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Description: "A Commentary by DPAG and TNI Gender norms affect everyone: people of all genders and ages, people in urban and rural areas, people with high-paying and low-paying jobs, people who use or do not use drugs, as well as people living with health statuses of all kinds. Paired with one’s socioeconomic backgrounds, gender norms and inequalities come in different shapes and sizes, and so do visions of gender justice. As part of our exciting journey exploring the endless multitude of gender just visions, we spoke with Sakura (30) and Noe Noe (26), two transgender1 women working as peer educators and advocates at the Myanmar MSM and Transgender Network (MMTN), an organisation specialised in HIV prevention and care related activities in various parts of Myanmar. Our conversation with Sakura and Noe Noe shows that there is so much that the HIV movement – particularly that involving transgender women – can teach us about gender justice. HIV care for transgender communities in Myanmar: Slow and uneven There are approximately 270,(external link)000 people living with HIV in Myanmar, according to 2021 data. The number of new HIV infections in Myanmar has decreased each year, from almost 30,000 in the early 2000s to around 11,000 in 2017. Myanmar has also performed reasonably well(external link) when it comes to providing treatment access for people living with HIV, and is facilitating viral suppression for 95 percent of those on treatment. Programmes involving PrEP (pre-exposure prophylaxis), a prescription medicine that can reduce one’s chance of becoming infected with HIV, are available since its inclusion in Myanmar’s National Strategic Plan IV 2020-2025. However, both the COVID-19(external link) pandemic and the political crisis that erupted in 2021(external link) have undermined HIV related programmes, along with the wider healthcare system on which such programmes rely in Myanmar. Stigma and criminalisation continue, in particular related to sexuality, gender expressions, and drug use, weakening any attempt to curb HIV-related morbidity and mortality. This disproportionately harms marginalised communities such as sex workers, people who use drugs, men who have sex with men (MSM)2, and transgender people already suffering from socioeconomic exclusion or exploitation. In the context of HIV response and related data in Myanmar, transgender women have typically been categorised in the MSM population(external link), even though many of them do not identify as men. Meanwhile, as underlined by Sakura, HIV prevention and care services (including the PrEP programme) in Myanmar were initially targeted only towards the so-called MSM community, and “only a couple of years back the PrEP programme was widened for the transgender community,” added Sakura. “Transgender people often face discrimination not only due to their gender [expressions], but also because society tends to associate them with HIV spread and infection,” explains Sakura as she describes her HIV prevention work in six townships across Yangon, as well as parts of Rakhine and Mon State. Indeed, a 2021 report by the UNFPA(external link) shows that transgender women are more likely to experience violence and discrimination compared to others who do not identify as heterosexual or cisgender3 (such as – but not limited to – people identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer4, or LGBTQ+5), who are already highly vulnerable to stigma and abuse, including in medical settings. “Prior to Covid, there seemed to be more teasing and stigma targeting the transgender community, but now transgender people seem to have more freedom and mobility,” added Sakura as she talked about the growing visibility of transgender and other LGBTQ+ people, including in social movements across Myanmar. “Societal perspective has been slowly changing for the better, because there have been more social media and online campaigns against discrimination, for instance in the form of videos. These online campaigns are more attractive nowadays, and social influencers – like famous make-up artists – are involved in talking about topics that are considered taboo such as sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR(external link)), PrEP, et cetera,” explained Sakura, sounding optimistic about the post-Covid changing attitudes towards transgender people. Nevertheless, many people still do not take transgender people seriously. Noe Noe, who is now involved in a SRHR education project of MMTN, was previously reluctant to be fully involved in this work because she was afraid of being discriminated against. She said, “when trying to educate the general population [about SRHR], some people don’t want to listen to us and they don’t respect us. Some people would tease and insult us.” So how does one persevere and keep doing this challenging work? When we asked her, Noe Noe answered, “my strategy is to be as patient as possible. Sometimes I want to respond to those who insult and tease me, but I have to control my emotions. The Buddhist teaching of ‘tolerance’ helps me to ‘tolerate’ those insults and instead focus more on the goal of the work.” Beyond the so-called ‘key populations’ At MMTN, part of Sakura’s responsibilities is to provide HIV awareness training amongst various men who have sex with men and transgender communities. These include training and outreach efforts to curb the spread of HIV through education and referral programmes. “Our awareness training covers issues related to sexual and reproductive health and rights, sexual orientation, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics, and sexually transmitted infections (STI). We also address practical STI prevention strategies such as the systematic use of condoms, information and assistance for HIV testing, and more,” said Sakura as she elaborated on her work with MMTN. Though MMTN’s work seems to focus more on the specific needs of men who have sex with men and transgender communities, Sakura and Noe Noe argue that a large part of their – and other peer workers’ – responsibility is to reach beyond the so-called key populations (namely MSM and transgender communities). In other words, HIV prevention and care work is not only about reaching out to the communities stereotypically associated with HIV, but also about building connections with the wider society. “During our awareness raising programmes, we talk with family members, friends, and other people around those who identify as MSM or transgender. Even police officers come and listen sometimes, even though we are not specifically targeting them,” according to Sakura. Similarly, MMTN’s new peer-led SRHR education project, for which Noe Noe is now preparing to be a champion trainer, consists of education curricula tailored to three categories of target groups – LGBTQ+ communities, young people, and the general public (notably cisgender and heterosexual people). This means Noe Noe and 13 other champion trainers will be covering all topics related to sexual and reproductive health and rights. They are now getting ready to educate others about practical matters such as family planning, but with a more holistic approach that embraces people of all genders and sexualities. Indeed, when it comes to HIV prevention and care, Sakura and Noe Noe highlight the importance of demystifying gender and sexuality amongst the general public by engaging in meaningful conversations with people who do not necessarily or openly identify as queer, taking into account that social stigma (or conversely – acceptance and solidarity) influences public health. Marginalisation and discrimination tend to push people away from the very support system from which they could benefit – be it health, social, or otherwise. This not only increases the vulnerability of marginalised communities, but magnifies overall public health risks which at the end of the day impact everyone, albeit in unequal ways. Gender and class Born, raised and based in Yangon, Sakura began working as Assistant Project Officer at a leading HIV clinic for transgender communities several years ago. She joined MMTN in February 2023. Prior to her involvement in the HIV movement, Sakura worked as a make-up artist. “I became involved in this movement because I wanted to help improve the health and education of transgender women,” and based on her experience operating in the field, Sakura wishes that her fellow community members could go beyond survival economies – from make-up and flower industries to sex work – and take a more prominent role in community mobilisation and movement for progressive change. The barriers to such an aspiration seem insurmountable sometimes, as Sakura notes how transgender women are more socially and economically disadvantaged when compared with men who have sex with men (let alone compared with other groups more privileged due to their class, gender, or sexuality). She recalled her own lived