Burma's economic relations with ASEAN
Individual Documents
Description:
"After more than two decades under authoritarian rule, the past five years have witnessed profound changes in Myanmar’s domestic politics. Albeit the flawed election in 2010, the newly elected government has symbolized the end of military regime and the restoration of civilian order. Furthermore, the new government has indicated its commitment to advance democratic transition by its progressive policies in liberalizing its economy and domestic press as well as reproaching the opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, as the landmark step toward national reconciliation (Thuzar 2012). As the Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Marty Natalegawa,
said after his visit to Myanmar, “Myanmar reform is irreversible” (Thuzar 2012). In order to understand how these reforms have been taking place, this paper will examine both external and internal factors as indispensable parts of these reforms. This paper will specifically focus on how major powers and domestic leadership affect the dynamics of political changes in Myanmar which eventually lead to the current reforms. This paper argues that both major powers and domestic leadership have contributed significantly to the dynamics of political changes in Myanmar. The diverging interests and policies among major powers have resulted in different approaches toward the military regime. While the policies of one major power have
weakened the policies of others, these policies in overall have complementary effects in the democratic transition of the country. The engagement policies of China, India and ASEAN, for instance, have been crucial for the survival of the country while sanctions and pressure from US and other western countries have pushed the country forward to democratization. Likewise, different personal leaderships have resulted in different approach to democratization. A more conservative leader such as Than Shwe has succeeded in maintaining order and unity of the country, while the emergence of reformist leader, represented by Thein Sein, has advanced
reform and democratization.
In order to better elaborate these arguments, this paper will be divided into several parts. The first part will provide the historical background on Myanmar’s domestic politics since its independence to its current reform. The second part, then, will examine major powers’ interests
and policies in Myanmar and how these external factors affect the dynamics of political changes in Myanmar. The third part, in turn, will examine the internal factors emphasizing the role of domestic leadership in this reform. Based on these discussions, the last part will conclude the findings by looking ahead the anticipated consequences of the aforementioned factors on the future trajectories of Myanmar’s democracy.....Historical Background: Nation building in Myanmar is perhaps the longest and the bloodiest compared to other countries
in Southeast Asia. After gaining independence from Britain in January 4, 1948, Myanmar was torn into chaos under failed trial of multiparty parliamentary democracy in the first fourteen years. At the center, the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) as the previously
independent movement “who inherited the state” was apparent to be ideologically heterogeneous and failed to reach agreement on how to run the newly independent Myanmar (T. Than 1993). In
the grassroots level, situation was worsening as ethnic minorities such as Karen, Kachin, Mon, and Chin revolted against the government (T. Than 1993). This has not mentioned Muslim Mujaheedin groups and communist elements who attempted to do similar actions (T. Than 1993). Under such circumstances, the government has, from the beginning, relied heavily on military intervention to appease these dissensions (T. Than 1993).
While the charisma of U Nu has succeeded in maintaining this fragile regime for the first decade, the 1962 has seen relentless public dissents and significant economic decline. U Nu’s policy of installing Buddhism as state religion, followed by his resignation in early 1962 has exacerbated the situation even further (T. Than 1993). In order to prevent the state from disintegration, the Tatmadaw or Myanmar’s arms forces who previously stayed in the peripheries to halt the flow of Kuomintang refugees in the northern border has moved to the center and taken over the government under the name of Revolutionary Council (RC) (T. Than 1993). The Tatmadaw has learnt that its task was no longer promoting freedom and democracy as it did
under British rule, but instead, maintaining peace and the rule of Law (T. Than 1993). Under the constitutional military regime of General Ne Win, the RC has redirected the trajectory of the state from chaotic democracy to the so-called Burmese Way of Socialism
(BWS) and renamed the state as the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma (T. Than 1993). In order to maintain domestic order, the regime has cut off the relations with other states and focused on building socialism under one party system. These two elements, nationalism and domestic order, are key elements in understanding military rule in Myanmar and have characterized most of the subsequent development in its path to democratization. The ratification
of new constitution and the general election in 1974 were evidences that Military were not merely struggling for power, but instead, restoring order within the state..."
Source/publisher:
Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi
Date of publication:
2013-00-00
Date of entry/update:
2021-06-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory, Political History, Business and the Military, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma's economic relations with China, International Relations
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Description:
"Protected Areas are important tools for biodiversity conservation and sustainable development. Myanmar possesses 39 protected areas and 21 of these areas are declared as ecotourism sites. The study area, Lawkananda Wildlife Sanctuary is a designated
ecotourism site and is strategically located on the bank of Ayeyarwady River and in Bagan Area. The main objective of the study is to identify and evaluate the economic benefits of study area in term of non-consumptive values. Willingness-to-pay for park’s entrance fee
is analyzed by Contingent Valuation Method. Return-to-Zero Regression method is used to explore the influence characteristics on willingness-to-pay. The Spatial Statistics tools are applied to predict the existence-value of study park. The main findings are (i) the park has consumer surplus for entrance fee, (ii) the most influenced characteristics of visits on willingness-to-pay is Research Purpose, and (iii) the park is situated as the key dominant habitat hot spot. The researcher believes that this contribution will value to various stakeholders.....ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Firstly, I am most gratitude to Professor Dr. Khin Naing Oo, Rector of Yangon
University of Economics, and Professor Dr. Tun Aung, Pro-Rector of Yangon University of Economics for their kindly permission to conduct this study and to submit this paper. I am really thankful to Professor Dr. Thida Kyu, Director of Development Studies
Programme, Yangon University of Economics for her keen interest and support to carry out my study. I express my heartfelt thanks to Professor Dr. Ni Lar Myint Htoo, Professor from
Department of Economics, Yangon University of Economics, for her guidance throughout the study. This study could not be undertaken without support and encouragements of my supervisor, Dr. Kalya Kyaing (Consultant – National Specialist on Economics, Asia
Development Bank). Thus, I would like to convey my deepest gratitude to her. Then I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Daw Win Min Than (Retired Lecturer) and Dr. Naw Htee Mue Loe Htoo (Lecturer from Department of Economics, Yangon University of Economics) for their enthusiastic teaching and knowledge sharing
on Environmental and Natural Resource Economics.
