodies in a house where only two old women lived. There were pools of blood covered by shoveled earth,” said a villager. Around 200 junta soldiers from Taze Township in the region arrived in the village on May 10. Two resistance fighters who were preparing to plant mines were shot dead and a clash followed at the bridge leading to the village. Some villagers were shot dead by regime troops and others were abducted from neighboring villages, according to witnesses. Villagers and people’s defense forces (PDF) fighters returned to Mone Taing Ping after junta troops left. “Only bones were left from some bodies. Some had their hands tied,” said another resident. Villagers said they could not identify many of the victims. Junta troops torched 29 houses in Mone Taing Ping, which had 300 households. “They did not torch the entire village. They only torched houses of PDF members and supporters. Military informants showed them the houses. Junta troops put the dead bodies in those houses. They held detainees overnight and killed them the next day,” said a villager. Since May 10, junta troops have raided villages in Ye-U and Khin-U townships, torching houses and killing civilians. An estimated 11,417 houses were razed in arson attacks by the military regime and allied militias by April 30, according to Data for Myanmar, an independent research group documenting junta atrocities..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-17
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