experience, resembling those of other transgender women around the world(external link), “compared to MSM, I’ve been more discriminated against by family members,” and “we often see that transgender communities seem to be less [formally] educated than MSM. It is generally harder for transgender people to find jobs or livelihoods.” Noe Noe, who unlike Sakura was born and raised in a small city outside Yangon, then added, “many of my transgender friends in rural areas died due to HIV. Many of them don’t know about or don’t have access to antiretroviral treatment, or they may not have the means to access it.” Difficulties in accessing healthcare, educational and livelihood opportunities mean that many transgender people6 have to rely on informal/survival economies such as sex work and/or drug-related livelihoods (such as small-scale drug selling), which remain highly criminalised in Myanmar, affecting people whose existence challenges the gender binary and/or heteronormative norms. This is why sex workers in particular are highly vulnerable to HIV infection and related risks. Meanwhile, gender affirming healthcare7 is still lacking and largely inaccessible for transgender communities. Coupled with economic hardship and social stigma, this exacerbates the mental health toll(external link) of being transgender in Myanmar. Inequalities also prevail between those residing in urban and rural areas, or between more ‘developed’ and more remote areas. “Gender norms tend to be more rigid in rural and remote areas. Boys get bullied in schools or rejected by family members for expressing more feminine traits, and they have not even started crossdressing yet. This has a lot to do with people’s limited understanding of gender and sexuality,” explained Noe Noe. Such experiences of rejection and isolation tend to have long-lasting impacts on one’s life, and oftentimes these experiences extend well into adulthood. As added by Sakura, “transgender people tend to have self-doubt, maybe because since we were very young we have never really been accepted [by others]. Even when applying for a job at a place like MMTN, for example, we might have this inner fear that we won’t be accepted, even though we have the same skills as others who are not transgender. This is why many transgender people end up doing jobs typically reserved for transgender people.” Another significant – yet often taken for granted – challenge is “the fact that many transgender people do not have mobile phones and social media due to their low living standards. This makes it hard to reach them and to involve them in peer-to-peer engagement and work,” added Sakura, illustrating how precariousness often stands in the way of sustainable collective mobilisation. Determined to change this, Sakura emphasised once again, “what’s most important for me is to help educate fellow transgender friends, and stress the need for better job opportunities so we could have higher standards of living.” On top of all that, Sakura and Noe Noe underlined the importance of meaningful work for the transgender community, “our involvement in this movement is not necessarily about the money. It’s also about setting examples and opening doors for others from our community, In the past we were only pawns, but now we’re becoming role models,” said Sakura, passionately, after which Noe Noe added, “when I go out into the community and educate others, I am doing something big for society, not just for myself.” Disrupting the gender binary Sakura explained, “in Myanmar language, we use the term ‘Ah Pwint’ to refer to a transgender woman, and this term literally translates to ‘open flowers’. But to refer to MSM, ‘Ah Pone’ is more often used, and it literally means ‘closed flowers’, mainly because MSM tend to be more closeted [in comparison with transgender people] and many of them need to pretend and hide.” Perhaps it is through this act of following (albeit unwillingly, for some) heteronormative standards of masculinity (and straight-passing) that ‘Ah Pone’ seem to have relatively smoother access to more formal and well-paying jobs. ‘Ah Pwint’, on the other hand, tend to face more frequent rejections due to their bolder gender expressions and more importantly due to the rigid and sexist ways society fabricates womanhood. One can observe that “’Ah Pone’ can more easily blend in,” said Sakura, as we discussed why only one (Noe Noe) of the 14 champion trainers working on the MMTN’s new peer-led education project is transgender. However, this is not to say that all transgender women are uniformly bold in their gender expressions, and not all men who have sex with men – either those identifying as gay, bisexual, or otherwise – (want to) pass as straight and/or face no challenges in navigating life, work, and relationships. Further, both Sakura and Noe Noe warn that individual choices are constantly shaped by one’s surroundings. “Some people may choose to present as ‘Ah Pone’ because there are certain factors that prevent them from crossdressing or expressing their more feminine side. Perhaps their biological family don’t accept that, or perhaps they themselves do not accept that. But in the [MMTN] office, we [‘Ah Pwint’ and ‘Ah Pone’] work together. We consider each other as family. No one has to hide their identity here, and the office is a safe space for people to be themselves,” added Sakura. Queer communities in Myanmar are also increasingly using the term ‘Ma Pone Ma Pwint’ (meaning ‘open or closed flowers’) to describe the common overlap between ‘Ah Pone’ and ‘Ah Pwint’, in so doing denoting the complexity of one’s gender, sexual expressions, and more interestingly how they disrupt rigid norms tied with the gender binary.8 After all, our identities and expressions – gender, sexual, or otherwise – are complex and nuanced. As human beings, we cannot be neatly put into boxes, nor can our gender and sexuality be turned into mutually exclusive categories. Self-labelling can feel empowering for some, and it can help us reclaim identities traditionally discarded by mainstream society, similar to the way the previously derogatory term ‘queer’ is so widely used across the globe today. Without the HIV movement, much of this would have remained a distant dream. From public health to gender justice In Myanmar, the HIV movement is closely linked with – and in many cases plays an important role in pushing for – public health programmes to address HIV. In essence, these public health programmes are not specifically aimed at advancing queer rights, but in reality, they end up (and in fact, they wouldn’t be as effective without the act of) visibilising and empowering queer communities, especially those living on the margins due to their socioeconomic and health struggles. Despite their challenging situations, many of them are heavily involved in HIV activism, shaping the movement as influential leaders. “Now I’m at a place where I provide awareness and information to the general public. When we go out into the field and do this work, people see us differently. They see me as a transgender person doing something for the wider society, and it’s almost like they are envious of me, and they might think, ‘if she can do it [this kind of important work], then I should be able to do it’,” said Noe Noe. Further, by debunking myths and taboos around gender and sexuality (and how they affect one’s socioeconomic status), the HIV movement embraces people outside the queer community who tend to be cast out or forgotten by more mainstream activists. Here, we can think of ethnic women who engage in sex work or women who use drugs, who unfortunately remain underrepresented in women’s organisations, and while many of them come from poor and/or working class backgrounds, their distinct needs and struggles are rarely incorporated in the agendas of workers movements. As such, HIV advocacy, despite carrying a primarily public health goal, helps brings intersectional oppression (and struggle) to the surface, and revealing inequalities amongst people typically seen as a monolith from the outside. It is through this work that the HIV movement enriches our perspective on gender justice, one that goes beyond the stereotypical needs of only cisgender and heterosexual women, but one that acknowledges and embraces the diversity of intersectional struggles. Tags MYANMAR COMMENTARY MYANMAR The term ‘transgender’ is “used most often as an umbrella term and frequently abbreviated to ’trans.’ Identifying as transgender, or trans, means that one’s internal knowledge of gender is different from conventional or cultural expectations based on the sex that person was assigned at birth. While transgender may refer to a woman who was assigned male at birth or a man who was assigned female at birth, transgender is an umbrella term that can also describe someone who identifies as a gender other than woman or man, such as non binary, genderqueer, genderfluid, no gender or multiple genders, or some other gender identity.” Source: https://lgbtqia.ucdavis.edu/educated/glossary. Reflecting on the experiences of and lessons learned by Sakura, this commentary largely focuses on the particular challenges faced by those identifying as transgender women, whose experiences of stigma, violence, and discrimination resemble – yet can be more severe, albeit underestimated, than – those faced by cisgender women. The term ‘men who have sex with men’ has been used since the late 1980s and its abbreviation MSM since mid 1990s, primarily within the context of public health in general and HIV response in particular. The use of the term is considered helpful mainly by those in health and academic sectors for its focus on behaviour (as opposed to identity) which “might put someone at risk for an infection such as HIV or monkeypox”. From this point of view, arguably, "[p]revention strategies that target people based on 'what you do' rather than 'who you are' reach more people who may be affected by a public health concern, including heterosexual men who have sex with men, rather than limiting outreach just to those who identify as gay or bisexual." See: https://theconversation.com/men-who-have-sex-with-men-originated-during-the-hiv-pandemic-to-focus-on-behavior-rather-than-identity-but-not-everyone-thinks-the-term-helps-189619 Nevertheless, similar to the term ‘women who have sex with women’, the use of the term MSM risks underestimating the complexity and nuances of one’s sexuality and gender (and how it interacts with discriminatory policies and norms), reducing same-sex or same-gender relations as merely sexual, and disregarding the significance of self-labelling ("and, by extension, their self-determination"), “community, social networks, and relationships in which same-gender pairing is shared and supported." See: https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2004.046714. The term MSM is used throughout this commentary because it was the term commonly referred to by Sakura, the respondent. ‘Cisgender’ is used to describe someone whose gender identity largely corresponds with the biological sex assigned at birth. ‘Cisgender’ is thus fundamentally distinct from ‘transgender’. Previously known and used as a derogatory term against non-heterosexual people, the term ‘queer’ is now increasingly used to refer to identities and expressions outside heterosexual and/or cisgender norms. It is sometimes used as a catch-all term including all identities under the LGBTQ+ banner, and/or used to imply the complexity of one’s sexuality, gender, and relationships. The abbreviation LGBTQ+ or extended variations of it (such LGBTQIA+, which includes ‘intersex’ and ‘asexual’) is often used as an umbrella term for gender and sexual identities and expressions outside cisgender and heteronormative standards, which are highly diverse. However, we note that people’s gender and sexual identities and expressions can be complex, nuanced, intersectional, and fluid. Thus, gender and sexual identities and expressions cannot be neatly turned into labels and/or categories that one can easily assign to (groups of) individuals. In addition, due to social and legal frameworks in Myanmar (and many other jurisdictions across the globe) that marginalise and criminalise gender and sexuality outside cis-heteronormative standards, numerous individuals may – for the safety of themselves and their loved ones – choose to hide their identities and expressions, and in so doing they comply with cis-heteronormative standards, thereby ‘passing’ – or ending up being categorised – as cisgender and/or heterosexual. Transgender, non-binary, and gender non-conforming people are highly diverse and have diverse experiences. This commentary is based on a conversation with Sakura(‘s experience and insights), hence the piece’s main focus on transgender women in Myanmar. Needless to say, the experiences of transgender women cannot be generalised, and surely they cannot be generalised for other transgender people, such as transgender men and genderqueer or non-binary people, amongst others. According to the World Health Organization, gender affirming healthcare can “include any single or combination of a number of social, psychological, behavioural or medical (including hormonal treatment or surgery) interventions designed to support and affirm an individual’s gender identity.” See: https://www.who.int/standards/classifications/frequently-asked-questions/gender-incongruence-and-transgender-health-in-the-icd. For people whose gender identity and expressions do not align with their sex assigned at birth (and the gender norms that come with it), gender affirming healthcare can help enhance their quality of life, especially their mental health (see: https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/10.1089/trgh.2015.0008), while lack of access can lead many to seek unsafe and/or illegal interventions. It is important to note that each person has their own unique experience and preference when it comes to gender affirming healthcare, and not every transgender person chooses to undergo medical interventions such as hormone therapy and surgery. Furthermore, cisgender people can also access gender affirming healthcare, for example “cisgender men who take testosterone therapy, cisgender women who undergo breast augmentation.” See: https://www.healthline.com/health/what-is-gender-affirming-care#access Though beyond the scope of this commentary, there are many other terms and concepts being used in Myanmar to refer to the different gender and sexual identities and expressions. The term for transgender man for example is ‘yout ka shar’..."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute ( Amsterdam)
2023-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-04
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Description: "19 June 2023, Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh; Bangkok, Thailand: After decades of sexual and gender-based violence and other atrocity crimes perpetrated by the consecutive Myanmar military regimes, victims and survivors are still waiting for justice. Myanmar’s judicial system is designed to protect the perpetrators instead of bringing them to justice. This culture of impunity has left survivors with little to no trust in Myanmar’s national justice system. For survivors speaking out and seeking justice can create real and significant risks to their personal safety and wellbeing – this is especially true in the context of Myanmar. Fear of retaliation, harassment, arbitrary arrest, and physical violence continues be cited by the survivors of crimes perpetrated by the Myanmar military as a key barrier to seeking justice, nationally or internationally. In the Bangladesh camps, courageous group of Rohingya women, most of whom are survivors of brutal violence perpetrated during the 2016 and 2017 “clearance operations”, created ‘Shanti Mohila’ – a network of Survivor Advocates who continue to play a leading role in the fight for justice. Through community-based counselling and knowledge-sharing, Shanti Mohila empowered the Rohingya community members to speak out and take the first steps in seeking justice, supporting national and international justice initiatives. Shanti Mohila offers a clear example of how legal support can empower victims to become advocates for justice and bring hope to their communities. In absence of domestic justice options, survivors of crimes perpetrated by consecutive regimes in Myanmar are increasingly turning to international and foreign courts in search of justice for their communities and an end to decades of military impunity. International investigations, such as that by the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, should be escalated and strengthened, with a view to ensuring justice for survivors of SGBV and accountability for its perpetrators. States must effectively utilise universal and extraterritorial jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute conflict related sexual violence and other atrocity crimes that take place in Myanmar, removing legislative and policy barriers to doing so. As an increasing number of survivors face displacement from Myanmar into third countries, we urge the international community and neighbouring states to ensure adequate survivor support measures including access to healthcare and psychosocial support for survivors, as well as relevant witness protection for those who wish to share their experience with international courts and justice mechanisms. Sexual and gender-based violence has consistently been used by the Myanmar military to terrorise communities – to destroy populations by shattering lives and corroding familial and social ties. Survivors and their communities are vulnerable to illicit criminal enterprises including human trafficking, sexual exploitation, and external displacement that have deeply destabilising effect within Myanmar and broader ASEAN region. Longstanding impunity for these acts must end now..."