I would like to express my special thanks to all professors, associated professors and lecturers for imparting of a great variety of knowledge and concepts of development during the study period of two years under EMDevS Programme. Finally, I would like to
express my thanks to all library staffs from Yangon University of Economics. I also offer my thanks to U Shwe Htay Aung (Warden of Lawkananda Wildlife Sanctuary) and Daw Kay Khine Oo (Assistant Lecturer, Yezin Agriculture University), who helped me to obtain required data and satellite images. I would like to appreciate to
Professor Dr. Win Tint (Retired Pro-Rector of Taungoo University), Professor Dr. Win Maung (Chairman, Myanmar’s Environment Institute) and Professor Dr. Htun Ko (Head of Department of Geography, University of Yangon) who shared their knowledge and
advised me for this study..."
Source/publisher:
Yangon University of Economics
Date of publication:
2017-08-00
Date of entry/update:
2021-05-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Economy: general, analytical, statistical (various sources), Economic Development, Sustainable development, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, International Trade, Illegal Economy - general, National parks and protected areas, The forests of Burma/Myanmar - General, Fauna of Burma's forests, Forest policy in Burma/Myanmar
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2.56 MB
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Topic:
Business, Indonesia, Global trade, Min Aung Hlaing, Asia, Myanmar, Jakarta, Aung San Suu Kyi, Summits, Bangkok, Asia Pacific, World News, Southeast Asia
Topic:
Business, Indonesia, Global trade, Min Aung Hlaing, Asia, Myanmar, Jakarta, Aung San Suu Kyi, Summits, Bangkok, Asia Pacific, World News, Southeast Asia
Description:
"When the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations holds a special summit Saturday to discuss Myanmar, the regional body will be under as much scrutiny as the general who led the February coup ousting the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Opponents of the junta are furious that ASEAN is welcoming its chief, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, to its meeting in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta, arguing that because he seized power by force, he is not Myanmar’s legitimate leader. Also weighing heavily against him is the lethal violence perpetrated by the security forces he commands, responsible for killing hundreds of largely peaceful protesters and bystanders.
“Min Aung Hlaing, who faces international sanctions for his role in military atrocities and the brutal crackdown on pro-democracy protesters, should not be welcomed at an intergovernmental gathering to address a crisis he created,” said Brad Adams, Asia director for New York-based Human Rights Watch.
“ASEAN members should instead take this opportunity to impose targeted, economic sanctions on junta leaders and on businesses that fund the junta, and press the junta to release political detainees, end abuses, and restore the country’s democratically elected government.”
The junta’s foes have promoted the idea that the opposition’s parallel National Unity Government, recently established by the elected lawmakers the army barred from being seated, should represent Myanmar, or at least have some role in the Jakarta meeting. It has not been invited.
“It’s unacceptable that they invite this murderer-in-chief, Min Aung Hlaing, who has just killed more than 730 people in Myanmar, and I think it is very unfortunate that they, again and again, talk to the military generals and not to the civilian government of Myanmar, which is the NUG,” says the parallel government’s Minister of International Cooperation, Dr. Sasa, who uses one name.
Evan Laksmana, a researcher for Indonesia’s Centre for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank with close government ties, told The Associated Press there is a very practical reason for engaging Min Aung Hlaing face to face.
ASEAN recognizes “the reality is that one party is doing the violence, which is the military, and therefore that’s why the military is being called to the meeting. So this is not in any way conferring legitimacy to the military regime,” he said.
By talking to the general, ASEAN hopes to initiate a longer-term process, starting with ending the violence, that will “hopefully help facilitate dialogue among all the stakeholders in Myanmar, not just (with) the military regime.”
Indonesian Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi said at a news conference Friday that her country hopes the ASEAN leaders will reach an agreement that is good for the people of Myanmar.
But skeptics feel ASEAN faces basic problems in seeking to resolve Myanmar’s crisis. They point to the divergent interests of the group’s members, its longstanding conventions of seeking consensus and avoiding interference in each other’s affairs, and the historic obstinacy of Myanmar’s generals.
One faction in the group, comprising Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, believes the instability engendered by the coup threatens the entire region as well as ASEAN’s credibility as a group powerful enough to act independently of big power influence.
They also point out that the ASEAN Charter — adopted in 2007, 40 years after the group’s founding — includes democracy, human rights, good governance and rule of law as guiding principles.
“Now is a grave time for ASEAN’s much-touted centrality, the idea that ASEAN is a central regional platform for regional dialogue, for promoting peace and stability in the region,” said Prof. Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University. He said that conception of ASEAN is now facing “its most severe, grave challenge” in 53 years of existence.
Member countries with more authoritarian regimes — Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam — see little benefit in paying more than lip service to such principles, and have treated Myanmar’s crisis as its own internal matter.
The Jakarta meeting is a hybrid one, with onsite attendance encouraged but virtual participation by video an option because of the coronavirus pandemic. Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte both announced they will stay home and send their foreign ministers in their stead, but they are dealing with serious COVID-19 outbreaks, obscuring any political message in their decisions.
“It is more difficult to communicate on a personal level between the leaders without the leaders being present fully, particularly with regards to the prime minister of Thailand, whom we believe to have the best relationship with the current senior general from Myanmar,” observed Indonesia’s Laksmana.
He believes ASEAN has a unique opportunity to engage productively with Myanmar’s ruling junta “because right now there is no other option on the table.”
“We haven’t seen any progress from the U.N. Security Council, for example. There is no collective effort by other countries. This is it. This is the first potential breakthrough for the current crisis,” he told The Associated Press.
U.N. specialized agencies and experts have been active in criticizing the coup and the junta’s crackdown. U.N. Special Envoy on Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener will not take part in ASEAN’s deliberations, but intends to take part in sideline consultations. The junta has rejected her repeated requests to visit Myanmar.
The Security Council could effectively coordinate actions such as arms embargoes to pressure the junta, but Russia and China, major weapons suppliers to the junta, would veto such moves.
Western nations have already enacted targeted sanctions against members of the junta and businesses giving them financial support, but Myanmar’s past military governments have successfully stood up to such pressures, and would be expected to do so again, especially with support from Beijing.
ASEAN prefers quiet diplomacy to intimidation, seeking incremental gains. Even getting the two Myanmar sides to talk to each other could take some time, acknowledges Laksmana.
“I think the gravity of the situation on the ground is as such now that there is no space or even willingness for dialogue until we end the violence,” he said.
“So I think the first steps would be to what extent can ASEAN facilitate the observance of a humanitarian pause first and then the delivery of the humanitarian aid,” he said. Only after that might a forum be possible where all the stakeholders could talk.
A Southeast Asian diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media, said another opening move is under consideration. This would involve having ASEAN’s current chairman, Brunei Prime Minister Hassanal Bolkiah, travel to Myanmar for meetings with the military leadership and Suu Kyi’s camp to encourage dialogue. He would go there with ASEAN Secretary General Lim Jock Hoi — also from Brunei — if the junta gives them the nod.
ASEAN-style diplomacy with Myanmar has borne fruit in the past. The military regime in charge in 2008 was incapable of mounting sufficient rescue and recovery efforts in the wake of devastating Cyclone Nargis, but refused to open up the country to an international aid effort. ASEAN took the initiative in offering to open a channel for foreign assistance, and the much-needed aid started flowing..."
Source/publisher:
"Associated Press" (New York)
Date of publication:
2021-04-23
Date of entry/update:
2021-04-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Political prisoners and other violations in Burma - reports, Right to Life: reports of violations in Burma, 2021 Burma/Myanmar coup d'état, National Unity Government (NUG)
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Description:
"The “Association of South-East Asian Nations” or “ASEAN” was formed from the ASEAN Declaration in Bangkok on 8th August 1967 (as a successor to the Association of South-East Asia, “ASA” in 1961), and is just four years younger than the EEC (now the EU). ASEAN is now a grouping of ten geographically, culturally and politically diverse countries, although initially consisted only of those countries which avoided any socialist experimentation: Singapore/Malaysia, Thailand, Philippines and Indonesia. Most of the Mekong countries joined later: Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos.
ASEAN has 651 million people and a land mass of 4.5 million sq kms (50% larger than India and one-half the size of China), and a nominal GDP of US$ 3 trillion (on a PPP basis 4x higher at $13 trillion) and US$ 4,600 nominal GDP per capita. By comparison, the EU has twenty-eight countries, 513 million people, and an almost identical land area of 4.48 million sq kms, but it has a nominal GDP that is 7X higher than ASEAN at US$ 19 trillion (or $23 trillion translating to just 2X on a PPP basis), and a US$ 37,300 nominal GDP per capita. The likelihood is that ASEAN will narrow the gap between its nominal and PPP GDP over the next few years, generating substantial gains for investors.
What is common to all ASEAN countries is the agricultural economic base (except for Singapore & Brunei) and their consequently more manageable workforces, their Chinese (mostly Fujian) diaspora business culture, and their Japanese/Taiwanese/Korean led industrial investment. The Mekong countries share a common Buddhist heritage, but are a mixture quasi-democratic, and factional 1-Party States.
The oldest cultures in ASEAN, the Mekong countries are the least developed, due to their proximity to China and its socialist sphere of influence from 1950-1980. That proximity is now a positive as China embarks on its “Belt & Road” initiative and its manufacturers rush to avoid rising labour costs and US/China trade friction, diversifying production to Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and Myanmar. Currently the former closed countries, Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos, “continental ASEAN” or the old Indochina, are now leading ASEAN in growth from their lower economic bases, and after a temporary lapse in 2020, are all expected to be back to 6-7% growth rates in 2021..."
Source/publisher:
"The Asia First Newsletter''
Date of publication:
2020-07-10
Date of entry/update:
2020-07-10
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
“One Belt, One Road” initiative, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma's economic relations with China, ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations
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Description:
"Although trade with Indian neighbour is down 40 percent, Myanmar’s commercial exchanges with its ASEAN partners remain healthy, according to Thura Swiss June 5.
According to the latest reports from the Ministry of Commerce, the aggregated sea and land trade between Myanmar and the rest of the block, for the first half of the 2019-20 fiscal year, amounted to US$6.9 billion.
Myanmar still imports twice as much as it exports with its regional partners (US$2.14 billion exports value versus US$4.75 billion imports). Taken as a whole the ASEAN block is the country’s 2nd trade partner – after China. In ASEAN, Thailand stands out as the number one trading partner, followed by Singapore and Malaysia coming third..."
Source/publisher:
"Mizzima" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2020-06-06
Date of entry/update:
2020-06-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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Sub-title:
Three Asean heavyweights - Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines - have offered to buy rice produced in Myanmar, U Khin Maung Lwin, deputy secretary of the Ministry of Commerce, told The Myanmar Times.
Description:
"The Philippines and Malaysia have offered to purchase 300,000 tonnes and 50,000 tonnes of rice from Myanmar, respectively, while Indonesia has yet to confirm the quantity it wants.
The Philippines is already an existing rice export market for Myanmar, having already bought 60,000 tonnes of rice this year with a further 10,000 tonnes en route. Due to COVID-19, the Asean countries are beefing up their rice reserves, which presents an opportunity for Myanmar to negotiate long term export contracts with them, U Khin Maung Lwin said.
“Currently, international rice prices are surging now so we will need to negotiate for favourable terms,” he said.
He added that Myanmar must weigh international demand for rice against its own needs.
“Demand is rising in the rice market but we also need to consider domestic food security. On the other hand, if there is too much supply inside the country, prices may plunge," he said.
The Ministry of Commerce suspended rice export licenses in April but resumed in May and has since allowed 150,000 tonnes to exported. It has so far built up an export reserve equivalent to 10 percent of total exports, and purchased 50,000 tonnes of for domestic reserves.
Myanmar expects export 2.5million tonnes of rice in fiscal 2019-20 and earned more than US$542million from the export of 1.8 million tonnes of rice up until May 15. Around 14 percent of the exports were conducted at the border while more than 85pc was shipped out. .."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2020-06-04
Date of entry/update:
2020-06-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
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"Myanmar will take measures to ensure that overseas demand for locally made goods remains elevated even as cheaper imports from the region are expected to rise now that the country will participate further in the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This should also keep the country’s trade deficit, which was down to US$627 million in fiscal 2019-20 from US$5.2 billion in fiscal 2016-17, stable. Under AFTA, Myanmar is expected to substantially lower the import duties for a list of goods to as little as zero and no more than 5 percent.
“Custom duties will be nearly zero due to AFTA and ASEAN countries are already taking advantage of the opportunity to export more goods to Myanmar. We have in place the Import Protection Law to ensure local manufacturers are not threatened,” said U Aung Htoo, deputy commerce minister. The Import Protection Law gives Myanmar the right to raise duties for a period of three years on imported goods that severely affect or threaten local manufacturer. The law also covers trade under AFTA, the Myanmar Times understands.
Some traders have voiced their approval over the changing trade environment. Daw Yin Yin Moe, CEO of Hla Yin Moe, a textile and garment company, said that over the past five years her company was able to import industrial apparatus and machineries..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2020-02-13
Date of entry/update:
2020-02-13
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
International Trade, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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Description:
"The energy security concerns of Thailand, India and China greatly
determine their relations with Myanmar. In principle, India and China
have pledged to cooperate in the field of energy security in order to avoid
costly rivalries. In practice, however, commentators expect that the two oilimporting giants will find it more or less impossible to avoid such rivalries.