Source/publisher: Legal Action Worldwide (Genève)
2023-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-19
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Description: "A transgender prisoner detained in Sagaing Region’s Monywa Prison for anti-junta activities has been sexually abused by a prison officer, said LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. Prison officer Zaw Zaw Aung, also known as Paline, forced the prisoner into performing oral sex on him on June 30 and also attempted to have anal sex, said the Monywa Strike Committee. The LGBT Alliance-Myanmar issued a statement condemning the sexual assault. Justin Min Hein, a spokesperson for the LGBT Union Mandalay, said that the report came from credible sources inside Monywa Prison and that the group is making further inquiries. The transgender prisoner was detained at home around one month ago and charged with incitement. The prisoner has reportedly been forced to wear male clothes while in jail. Justin Min Hein said: “Anyone subjected to sexual violence, not just LGBT people, can be demoralized. We feel emotional and discouraged when we hear about such cases. I can’t help respecting the prisoner for having the courage to speak out about the abuse.” The prison officer perpetrator reportedly often beats political prisoners when he is drunk. “Similar things happen in other prisons across the country,” said a member of LGBT Alliance-Myanmar. The group said it would report the case to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and ask for its intervention. In March, rights groups called on the ICRC to probe human rights violations in the country’s jails and the use of sexual violence against political prisoners. However, the regime has rejected the ICRC’s request to resume its prison visits and other humanitarian activities and allow family visits. Prison visits by the ICRC and families of detainees have been suspended since March 2020, following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Former political prisoner U Tun Kyi said: “A prison officer sexually assaulting a LGBTQ person is not something unusual anymore. They do it as if it was part of their daily routine. They are officially licensed to do so. It is indisputably one of the worst and gravest human rights violations.” Since the coup, female detainees have especially suffered from sexual abuse inside prisons, but sexual assaults on male and LGBTQ prisoners are on the increase. In October last year, Shin Thant, an advocate for LGBTQ rights in Mandalay, was detained after junta troops rammed a car into her. The activist was sexually abused during her interrogation. Over 20 LGBTQ detainees have experienced sexual assaults in prisons, according to sources. LGBTIQ groups in Myanmar have actively participated in anti-regime protests since last year’s coup and so have been targeted by the military regime..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-07-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-05
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Description: "On this Int. Day for the #EliminationofSexualViolenceInConflict, KHRG stands with all victims and survivors of sexual violence in Burma. The Burma Army has a long history of using sexual violence as a weapon of war against civilians. As the military continues its reign of terror, KHRG condemns all crimes committed under conflict, including sexual and gender-based violence. KHRG recognises the gendered dynamics and impacts of war, as well as the nexus between sexual violence during conflict and conceptualizations of masculinity. Systematic and widespread crimes of sexual violence have been committed by Burma Army officers and their troops, including the current junta, upon both women and men, and are used to support structures of military power and subjugate dissidents, as well as inflict terror and repression. One survivor from Doo Tha Htoo (Thaton) District, who was captured by Burma soldiers and forced to porter, explained in 1992: “All night long the soldiers would come and drag women away to be raped. They took turns and women were often raped by several soldiers in one night. […] While I was being raped or trying to sleep, I could hear the screams of other women all around. This went on all night, and then in the morning they’d make us carry our loads over mountains again.” She endured this violence for 22 days prior to escaping. Another survivor from Kler Lwee Htoo (Nyaunglebin) District recounted being repeatedly violated in 1992 by the officer in charge while being held captive as a porter: “He just kept threatening that he’d give me to his men who’d rape me to death, waving his knife and demanding sex. I kept fighting but he tied up my other hand, and then he pushed me down and raped me.” Such forms of violence have continued unabated under successive military regimes. Since the 2021 military coup, feelings of fear and insecurity are constantly reported to KHRG by villagers in Karen State, especially by women, as widespread sexual crimes continue to be committed with impunity. Just the presence of soldiers in and near their villages has triggered memories of past violence, leading many to send young women to hiding sites. One IDP from the Lay Kay area (Doo Tha Htoo District) highlighted that due to the presence of soldiers in her village, “I do not let my younger sister return [from the hiding site] because I am afraid [fear sexual violence against her].” Given the current difficulty of crossing international borders to seek refuge and protection, all villagers, including those facing displacement, are at increased and constant risk of sexual and other gender-based crimes at the hands of the military. Bearing this severe situation in mind, KHRG argues for strong and immediate action to be taken against the military junta. Sexual violence as a weapon of war will continue to be perpetrated by the junta as long as the military escape accountability for their crimes..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-19
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Description: "Myanmar regime forces raped a mother before killing her and her two daughters last Saturday in Magwe Region’s Pauk Township. Junta troops also detained 29 villagers as potential human shields. Some 70 Myanmar military soldiers, police and pro-junta Pyu Saw Htee militia raided Inn Nge Htauk Village in Pauk Township on Saturday, forcing villagers to flee their homes. Daw Aye Aye Win, 42, was caught trying to escape and was then raped and killed. Her four-year-old daughter was also stabbed to death, according to local residents. Daw Aye Aye Win was raped in a wayside public rest house near her home. A volunteer doctor from a local resistance group carried out a post-mortem on her body and confirmed that she had been raped, a resident told The Irrawaddy. “Junta troops raided Inn Nge Htauk on March 5, firing heavy guns. All the villagers fled and so did Daw Aye Aye Win’s family. The husband and wife fled separately and the wife and the daughter were caught. She was raped at a public rest house not far from her home,” said the resident. Junta troops also detained 29 villagers, including nine children, as potential human shields. Among the young detainees was another of Daw Aye Aye Win’s daughters, an 11-year-old, whose dead body was found three days later by a creek near the village, according to locals. Some detainees were reportedly killed in junta custody. The Irrawaddy, however, was unable to verify those reports independently. Fighting took place in Inn Nge Htauk from last Saturday to Tuesday. Five resistance fighters were killed by junta soldiers in the clashes and their bodies were subsequently set on fire, local sources said. Military regime forces and Pyu Saw Htee militia are deployed in Wun Chone Village, Pauk Township. The village is reported to be a Pyu Saw Htee stronghold and junta soldiers have used it as a base to raid the surrounding villages of Lelyar, Letpan Hla and Inn Nge Htauk. Lelyar Village, which has 252 households, was raided on March 3. Regime troops torched 210 houses. Letpan Hla Village was raided the following day, and half of the village’s 120 households were burned down, said locals. One resident said: “With their [junta forces] megalomaniac streak, they view anyone unlike them as their enemy, kill and intimidate them, torch their houses and loot their possessions. The higher-ups turn a blind eye to these acts to demoralize the people so that they never dare to hold up their heads, speak the truth and demand a different system.” Since early March, people from at least 12 villages in Pauk have been forced to flee junta raids. Over 6,100 civilian houses have been destroyed in the 13 months since the military’s coup, according to a report by Data for Myanmar, an independent research organization..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-03-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-09
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Description: "We, Women’s Peace Network, are horrified to hear that on November 11, a group of Myanmar military soldiers gang raped a 27-year-old ethnic Chin woman of Akllui Village, Tedim Township, Chin State in front of her husband, assaulted him, and plundered their home; and further gang raped her 30-year-old pregnant sister-in-law.1 We are distressed that the decades-long impunity continues to embolden the Myanmar military to use rape as a weapon of war. As reported by the United Nations (UN) Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), the Myanmar military and security forces have perpetrated the most brutal forms of sexual and gender-based violence -- including rape, gang rape, sexual mutilation, and sexual slavery -- against Rohingya and other ethnic minority groups for decades. Since the February 1 coup, the Myanmar military has continued to brutalize women with this violence, including by raping a 62-year-old woman in Namflom Village, Kutkai Township of Shan State on November 7, as well as a 14-year-old girl in Namphatka Village of the same township. For years, many women’s organizations, including Women’s Peace Network, have documented and reported about the Myanmar military’s use of sexual and gender-based violence in our communities. Despite our calls for accountability, the international community has continuously failed to take concerted action against this brutal military. We now fear that fueled by this impunity, the Myanmar military’s systematic use of sexual and gender-based violence will engulf the entire nation -- including Chin State -- without delay. Therefore, we call upon the international community to take swift action to provide protection and support to the women of Myanmar, and hold the Myanmar military accountable for its brutality. As urged by 521 Myanmar civil society organizations on November 4, the UN Security Council must immediately convene an urgent meeting on the crisis in Chin State, refer the situation of Myanmar to the International Criminal Court, and impose a global arms embargo on the country. The UN Member States must also impose economic sanctions and financial penalties against Myanmar military-owned and controlled businesses and conglomerates; further financial restrictions must be placed on the junta's private dealings with global conglomerates. It is past time for the international community to hold the Myanmar military accountable. Only when this vicious cycle of impunity ends can we achieve a truly inclusive and federal democracy..."