In relation to Myanmar, this seems difficult indeed. The immediate issue
is competition between India and China over building a pipeline to transport natural gas from Shwe, a gas field off the coast of Myanmar’s Arakan
state. In March 2007, it became clear that China will further consolidate its
ties with Myanmar by building a gas pipeline from the Burmese coast to
Kunming, the capital of China’s Yunnan province. India’s pipeline plans,
negotiated for several years, were finally rejected by the Burmese regime.
A South Korean offer to construct a liquefied natural gas (LNG) facility in Myanmar was also turned down. The Chinese plans include an oil pipeline
as well, probably running parallel to the gas pipeline and intended to carry
Persian Gulf crude oil shipped by tanker to a connecting Burmese port
facility. This makes sense considering the oft-cited Chinese argument that
an oil pipeline through Myanmar will enhance China’s energy security by
serving as an alternative oil supply route bypassing the Strait of Malacca, a
waterway of crucial importance for the provision of oil and other necessities
to China, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan..."
Source/publisher:
"Strategic Analysis"
Date of publication:
2007-07-04
Date of entry/update:
2020-02-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Oil and gas, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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133.07 KB (20 pages)
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Description:
"For the second year running, the ASEAN Studies
Centre at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute conducted
The State of Southeast Asia survey from 12 November
to 1 December 2019. A total of 1,308 respondents from
the ten ASEAN member states participated in the 2020
edition of the survey, which seeks to understand the
perceptions of Southeast Asians on regional affairs and
ASEAN’s engagements with its Dialogue Partners,
especially the major powers.
The survey which was conducted online drew from a
specialised pool of respondents from five professional
categories: research, business and finance, public sector,
civil society, and the media. The purposive sampling
method was used, based on two criteria: respondents
must be Southeast Asian nationals and have adequate
knowledge of regional affairs as inferred from their
profession and job scope. The survey findings are not
meant to be representative of the extant Southeast
Asian view on regional affairs. They do, however, serve
to present a general view of the prevailing attitudes
among those in a position to inform or influence policy in ten ASEAN member states on regional political and
economic issues.
The survey has eight sections: (1) background of
respondents, (2) regional security outlook, (3) major
powers’ regional influence and leadership, (4) geo-
economics and regional integration, (5) geopolitics and
regional architecture, (6) China and US’ engagements
with the region, (7) perceptions of trust, and (8) soft
power. The survey contains 58 questions, of which 18
touch on “baseline” issues which were included in last
year’s survey. The remaining 40 questions, which are
highlighted in the report with an asterisk (*), address new
issues for the regional discourse in 2020. The findings for
the “baseline” questions for the preceding and current
years are presented side-by-side to facilitate comparative
analysis. We have also taken the liberty to rearrange the
ordering of the questions and organise them under new
headings to improve the report’s clarity and cohesion. For
the purpose of readability, the figures in this report are
rounded up or down to the nearest one decimal point..."
Source/publisher:
ASEAN Studies Centre
Date of publication:
2020-01-16
Date of entry/update:
2020-02-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Arakan (Rakhine) State - reports etc. by date (latest first), ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN
Language:
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Size:
1.19 MB (17 pages)
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Topic:
Economy, Markets, ASEAN +3 Macroeconomic Research Office, Tourism, E-Commerce, Myanmar
Topic:
Economy, Markets, ASEAN +3 Macroeconomic Research Office, Tourism, E-Commerce, Myanmar
Description:
"The ASEAN Post recently published an article on whether 2020 will be a good year for Myanmar’s economy. That article noted that the ASEAN +3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) had given Myanmar’s economy a positive outlook for the fiscal year of 2019 to 2020; expecting it to expand by 7.1 percent up from 6.8 percent in the previous fiscal year. However, there may be some events that could act as obstacles to this growth.
The positive outlook is largely thanks to reform momentum, improving business sentiments, growth in manufacturing, tourism related expansion and stronger fiscal spending. According to AMRO, the five key sectors with growth potential in Myanmar this year are (1) the tourism industry, (2) property, (3) insurance, (4) digital transactions and (5) the stock exchange business. However, according to reports, economists have noted that the downside is the ongoing Rakhine crisis as well as the lawsuit filed against Myanmar in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) by Gambia, which could tarnish the country’s image as an investment destination. One of the five key growth sectors this could clearly impact is the tourism industry.
Myanmar has taken several measures to attract tourists. Among these measures are relaxed visa requirements. Aside from that, there have also been a slew of new flight routes coming in and out of Myanmar and neighbouring countries including India, China, Cambodia, and Thailand all throughout last year..."
Source/publisher:
"The ASEAN Post" (Malaysia)
Date of publication:
2020-01-12
Date of entry/update:
2020-01-12
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, ASEAN-Burma relations, Sustainable development, Politics and Government - global and regional - general studies, strategies, theory
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Description:
"Myanmar has potential investments from Hong Kong and ASEAN countries such as Singapore and Thailand in 2019-20 FY, according to the Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations.
Among ASEAN countries, Singapore, Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia and Laos made investments in Myanmar.
A total of 50 countries invested in 1,876 businesses in 12 sectors from 1988 to November 2019 and the total investment is about US$83 billion.
In that period, the investment amount of nine ASEAN countries is over US$38 billion and it is over 46 per cent of total foreign investment.
The investment amount of ASEAN countries are as per following: over US$22 billion from Singapore, over 11 billion from Thailand, over 2 billion from Vietnam, about 2 billion from Malaysia, over US$270 million from Indonesia, about US$150 million from Philippines, over US$120 million from Brunei, over US$24 million from Cambodia and about one million from Laos..."
Source/publisher:
"Eleven Media Group" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2020-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2020-01-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Topic:
Economy, Markets, ASEAN +3 Macroeconomic Research Office, Tourism, E-Commerce, Myanmar
Topic:
Economy, Markets, ASEAN +3 Macroeconomic Research Office, Tourism, E-Commerce, Myanmar
Description:
"It was reported recently that the ASEAN +3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO) had given Myanmar’s economy a positive outlook for the fiscal year of 2019 to 2020, expecting it to expand by 7.1 percent up from 6.8 percent in the previous fiscal year. This is largely thanks to reform momentum, improving business sentiments, growth in manufacturing, tourism related expansion and stronger fiscal spending.
According to AMRO, the five key sectors with growth potential in Myanmar this year are (1) the tourism industry, (2) property, (3) insurance, (4) digital transactions and (5) the stock exchange business.