Source/publisher: Women’s Peace Network
2021-11-17
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-22
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Description: "The Women's League of Burma (WLB) strongly condemns the gang-rape of a mother of four children from Akllui village of Tedim township in Chin state by three military junta soldiers at her home. She was assaulted between 11 P.M to midnight on November 11, 2021. Forty soldiers arrived in Akllui village on November 7, 2021. After their arrival, three junta soldiers entered the home of a mother of a one-month-old baby around 11 P.M on November 11, 2021. They interrogated and investigated her and her husband on allegations that they had ties to members of the People's Defense Force (PDF). Despite the couple's insistent denials that they had no affiliation to the civilian armed groups, the soldiers refused to accept their testimonies. They began to threaten them, and forced them to switch off the lights in their home. One of the soldiers took the husband to the back of the house and aimed a gun at his head before slamming his head on a glass table where he sustained injuries. The remaining two soldiers went into the bedroom and told the woman to put her young baby down, and forced her to lie on the bed. Guns were aimed at her and they threatened to kill her. She was raped repeatedly while she begged for mercy. After some time, two of the three soldiers came back. They threatened the husband and the other one raped the mother again in front of the husband and left. At midnight, the three drunk soldiers returned and forced the husband to watch while two of the soldiers raped the woman again. The soldiers confiscated the couple's phone, power-bank, and a cash amount of 18 000 Myanmar Kyats and gold earrings. They made the husband escort them on a motorbike to a local liquor shop; and beat and tortured the husband when they found out that the shop was closed. This case of a harrowing gang-rape against a post-partum mother in Akllui is further evidence that impunity still continues for the Burma military's systematic use of rape as a weapon of war and sexual violence against ethnic women. Since the coup on 1 February 2021, sexual violence has become more widespread. WLB calls for urgent action to hold the military junta accountable through international accountability mechanisms for their crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-11-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s1 political and legal institutions have been rapidly changing since the 2010 general elections—the first multi-party contest in fifty years. The elections were followed by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the major- ity of other political prisoners in 2010 and 2011, the National League for Democracy’s victory in the 2012 by-elections, and the revival of diplomatic relations with the United States.2 Lessons from elsewhere suggest that times of political liberalization are opportune moments for domestic lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights movements to emerge, as activists enjoy greater civil-political freedoms to raise rights consciousness, speak out against oppression, and organize collectively.3 Therefore, while Myanmar’s military regime transitions into civilian rule and democratic institutions, this article examines the sociolegal conditions of its sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) minorities,4 highlights their collective efforts at— and prospects for—legal redress, and points to future research directions. Grounded in ongoing fieldwork in Myanmar and Burmese communities in Thailand since 2011,5 this article provides the first account of the legal and human rights status of SOGI minorities in Myanmar and the emergence of an indigenous LGBT rights movement. SOGI minorities in Myanmar routinely suffer human rights abuses: The British colonial legacy of Section 377 of the Penal Code still criminal- izes same-sex sexual relations; wide statutory powers enable a corrupt police force to persecute them in their everyday lives; and they lack legal redress for discrimination and abuse inflicted by family members, employ- ers, teachers, and others in their social circles. However, even before the political transition, Myanmar’s LGBT rights activists had begun to address these issues, building ties between migrant and grassroots communities in their home country to seed a movement that eventually coincided with the country’s democratization. Hence, since 2012, they have organized the first International Day Against Homophobia (IDAHO) and Transgender Day of Remembrance (TDoR) events in Yangon and other cities,6 conducted research to document human rights abuses, called for legal reform, and made political alliances. Exiled activists living in Thailand are also returning to Myanmar. As they take advantage of larger political and legal reforms, they are faced with the challenges of seeking decriminalization of same-sex relationships, as well as addressing the police persecution that is symptomatic of Myan- mar’s corrupt and arbitrary legal system. These future challenges and the ways in which LGBT rights activists have thus far overcome repressive laws to organize collectively shed light on the political mobilization of human rights in a changing Myanmar. After providing background on Myanmar’s political transition, this article sets out the legal context, emphasizing restrictions on civil-political liberties that suppress collective organizing. Next, it explains local understandings of SOGI minorities. Then, it analyzes their legal environment, detailing the laws, police abuse, and other forms of discrimination against them. After that, it examines how Burmese activists overcame legal obstacles to build a fledging LGBT rights movement with grassroots support. The conclusion discusses future challenges for the movement and distills broader lessons for Myanmar’s political transition. fifty years of military dictatorship. What is geographically today’s Myanmar fell to British rule following waves of colonization.7 To control widespread crime and disorder, which arose at least partly in response to their colonial invasion, British administrators introduced repressive laws, such as the Un- lawful Associations Act of 1908 and the Rangoon Police Act of 1899, that have had long-lasting impact on civil-political liberties.8 In 1948, when the Union of Burma gained independence from the British, it inherited these repressive laws but also envisioned liberal demo- cratic governance that provided for constitutional protection of fundamental liberties.9 However, ethnic-identity politics immediately troubled the former colony,10 which offered ethnic minorities little meaningful devolution of power within its “quasi [ethnic]-federal structure,”11 and armed groups overran a significant portion of its territory within the first decade of independence. The short period of liberal democracy ended when a caretaker military gov- ernment took power in 1958 and then cemented military rule with a coup in 1962. The military government later promulgated the 1974 constitution and declared Burma a one-party socialist state, solidifying its dictatorship under a centralized, totalitarian state structure.12 In 1988, after twenty-six years of military rule and severe economic mismanagement, a mass, student-led uprising erupted throughout urban areas. General Ne Win stepped down, but the military eventually reasserted control by killing an estimated 3,000 protestors.13 Amidst the crackdown on protestors, widespread arrests, and torture, the new regime—named the State Law and Order Restoration Council, and later the State Peace and Develop- ment Council—vowed to restore stability and claimed that it would hand over power after elections in 1990.14 However, when the National League for Democracy party won 82 percent of the seats, the junta suppressed the party and continued to hold Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest.15 Ruled by the military since 1962, Myanmar experienced drastic changes in its legal system that undermined judicial independence and hampered the development of common law, inherited from the British.16 The junta gained notoriety for human rights violations, some of which were carried out using such draconian legislation as the Emergency Provisions Act and the State Protection Law, under which Aung San Suu Kyi was detained.17 Meanwhile, urban activists from the 1988 uprising went underground or joined the in- surgency in rural areas. Others fled into political exile and founded human rights organizations overseas, focusing on issues such as ethnic minorities, gender, youth, and LGBT rights. After disregarding the results of the 1990 elections, the junta announced that it would draw up a new constitution. This constitution was finally passed in 2008 by a managed referendum that was widely perceived as il- legitimate.18 While the new constitution provided for a presidential system of governance19 with a bicameral legislature,20 it also reflected the military’s continuous influence over politics. Members of the armed forces are guaran- teed 25 percent of the seats in the Lower House of the Hluttaw (parliament)21 and six out of eleven members of the powerful National Security Council, which selects the Commander-in-Chief.22 Fundamental rights are limited by qualifications, such as “Union security,” “law and order,” and “public order and morality,”23 and come with a revocation clause that allows the military to curtail rights with impunity.24 The first nationwide elections under the 2008 Constitution took place in 2010. Contrary to gloomy predictions,25 President Thein Sein’s govern- ment rapidly implemented reforms, signaling the beginning of transition to civilian rule. Since then, the new government has released the majority of political prisoners, allowed Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy to enter parliament, brokered a near-nationwide ceasefire with insurgent groups (fighting continues in Northern Myanmar), permitted political exiles to return, established the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, abolished pre-publication print censorship, removed restrictions on “politically sensitive” websites, and passed laws allowing independent trade unions and peaceful assembly.26..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Human Rights Quarterly
2015-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "With chubby cheeks and a nervous smile, 18-year-old Kai is preparing to attack his judo coach on stage in front of hundreds of onlookers. Light beaming from the raised platform illuminates the crowd sitting cross-legged on the grass of the park in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, drawn to the spectacle and the colourful striped flags. Some of them are familiar with the symbolism of the flags’ rainbow colours. They have been waiting for this, January’s fourth annual Pride festival, in a country where same-sex relations are criminalised and the LGBT community is openly mocked. “Everyone is proud. I am so proud of them,” says Kai, a University of Yangon student who only has one name. Building up the courage to get on stage, he points his little finger – painted pink to symbolise a call for legislative change – to the sky. “Raise your hand and say ‘I am gay,’” he shouts. This is a bold declaration in Myanmar, which is among Asia’s laggards in terms of LGBT rights. In 2018, India abolished a colonial-era law banning homosexuality that had similarities to Myanmar’s current legislation. In the same year, Hong Kong began to grant visas to international dependents in same-sex partnerships. Taiwan went a step further in 2019 and legalised gay marriage..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "South China Morning Post" (Hong Kong)