Looking at the tourism industry, several measures have been taken to attract tourists. Among these measures is the easing up on visa requirements. Beginning 1 October last year, tourists from Australia, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland and Russia were given visas on arrival for US$50 each at Yangon, Mandalay and Nay Pyi Taw international airports. Even more recently, on 1 January, the government of Myanmar relaxed its visa regulations for five more countries. Travellers from the Czech Republic, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Hungary and Austria will be given visas on arrival when entering the country for the next three years.
There have also been a slew of new flight routes coming in and out of Myanmar and neighbouring countries including India, China, Cambodia, and Thailand all throughout 2019..."
Source/publisher:
"The ASEAN Post" (Malaysia)
Date of publication:
2020-01-08
Date of entry/update:
2020-01-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Sustainable/ethical/responsible tourism (Burma/Myanmar), ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
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Description:
"The year 2019 has been a fruitful year for China and the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in their concerted efforts to consolidate ties and forge a closer community with a shared future.
One year into the implementation of the landmark China-ASEAN Strategic Partnership Vision 2030, the two sides have built stronger economic and trade links, further synergized their development plans, and made major progress in managing differences. All these were achieved while the world is afflicted with rising protectionism and unilateralism that undermine globalization and development.
In fact, the China-ASEAN partnership has become one of the most dynamic partnerships that the bloc has with a dialogue partner, said Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, whose country is the rotating chair of ASEAN for 2019..."
Source/publisher:
"Xinhua" (China)
Date of publication:
2019-12-15
Date of entry/update:
2019-12-16
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma's economic relations with China
Language:
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Description:
"The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) provides momentum for regional economic integration and connectivity, helping China and ASEAN forge a closer community of shared future, said Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Hor Nam Hong.
Hor made the remarks Saturday at the opening ceremony of the 16th China-ASEAN Expo themed "Building the Belt & Road, Realizing Our Vision for a Community of Shared Future."
The deputy vice prime minister envisioned that the China-ASEAN strategic partnership and the BRI will further deepen the cooperation between the two sides in the joint pursuit of shared prosperity.
Statistics show that China has signed cooperation agreements with more than 130 countries across the globe and 30 international organizations on jointly building the Belt and Road, benefiting people of the involved nations.
Highlighting regional economic cooperation, this year's China-ASEAN expo is expected to lift the practical and comprehensive cooperation between China, ASEAN and other countries participating in the BRI to new heights..."
Source/publisher:
"Xinhua" (China)
Date of publication:
2019-09-23
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-26
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
“One Belt, One Road” initiative, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma's economic relations with China, ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations
Language:
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Description:
"South Korea and five member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) on Monday on boosting development cooperation in education, smart cities and other fields, Seoul's aid agency said.
The MOU, signed with Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, the Philippines and Vietnam, aims to expand official development assistance (ODA) in the five countries under five flagship programs designed by the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA), KOICA said in a release.
The signing took place on the margins of the special summit between leaders of South Korea and ASEAN partners being held in Busan to commemorate the 30th anniversary of their dialogue relations.
The programs focus on forging digital partnerships for inclusive development, providing assistance for higher education and establishing smart cities and transportation, the aid agency said.
The programs are designed based on the New Southern Policy, a key policy initiative pushed for by the Moon Jae-in government that seeks to deepen economic and other ties with ASEAN members and India..."
Source/publisher:
"The Korea Times" (South Korea)
Date of publication:
2019-11-25
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-25
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma's economic relations with South Korea, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, ASEAN-Burma relations, South Korea-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) continues to draw criticism and disapproval. Its sceptics brand it as China’s Marshall Plan or as a ‘neo-imperial project’. To ensure the initiative’s success, China should heed some of these concerns and take steps to improve the implementation of BRI-related projects. Doing so is particularly important in ASEAN — a region that stands to greatly benefit from BRI investment, if done right. ASEAN is the world’s sixth-largest economy with a total GDP of more than US$2.5 trillion. Economies across the region are growing steadily at an average annual rate of around 5 per cent. Sustaining this growth requires the region to meet its growing infrastructure needs, which are estimated to amount to US$2.8 trillion from 2016 to 2030.
China’s BRI is important for ASEAN because it can help to fund and meet the region’s infrastructure needs. It also supports the success of the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 and Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity 2025 initiatives.
A major BRI–ASEAN project is the Pan-Asia Railway Network designed to connect China with Southeast Asia. Its three main railway routes — the eastern, central and western routes — all begin in Kunming, China. The eastern route has a total estimated cost of US$600 million and will pass through Vietnam and Cambodia into Thailand. The central route will pass through Laos, Thailand and Malaysia into Singapore. As a high-speed railway project, it is the most expensive route with an estimated cost of more than US$33 billion. The western route will pass through Myanmar into Thailand and is estimated to cost US$2 billion..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2019-01-26
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
“One Belt, One Road” initiative, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma's economic relations with China, ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
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36.6 KB (3 pages)
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Description:
"The establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) in December 2015 was a notable milestone in the economic integration of Southeast Asia. However, despite the AEC’s ambitious vision, the on-the-ground reality of Southeast Asian regionalism continues to raise some concerns. One such concern is the vast income gap among the ASEAN member states, which might become an obstacle to developing a true sense of regional solidarity and unity. Per capita income in the region’s richest country, Singapore, is over six times higher than in the poorest, Myanmar. ASEAN member states regard the vast income gap as a ‘matter of urgency’. To enable equitable development, the AEC requires that older ASEAN member assist newer members (known as the CLMV countries: Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam) in their efforts to enhance their economic capacity. Since 2000, when ASEAN leaders adopted the Initiative for ASEAN integration, the older six member have been supporting CLMV countries in five key areas: food and agriculture, international trade, small and medium-sized enterprises, education, and health and wellbeing.
According to a recent study, the CLMV countries are divided by a two-layer economic structure: Cambodia and Vietnam have been successful in bringing down the income gap with their older and richer ASEAN peers while Laos and Myanmar have lagged behind..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2019-03-16
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-23
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Japan-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma's economic relations with Japan
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
41.51 KB
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Description:
"Despite fading foreign direct investment in China amid the Sino-US trade war, Bangkok Bank (BBL) says its international banking business is thriving from a shift towards Asean.
The bank's international banking business, covering nine of the 10 Asean nations, shows positive signs, mainly due to higher investment in Asean from regional business operators and foreigners, said a source familiar with the issue.
Large Thai and regional investors have shifted investment away from China and towards Asean, driven by trade tensions, and the fast-growing economies of the bloc are providing greater business opportunities, the source said.