2020-02-13
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "For decades, ethnic women in Myanmar have documented acts of sexual violence committed against them in the hopes that, one day, perpetrators will be held accountable for their crimes. They had reasons for hope as recently as five years ago, when the government of Myanmar endorsed the international Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict and Aung Sung Suu Kyi was elected the first woman leader of the country in a historic victory. Today, violent conflict between military and ethnic groups remains as intense as ever, while wartime sexual and gender-based violence continues unabated and unpunished. The direct and later indirect rule by the military since 1962 has had a long-term effect on the lives of women in Myanmar. They expected their fundamental rights to be restored under the new quasi-civilian arm of government, led by Suu Kyi. Instead, the web of military presence and business interests in ethnic areas of the country continue to devastate ethnic women. In August, the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar released a report documenting cases of gang rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual abuse in heavily-militarized areas in several states: Shan, Kachin, and Rakhine. Investigators found that sexual violence has become a regular tactic used against civilians by the Tatmadaw, the official name of the country’s armed forces..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Women's Media Center" (USA)
2019-11-20
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "When it comes to protecting women from violence in Myanmar, what little difference a year makes. Last year during the annual 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence, the Government pledged to submit a Prevention of and Protection from Violence Against Women (PoVAW) Law to Parliament in early 2019 and give “priority and focus” to protecting women and children from violence. As we approach another 16 Days of Activism, the PoVAW law, in the drafting stage since 2013, has not yet been submitted to Parliament, making clear that protecting women from violence is far from a priority or focus for the current Government. In a country with escalating rates of sexual violence, continued inaction puts women’s lives in jeopardy, and is a sad reminder that the gender inequality that leads to violence against women is also inhibiting the passage of a PoVAW Law which would protect them. Statistics across Myanmar show an upward trend in reports of sexual violence, and one root cause of sexual violence is gender inequality. In August, a UN investigatory body declared that in Myanmar “[s]exual violence is an outcome of a larger problem of gender inequality and the lack of rule of law.” Myanmar is ranked 150 of 167 countries on the Georgetown Institute of Women Peace and Security’s Women Peace and Security Index and 148 of 189 on the 2018 UN Gender Inequality Index, two recent measures of women’s well-being worldwide..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Mizzima" (Myanmar)
2019-11-18
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Sexual violence carried out by Myanmar's security forces against the country's Muslim Rohingya minority was so widespread and severe that it demonstrates intent to commit genocide as well as warrants prosecution for war crimes and crimes against humanity, a UN report charged on Thursday (Aug 22). The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar said it found the country's soldiers "routinely and systematically employed rape, gang rape and other violent and forced sexual acts against women, girls, boys, men and transgender people in blatant violation of international human rights law." Its report on sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar covers the Kachin and Shan ethnic minorities in northern Myanmar as well as the Rohingya in the western state of Rakhine. The report, released in New York, charges that the genocidal intent of Myanmar's military toward the Rohingya was demonstrated "by means of killing female members of the Rohingya community, causing Rohingya women and girls serious bodily or mental harm, deliberately inflicting on the Rohingya women and girls conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of the Rohingya in whole or in part, and imposing measures that prevented births within the group." Myanmar's government and military have consistently denied carrying out human rights violations, and said its military operations in Rakhine were justified in response to attacks by Rohingya insurgents..."
Source/publisher: "The Straits Times" (Singapore)
2019-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Traffickers are increasingly preying on the despair of women who feel they have no choice but to seek work across the border.
Description: "Conflict in Myanmar's northern state of Kachin is forcing more people from their homes. A ceasefire between the government and the Kachin Independence Army ended in 2011. Since then, instability has been putting many families at risk, including women who are being trafficked to China..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2019-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Khawng Nu’s story
Topic: Khawng Nu’s story
Description: "This story was originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women Across the world, millions of women and girls live in the long shadows of human trafficking. Whether ensnared by force, coercion, or deception, they live in limbo, in fear, in pain. Because human trafficking operates in darkness, it’s difficult to get exact numbers of victims. However, the vast majority of detected trafficking victims are women and girls, and three out of four are trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Wherever there is poverty, conflict and gender inequality, women’s and girls’ lives are at-risk for exploitation. Human trafficking is a heinous crime that shatters lives, families and dreams. On World Day against Trafficking in Persons, three women survivors tell us their stories. Their words are testament to their incredible resilience and point toward the urgency for action to prosecute perpetrators and support survivors along their journeys to restored dignity, health and hope. Karimova comes full circle. When she was 22 years old, Luiza Karimova left her home in Uzbekistan and travelled to Osh, Kyrgyzstan with the hopes of finding work. However, without a Kyrgyz ID or university degree, Karimova struggled to find employment. When a woman offered her a waitressing job in Bishkek, the capital city in the north of Kyrgyzstan, she welcomed the opportunity..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: UN Women via Reliefweb
2019-07-29
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Topic: brothel, KTV, sex trade, Trafficking, UWSA
Topic: brothel, KTV, sex trade, Trafficking, UWSA
Description: "The United Wa State Army (UWSA) on Saturday handed two women accused of human trafficking to police officers from Pegu Division who traveled to Lashio, northern Shan State, to take them into custody, according to local sources. Nyi Rang, a spokesperson for the UWSA based in Lashio, told The Irrawaddy on Monday that the armed group arrested the two female human trafficking suspects as requested by Myanmar police. “For us, our only duty was to arrest them,” said Nyi Rang, who referred requests for further details about the trafficking allegation to the Myanmar police. The UWSA controls the Wa Self-Administered Division in northern Shan State. Nyi Rang said reports of human trafficking are not uncommon in the region. Myanmar police first asked the UWSA liaison office in Lashio to arrest the two women, who were wanted for alleged involvement in human trafficking and were staying in Panghsang, the capital of the Wa region. “We asked our police in Panghsang to arrest them,” said Nyi Rang, who posted a photo of UWSA troops handing over the two detainees to Myanmar police in Lashio on July 20. Myanmar police sent letters to the UWSA on July 2 describing the women’s alleged trafficking of a woman from Taungoo District in Pegu Division..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2019-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "1. In its report to the Human Rights Council in September 20181 (hereinafter “the 2018 Report”), the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (hereinafter “The Mission”) concluded that “rape and other sexual violence have been a particularly egregious and recurrent feature of the targeting of the civilian population in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan States since 2011”. 2. The Mission found that sexual and gender-based violence was a hallmark of the Tatmadaw’s operations in northern Myanmar and in Rakhine. These violations, for most part perpetrated against ethnic women and girls, were used with the intent to intimidate, terrorise and punish the civilian population and as a tactic of war. The Tatmadaw was overwhelmingly the main perpetrator. 3. Two years after the “clearance operations” against the Rohingya population in Rakhine, and one year since the publication of the Mission’s findings, accountability for these egregious acts remains elusive. The Mission felt compelled to issue this thematic report, further exposing these grave violations that the Mission considers amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. 4. In examining the situation of sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar, the Mission also reviewed the situation of gender inequality in Myanmar more broadly. It found a direct nexus between the lack of gender equality more generally within the country and within ethnic communities, and the prevalence of sexual and gender-based violence. Impunity for gender-based violence in Myanmar is exacerbated by underlying gender inequality. Ethnic women and girls are doubly victimised: as women and girls and as members of ethnic minority communities. 5. In its 2018 report, the Mission found that men and boys have also been victims of sexual and gender-based violence by security forces. On 23 April 2019, in its resolution 2467, the Security Council recognized that sexual and gender-based violence also targets men and boys in armed conflict and post-conflict settings, as well as in the context of detention settings, and in the context of those associated with armed groups. Violent conflict impacts men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities differently. While there is an increasing awareness of the importance of gender in efforts to build sustainable peace, much of the focus has been on women and girls. The experiences of men and boys have not been understood well. Against this background, the Mission conducted further investigations into the situation of sexual and gender-based violence against men and boys in the context of Myanmar’s ethnic conflicts and found that they have been subjected to sexual and gender-based violence, especially in the context of detention settings. The physical and psychological consequences are severe and far-reaching, exacerbated by the stigma attached to male rape..."