The mainland's intense competition in all areas, including funding, market, technology and people, is compelling Thai business operators to shun China and shift to regional markets..."
Source/publisher:
"Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2019-11-21
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-22
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy
Language:
more
Description:
"The ASEAN-Hong Kong, China Free Trade Agreement (AHKFTA) came into effect on June 11 for Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar, Singapore, and Thailand. The remaining ASEAN member states will complete the ratification process later this year. The deal was first signed and agreed in November 2017 to increase economic cooperation, reduce taxes, and increase investment between regional markets and Hong Kong.
Analysts have noted that with ongoing trade tensions, Hong Kong businesses are keen to expand investment opportunities in Southeast Asia, and particularly in Vietnam. At the end of 2018, Hong Kong businesses had invested more than 1,300 projects in Vietnam on key sectors such as textiles and garments, real estate and investments. Many expect these numbers to improve following the AHKFTA. Vietnam and Hong Kong trade
Vietnam is Hong Kong’s third largest trade partner and biggest export market in ASEAN. In the first five months of this year, Hong Kong accounted for 30.4 percent of total FDI investment in Vietnam, equaling US $5.08 billion.
Hong Kong’s importance as an entrepôt for trade between mainland China and Vietnam will continue to grow at a much faster pace with the FTA coming into force. Re-exports of goods of ASEAN origin through Hong Kong to China have been growing at an annual average rate of 6.4 percent since 2012..."
Source/publisher:
"Vietnam Briefing" (Vietnam)
Date of publication:
2019-06-21
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-21
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
Language:
more
Description:
"US Secretary of Defense Mark Esper has urged all South China Sea claimant countries, including the Philippines, to take a “very public posture” and assert their sovereign rights against China’s aggressive moves in the disputed waters.
Esper also said the United States was open to revisiting and strengthening its Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) with the Philippines “based on changes in the environment and world situation.”
Ambiguities
At a press conference with Esper on Tuesday, Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana said he initially introduced the idea of revisiting the MDT which was signed by the two countries in 1951.
Lorenzana cited the ambiguities in the treaty, including a provision that indicates that an attack on “Metropolitan Philippines” would automatically trigger a military response from the United States.
Esper meanwhile reiterated the US commitment to the MDT which covers the entire Pacific region, including the South China Sea..."
Source/publisher:
"Eleven Media Group" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2019-11-20
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-20
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma-US relations, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy
Language:
more
Sub-title:
Blackwater founder Eric Prince’s Frontier Service Group continues to expand in Asia
Description:
"The Frontier Service Group (FSG), founded by former US military contractor Eric Prince, is moving into Myanmar to provide security services for Chinese and other foreign investors, the Myanmar Times reported on March 19.
FSG, a Hong Kong-registered company, has established a joint-venture security company in Myanmar called FSG (Myanmar) Security Services Co Ltd and is advertising for 30 security personnel in Myanmar.
According to the Myanmar Times, the company profile lists Daw Sandar Win (Myanmar), Zhang Huagang (China), Tan Qing (China) and U Si Thu (Myanmar) as directors.
Prince is also the founder of the defunct military contract company Blackwater, which, the Myanmar Times says, “was condemned internationally after its employees allegedly opened fire on a Baghdad street in 2007, killing at least 14 civilians.”
The Myanmar Times quoted Doi Ra, a local Kachin NGO worker, as saying that “we need to know the details of FSG’s operations in Myanmar … the current information is almost non-existent.”
Doi Ra said civil society organizations were concerned that the company would be used to provide security for large-scale infrastructure projects such as the controversial Myitsone hydro-electric dam project in northern Myanmar..."
Source/publisher:
"Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2019-03-19
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma's economic relations with China, ASEAN-Burma relations, China-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"The 35th Asean Summit has come and gone, and the United States has again lost ground in its struggle with China for the hearts and minds of Southeast Asia.
Over the last few years, the decline in US soft power in the region has accelerated, after its withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and President Donald Trump’s “America First” policy, which neglects the region’s strategic interests while economically punishing and alienating potential supporters.
US soft power has been declining for years, absolutely and relative to China’s influence. In the run-up to the 2017 Asean summit, both the US and China lobbied heavily for their preferences. China wanted no reference to its claims and activities in the South China Sea and the 2016 arbitration ruling against it. It also refused to support any reference to the need for a “legally binding” code of conduct between China and Asean..."
Source/publisher:
"South China Morning Post" (Hong Kong)
Date of publication:
2019-11-06
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
Language:
more
Description:
"As ASEAN leaders descend on Bangkok for the ASEAN Summit, regional leaders such as Shinzo Abe, Moon Jae-in and Scott Morrison are expected to join them for the East Asia Summit (EAS). First held in 2005, the EAS is a meeting of 18 leaders for strategic dialogue and cooperation on key political, security and economic challenges. It brings together the major regional players — China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand and newest members Russia and the United States — to meet with the 10 ASEAN leaders annually on the sidelines of the ASEAN Summit. While the G20 and APEC summits receive significant coverage, the EAS barely rates a mention in most media outlets. It is hard to point to a set of concrete initiatives and impact it has delivered. Despite its low profile, the EAS has the potential to be a valuable forum.
It is leaders-led. As Nick Bisley points out, the EAS’ leader-level format accurately ‘reflects the reality that, in statecraft, there are some things that only leaders can do’. While there is now also an EAS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, an Economic Ministers’ Meeting and other ministerial meetings, its main value is the leaders’ meeting.
It is inclusive. Hosted by the current ASEAN chair, it provides a voice to a diverse range of countries in the region, not just to those that have set the agenda in the past. The 18 EAS participating countries collectively represent 54 per cent of the world’s population and 58 per cent of global GDP.
It has a broad remit. Unlike some other regional forums, the EAS aims to cover political, security and economic challenges facing the region. It has covered many different topics. Last year, EAS leaders discussed the South China Sea, the Korean Peninsula, the situation in Myanmar’s Rakhine State, counterterrorism, regional economic integration, maritime cooperation and connectivity. This year, it is expected that US–China tensions, the South China Sea and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) trade deal will be high on the agenda. Last year, RCEP participating states expressed their eagerness to sign off on the deal at this year’s summit, though it may still not be finalised in time..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2019-11-02
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-19
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
37.92 KB (4 pages)
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Description:
"We reiterated our intention to work towards the completion of the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway Project and its extension to Cambodia, Lao PDR and Viet Nam, said a source from the statement of the 16th ASEAN-India Summit in Bangkok, Thailand.