Source/publisher: The United Nations Human Rights Council (A/HRC/42/CRP.4)
2019-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 736.97 KB
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Description: "NEW YORK: Sexual violence committed by Myanmar troops against Rohingya women and girls in 2017 was an indication of the military's genocidal intent to destroy the mainly Muslim ethnic minority, United Nations investigators concluded in a report released on Thursday (Aug 22). The panel of independent investigators, set up by the UN Human Rights Council in 2017, accused Myanmar's government of failing to hold anyone accountable and said it was responsible "under the Genocide Convention for its failure to investigate and punish acts of genocide." A military crackdown in Myanmar's Rakhine state that began in August 2017 drove more than 730,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar denies widespread wrongdoing and says the military campaign across hundreds of villages in northern Rakhine was in response to attacks by Rohingya insurgents. "Hundreds of Rohingya women and girls were raped, with 80 per cent of the rapes corroborated by the Mission being gang rapes. The Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) was responsible for 82 per cent of these gang rapes," the report said..."
Source/publisher: "CNA"
2019-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာ နှင့် ကျား/မ အခြေပြု အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့်၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား ပဋိပက္ခများက လိင်အုပ်စုတစ်စုစီကို တမျိုးစီ ကွဲပြားစွာသက်ရောက်ပုံ။ (အကျဉ်းချုပ်)...(၂၀၁၈) စက်တင်ဘာလတွင် လူ့အခွင့်အရေးကောင်စီသို့ ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့သော အစီရင်ခံစာ (ယခုမစ၍ "၂၀၁၈ အစီရင်ခံစာ") အတွင်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဆိုင်ရာ သီးသန့်လွတ်လပ်သော နိုင်ငံတကာ အချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးကော်မစ်ရှင် (ယခုမစ၍ "ကော်မစ်ရှင်က" "(၂၀၁၁) ခုနှစ်မှစ၍ ရခိုင်၊ ကချင်နှင့်ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်များရှိ အရပ်သားပြည်သူများကို ပစ်မှတ်ထားသော ကျူးလွန်မှုများတွင် မုဒိမ်းမှုနှင့်လိင်ဆိုင်ရာ အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများသည် အလွန်အကျွံဆိုးရွားပြီး၊ အဖန်တလဲလဲ ဖြစ်ပွါးနေသော လက္ခဏာတရပ်ဖြစ်သည်"ဟုကောက်ချက်ချခဲ့သည်။..."
Source/publisher: The United Nations Human Rights Council (A/HRC/42/CRP.4)
2019-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 295.93 KB 467.77 KB
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Description: "1. In its report to the Human Rights Council in September 20181 (hereinafter “the 2018 Report”), the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (hereinafter “The Mission”) concluded that “rape and other sexual violence have been a particularly egregious and recurrent feature of the targeting of the civilian population in Rakhine, Kachin and Shan States since 2011”. 2. The Mission found that sexual and gender-based violence was a hallmark of the Tatmadaw’s operations in northern Myanmar and in Rakhine. These violations, for most part perpetrated against ethnic women and girls, were used with the intent to intimidate, terrorise and punish the civilian population and as a tactic of war. The Tatmadaw was overwhelmingly the main perpetrator. 3. Two years after the “clearance operations” against the Rohingya population in Rakhine, and one year since the publication of the Mission’s findings, accountability for these egregious acts remains elusive. The Mission felt compelled to issue this thematic report, further exposing these grave violations that the Mission considers amount to war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of genocide. 4. In examining the situation of sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar, the Mission also reviewed the situation of gender inequality in Myanmar more broadly. It found a direct nexus between the lack of gender equality more generally within the country and within ethnic communities, and the prevalence of sexual and gender-based violence. Impunity for gender-based violence in Myanmar is exacerbated by underlying gender inequality. Ethnic women and girls are doubly victimised: as women and girls and as members of ethnic minority communities. 5. In its 2018 report, the Mission found that men and boys have also been victims of sexual and gender-based violence by security forces. On 23 April 2019, in its resolution 2467, the Security Council recognized that sexual and gender-based violence also targets men and boys in armed conflict and post-conflict settings, as well as in the context of detention settings, and in the context of those associated with armed groups. Violent conflict impacts men, women, boys, girls and those with diverse gender identities differently. While there is an increasing awareness of the importance of gender in efforts to build sustainable peace, much of the focus has been on women and girls. The experiences of men and boys have not been understood well. Against this background, the Mission conducted further investigations into the situation of sexual and gender-based violence against men and boys in the context of Myanmar’s ethnic conflicts and found that they have been subjected to sexual and gender-based violence, especially in the context of detention settings. The physical and psychological consequences are severe and far-reaching, exacerbated by the stigma attached to male rape......မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျား/မ အခြေပြု အကြမ်းဖက်မှုများနှင့်၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားပဋိပက္ခများက လိင်အုပ်စုတစ်စုစီကို တစ်မျိုးစီ ကွဲပြားစွာ သက်ရောက်ပုံ။..."
Source/publisher: The United Nations Human Rights Council (A/HRC/42/CRP.4)
2019-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 736.96 KB 295.93 KB 520.23 KB
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Description: "The U.N. Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar said the country’s military must stop using sexual and gender-based violence to terrorise and punish ethnic minorities. The Mission said the brutal tactic was still being employed in Kachin and Shan states, and was so severe in Rakhine State, during the “clearance operations” of 2017, that it was a factor indicating the Myanmar military’s genocidal intent to destroy the Rohingya population. The Mission made its conclusions in a new report, released Thursday in New York, that soldiers routinely and systematically employed rape, gang rape and other violent and forced sexual acts against women, girls, boys, men and transgender people in blatant violation of international human rights law. “Extreme physical violence, the openness in which it is conducted … reflects a widespread culture of tolerance towards humiliation and the deliberate infliction of severe physical and mental pain or suffering on civilians,” the report said. Marzuki Darusman, chair of the Fact-Finding Mission, said, “The international community must hold the Myanmar military to account for the tremendous pain and suffering it has inflicted on persons of all genders across the country.” The Mission conducted interviews with hundreds of survivors and witnesses of sexual violence in Kachin and Shan States in the north, and in Rakhine State in the west, where the military’s “clearance operations” that began on 25 August 2017 led to more than 700,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh. On the second anniversary of the beginning of the operations, this report is an important reminder of the continuing need for accountability...လိင်ပိုင်းဆိုင်ရာနှင့် ကျားမ အခြေပြု အကြမ်းဖက်ခံရသူများအတွက် တရားမျှတမှုကို ကုလသမဂအချက်အလက်ရှာဖွေရေးမစ်ရှင် တောင်းဆိုချက်..."