The Trilateral Highway project includes three new major bridges, repair and strengthening of four existing major bridges, two new minor bridges, reconstruction of six existing minor bridges, repair and strengthening of nine existing minor bridges, reconstruction of 226 existing culverts, 20 bus bays and passenger shelters besides one rest area, according to the statement.
We emphasized the need to enhance ASEAN-India collaborative efforts in countering terrorism, radicalization, violent extremism, and transnational crimes, and the need to strengthen cooperation on cyber security through supporting the implementation of the ASEAN Cyber security Cooperation Strategy and the ARF Work Plan on Security of and in the Use of Information and Communication Technologies.
We underscored the importance of further strengthening trade and investment between ASEAN and India in order to achieve the trade target of 200 billion USD by 2022.We reaffirmed that the full and effective utilisation of the ASEAN-India Free Trade Area (AIFTA) will not only contribute to the realisation of our 2022 trade target but also to the promotion of sustainable and inclusive economic growth. We noted the decision of our Economic Ministers in September 2019 to initiate the review of the ASEAN-India Trade in Goods Agreement (AITIGA) to make it more user-friendly, simple, and trade facilitative for businesses, and constitute a Joint Committee for this purpose. ASEAN Leaders welcomed the conclusion of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) negotiations and the commitment to sign the RCEP Agreement in 2020..."
Source/publisher:
"Eleven Media Group" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2019-11-05
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-15
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, India-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with India, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN
Language:
more
Description:
"As Thailand prepares to wind down its year-long chairmanship of Asean, it's time to reflect on the state of the 10-country alliance and relations with its dialogue partners. Based on what happened at the 35th Asean Summit from Nov 2-4 in Bangkok, the outlook is mixed.
Thailand's dream of proclaiming a major diplomatic success by bringing the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to life was dashed when India opted out at the last minute. There had been high hopes that the huge regional trade pact would finally be signed -- four years after the original deadline of 2015 -- but the celebrations will have to wait until 2020, when Vietnam takes the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Despite the RCEP setback, the Asean summit and related meetings showcased the achievement of Thailand and the advancement of Asean in the international arena, said Piti Srisangnam, director of the Asean Studies Center at Chulalongkorn University..."
Source/publisher:
"Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2019-11-11
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
more
Sub-title:
U Aung Thu, minister of Agriculture, Livestock and Irrigation, urged the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to intensify cooperation in rural development and poverty reduction.
Description:
"“As total poverty eradication is essential for the sustainable development of a nation, I urge all ASEAN members to cooperate in lifting its citizens out of poverty,” he told ministers during a meeting in Nay Pyi Taw.
He attributed the current success of the 10-member group in reducing poverty to exchanging experiences and finding new approaches in efforts to fight the problem.
ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. U Tun Lwin, deputy permanent secretary of the ministry, said the government is implementing people-centred projects with a World Bank loan, among others.
“After studying the success in some ASEAN nations, such projects were initiated in Myanmar,” he said.
He said the country had seen average economic growth of 6.5 percent in the past few years, and poverty had fallen by 24.8pc. He attributed the growth and poverty reduction to government programmes boosted by support from development partners as well as local and foreign donors..."
Source/publisher:
"Myanmar Times" (Myanmar)
Date of publication:
2019-11-11
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-11
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
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Description:
"Tens of thousands of Japanese companies operate in ASEAN and their number is increasing year by year.Japan is establishing chambers of commerce in many areas and many companies are participating in their activities. These chambers of commerce are members of the Federation of Japanese Chambers of Commerce and Industry in ASEAN (FJCCIA), a group consisting of 10 Japanese chambers of commerce in nine ASEAN countries, excluding Brunei. Their objective is to improve the business environment for Japanese companies in the ASEAN region.
Since 2008, FJCCIA has held a dialogue with the Secretary-General of ASEAN every year. This gives Japanese companies in ASEAN and the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO) the opportunity to make proposals for improving the business environment to ASEAN. There has been success, for example, in improving the operation of certificates of origin, which are necessary to give preferential treatment to mutual goods in the ASEAN region’s trade.
Why is that important? Bilateral or multilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) can be signed to reduce tariffs and eliminate non-tariff barriers to increase free trade and investment. In the case of trade under FTAs, the importer submits a Preferential Certificate of Origin to customs when importing. The format of the certificate of origin is different according to each FTA and the importer must follow each agreement.
Normally, the most favoured nation (MFN) tariff rate is applied — a lower rate than the General Tariff Rate, Temporary Tariff Rate or Tariff Rate of the World Trade Organization. But among FTA countries, goods can be imported at an even lower preferential tariff than the MFN tax rate..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2019-10-19
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-07
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma's economic relations with Japan, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
37.97 KB (3 pages)
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Description:
"Southeast Asia is an important strategic partner in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The region serves as a key link in the BRI’s Maritime Silk Road, which aims to connect China’s coast to South Asia, the Middle East and Europe through the South China Sea and Indian Ocean. But criticisms of the BRI highlight some of the risks of participation. Southeast Asian countries should address these risks by persuading China to adopt multilateral rules that broaden participation in the BRI, including by leveraging ASEAN’s potential role. According to a 2018 study by Oxford Economics and the CIMB ASEAN Research Institute, BRI projects in ASEAN countries amount to more than US$739 billion. Indonesia is home to the highest BRI investment total amounting to US$171 billion, followed by Vietnam (US$152 billion), Cambodia (US$104 billion), Malaysia (US$98.5 billion), Singapore (US$70.1 billion), Laos (US$48 billion), Brunei (US$36 billion), Myanmar (US$27.2 billion), Thailand (US$24 billion) and the Philippines (US$9.4 billion).
In April 2019, China hosted the second Belt and Road Forum which was attended by 37 heads of state, government and international organisations. During the Forum, President Xi Jinping said the BRI will adopt multilateral rules and international best practices in implementing the projects.
Xi’s apparent willingness to multilateralise the BRI is necessary to prevent projects in Southeast Asia from being exposed to operational risks, policy risks and project cancellations and to address criticisms of its lack of transparency and inclusivity..."
Source/publisher:
"East Asia Forum" (Australia)
Date of publication:
2019-07-13
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-07
Copyright holder:
https://www.eastasiaforum.org/2019/07/13/making-the-belt-and-road-work-for-southeast-asia/
Licence/Permission:
html
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
“One Belt, One Road” initiative, Burma's economic relations with China, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, ASEAN-Burma relations
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pdf
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40.17 KB (4 pages)
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Description:
"A 2019 ASEAN Business Award has gone to Myanmar’s Genius Coffee, also known as Aung Nay Lin Htun, said the firm’s founder U Ngwe Tun.