Source/publisher: The United Nations Human Rights Council (A/HRC/42/CRP.4)
2019-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 736.96 KB 467.77 KB
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Sub-title: Myanmar's Penal Code, which dates back to the British colonial era, is vague and rarely used to prosecute cases of domestic violence. Its definition of rape is narrow and excludes marital rape.
Description: "Cradling her one-year-old daughter in a house in southern Myanmar, 22-year-old Nu Nu Aye recalled the reasons her husband gave for beating her. She hadn't looked after his rooster. She wouldn't have sex with him. In a meeting brokered by a village elder, he said he would beat her when "necessary". "His abuse got worse after that," she said. Finally, he tried to strangle her while she was sleeping. In Myanmar, where the US-funded Demographic and Health Survey suggested at least one-fifth of women are abused by a partner - a figure activists say is likely an underestimate because many cases are not reported - there is no specific law against domestic violence. Women such as Nu Nu Aye, whose account Reuters could not independently verify, usually rely on intervention by local leaders to arrange settlements with partners whose abuse is largely regarded as a private affair..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "India Today" via Reuters
2019-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: “Women and their partners still need accurate information about contraceptive choices. In some circumstances, women cannot exercise their #rights and #choices to access to contraceptive services.” At ICPD25, What’s Changed in Myanmar in the area of sexuality education, and what’s the Unfinished Business?..."
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Source/publisher: UNFPA MYANMAR
2019-08-09
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Seng Moon’s family fled fighting in Myanmar’s Kachin State in 2011 and wound up struggling to survive in a camp for internally displaced people. In 2014, when Seng Moon was 16 and attending fifth grade, her sister-in-law said she knew of a job as a cook in China’s neighboring Yunnan province. Seng Moon did not want to go, but the promised wage was far more than she could make living in the IDP camp, so her family decided she shouldn’t pass it up. In the car, Seng Moon’s sister-in-law gave her something she said prevented car sickness. Seng Moon fell asleep immediately. “When I woke up my hands were tied behind my back,” she said. “I cried and shouted and asked for help.” By then, Seng Moon was in China, where her sister-in-law left her with a Chinese family. After several months her sister-in-law returned and told her, “Now you have to get married to a Chinese man,” and took her to another house. Said Seng Moon: My sister-in-law left me at the home. …The family took me to a room. In that room I was tied up again. …They locked the door—for one or two months.… Each time when the Chinese man brought me meals, he raped me…After two months, they dragged me out of the room. The father of the Chinese man said, “Here is your husband. Now you are a married couple. Be nice to each other and build a happy family.” My sister-in-law left me at the home. …The family took me to a room. In that room I was tied up again. …They locked the door—for one or two months.… Each time when the Chinese man brought me meals, he raped me…After two months, they dragged me out of the room. The father of the Chinese man said, “Here is your husband. Now you are a married couple. Be nice to each other and build a happy family.”
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch
2019-03-21
Date of entry/update: 2019-06-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...Homophobia and transphobia are endemic in Myanmar, and they?re particularly difficult to challenge because stigma and discrimination are written into the law; in fact, many LGBT people told me they perceive the police force as their greatest threat. Myanmar — like neighbouring India, and Malaysia and Singapore — still has a colonial era law criminalising ?unnatural sex?, usually interpreted by the authorities to mean sodomy..."
Creator/author: Charlotte England
Source/publisher: Refinery 29
2016-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2016-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "This Field Report includes information submitted by KHRG community members describing events which occurred in Hpapun District between January and December 2013. The report describes human rights violations, including sexual harassment, violent abuses, landmine incidents, forced labour, land confiscation, gold mining, arbitrary taxation, and theft and looting. In addition, fighting between Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and Border Guard Force (BGF) soldiers resulted in injury and displacement of villagers. The report also documents villagers? concerns regarding the stability of the 2012 preliminary ceasefire and issues important to the local communities, such as access to education and healthcare. - Between January and December 2013, villagers reported ongoing militarization and use of landmines by Tatmadaw and BGF soldiers in Bu Tho and Dwe Lo townships, resulting in fatalities and injury to villagers and livestock. - BGF soldiers committed human rights abuses such as sexual harassment, violent abuse, and demands for forced labour from villagers in Bu Tho Township. - Monk U Thuzana?s followers ordered villagers to perform forced labour for the monk?s bridge construction project. - A private gold mining enterprise has been endangering villagers? health in Dwe Lo Township. Villagers expressed their opposition to gold mining projects in the area by producing placards and posting them along the road and the river..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG)
2016-03-02
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.3 MB
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Description: ?Following military coups in 1962 and 1988, multiple military regimes have ruled over Myanmar (formerly known as Burma). Widespread human rights abuses conducted by police and military against the general public and ethnic minorities are well known and documented. The year 2008 saw the creation and adoption of a new constitution through a controversial referendum followed by a flawed parliamentary election held in 2010. By-elections held in 2012 saw the opposition party, the National League of Democracy (NLD), enter Parliament for the first time, though with continued reports of election irregularities. Despite significant political change in Myanmar, legal reform, especially in the sectors of human rights protection and limits to police and military power, has been slow in development and implementation. Legal reform, judicial review, and military and police limitations on power and authority have yet to occur in a systematic and comprehensive way. As a result of slow reform, entrenched homophobic social attitudes, and unrestrained police authority to arbitrarily arrest and detain, members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) community human rights abuses and discrimination are rampant..? Article 377 of the Penal Code deals with "Unnatural Offences"
Source/publisher: Colors Rainbow
2016-02-23
Date of entry/update: 2016-04-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 15 MB
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Description: "The Asian Human Rights Commission has been following with concern news of the police targeting of gay and transgendered people in Burma, or Myanmar, and has recently obtained detailed information on a number of cases of alleged arbitrary arrest, detention and torture of persons on the grounds of sexual orientation. The AHRC is troubled both by the manner in which this minority group appears to have been deliberately targeted by the police, and by the implications of these police abuses not only for the rights of minorities in democratizing Burma, but also for the rights of all people living there. According to recent news reports, police in Mandalay have been conducting an operation against gay and transgendered people who have been congregating in certain public places in the city. Although the police claim that they are simply removing from certain areas anyone found to be causing a disturbance to the public, from all accounts it is clear that they have been specifically targeting gay and transgendered people..."
Source/publisher: Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)
2013-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2013-07-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: A Karen singer?s complaint that he was blacklisted by a foundation in Burma because he was gay has triggered a debate about sexual prejudice in Burmese society... "The barred singer, Saw Yuri, told The Irrawaddy that the Rangoon-based Klo and Kweh Foundation had informed him he couldn?t perform for the organization any more, telling him ?there are no gays in the Karen ethnic group.?..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 18, No. 6
2010-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-08-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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