Aung Nay Lin Htun Co. Ltd, which processes Myanmar’s specialty coffee, including the specialty grade Genius Shan Highlands Coffee and Blue Pond Specialty Coffee, for the second year running won the ASEAN Business Award (ABA) for the Sustainable Social Enterprise on Saturday in the Thai capital, Bangkok.
U Ngwe Tun told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday that the award allowed the Genius Shan Highlands Coffee brand to be “further recognized” beyond Myanmar.
The ABA was initiated by the ASEAN-BAC (Business Advisory Council) in 2007 to annually recognize outstanding social enterprises that are innovative and have made significant, sustained contributions to help the disadvantaged.
Categories include small- and medium-sized enterprises excellence, corporate social responsibility, employment, growth and innovation, family businesses, young entrepreneurs, sustainability, green enterprise and female entrepreneur..."
Source/publisher:
"The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2019-11-05
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-06
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Language:
more
Description:
"The 10 member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were ready to sign in 2020 a mega trade deal, which if executed, would create the world's largest trading bloc, Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha announced on Monday.
The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which has been primarily driven by China and would bring together almost a third of the global GDP, includes Australia, South Korea, Japan, India, New Zealand and the 10 ASEAN members Myanmar Brunei, Cambodia, Philippines, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam, reports Efe news.
In his opening remarks at a meeting between the regional bloc and China, South Korea and Japan within the framework of the ongoing ASEAN summit here, Prayuth announced that ASEAN members have concluded their negotiations and were ready to sign the treaty next year.
The RCEP negotiations were formally initiated at the 2012 ASEAN summit in Cambodia.
It covers a population of 3.4 billion people, 47 per cent of the world's population, and involves a GDP worth $22.6 trillion (32.2 per cent of the world's GDP)..."
Source/publisher:
"Yahoo News"
Date of publication:
2019-11-04
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
ASEAN-Burma relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN
Language:
more
Description:
"Behind the scenes of this year's Asean and East Asian summits, currently taking place in Bangkok, the region's key nations -- China, India and Japan -- are engaged in a quiet battle for greater influence in Myanmar. While on the sidelines, the countries of Asean, especially Thailand, as the current chair of the regional organisation, are offering qualified support for its problematic ally, largely behind the scenes.
The fact that the State Counsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi, is here is a measure of how important she and the Myanmar government regard their relations with the region and its top powers. In the face of growing Western criticism, Myanmar is anxious to secure greater support from its Asian "friends".
Sources close to "the Lady", as she is affectionately known in the country, say she feels bitterly betrayed by the United Kingdom and United States. Last year she told a close confidante that Myanmar only had two friends it could really trust -- China and Japan, and to a lesser degree India. Asean's support, though less significant than the big three "neighbours", was taken for granted, according to diplomatic sources..."
Source/publisher:
"Bangkok Post" (Thailand)
Date of publication:
2019-11-04
Date of entry/update:
2019-11-04
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Burma/Myanmar's relationship with the Global Economy, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, China-Burma-India relations, Burma/Myanmar's Foreign relations, general, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
more
Description:
"ASEAN Connect EP Myanmar with Agriculture and Fishery products Development (2018)..."
Source/publisher:
Bird Eyeview Network TV
Date of publication:
2018-05-22
Date of entry/update:
2019-08-08
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Agriculture in Burma/Myanmar: general and research, Rice, Burma's economic relations with ASEAN
Language:
more
Sub-title:
This new strategy for transport development in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) consists of a strategic framework covering 2018–2030 and a set of performance indicators initially covering 2018–2022.
Description:
"Cooperation in the transport sector has
been at the core of the Greater Mekong
Subregion (GMS) Economic Cooperation
Program (hereinafter GMS Program) since
its inception in 1992. The main thrust of the GMS
Program was eliminating the barriers to cooperation.
The significant lack of connectivity was a critical
constraint on economic relations among the GMS
countries.
The initial effort to pursue a coordinated approach to
establishing links and developing the transport sector
in the GMS was made in 1994 through the Subregional
Transport Sector Study for the Greater Mekong
Subregion (hereinafter GMS Transport Sector Study),
which examined the (i) most important links that
need to be established, (ii) most suitable modes for
such links, (iii) criteria for prioritizing system elements,
and (iv) possible phasing of development.1
The GMS
Transport Sector Study identified a set of subregional
transport projects covering road, rail, water, and air
transport.
It guided GMS transport cooperation during 1994–
2005, with the list of projects being updated and
refined over time. The priority projects in the GMS
Transport Sector Study became the backbone of the
GMS East–West Economic Corridor (EWEC), the
North–South Economic Corridor (NSEC), and the
Southern Economic Corridor (SEC) when the GMS
countries adopted the economic corridor concept
in 1998. They also constituted the first set of GMS
transport projects—e.g., the Phnom Penh–Ho Chi
Minh City Highway, the East–West Corridor Project,
and the Northern Economic Corridor (Boten–
Houayxay) Project—that were implemented under the
GMS Program. As these projects neared completion,
the need to address policy and regulatory issues
involving the movement of people and goods across
borders became urgent. The GMS Cross-Border
Transport Facilitation Agreement (CBTA) was thus
initiated in 1999 to complement hardware with
software of connectivity in the GMS..."
Source/publisher:
Asia Development Bank (ADB)
Date of publication:
2018-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2019-07-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Asian Development Bank (ADB) and its watchers (Burma/Myanmar), Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
4.17 MB
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Sub-title:
This study looks into the role of special economic zones in strengthening competitiveness of economic corridors in the Greater Mekong Subregion.
Description:
"A special economic zone (SEZ) conjures up many images, from a bonded warehouse
district in a port to the fishing village of Shenzhen in the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
that became a metropolis of 14 million people. The International Labour Organization’s
database grew from 176 SEZs in 47 countries in 1986 to 3,500 SEZs in 130 countries 20 years later.
Surveying the phenomenon, Farole and Akinci (2011, 3) provide a broad definition of SEZs as:
demarcated geographic areas contained within a country’s national boundaries where
the rules of business are different from those that prevail in the national territory. These
differential rules principally deal with investment conditions, international trade and
customs, taxation, and the regulatory environment; whereby the zone is given a business
environment that is intended to be more liberal from a policy perspective and more
effective from an administrative perspective than that of the national territory.
SEZs have generated a large literature, much of which is inconclusive because there are many
varieties of economic zones that have been called “special.”
However, the wealth of accumulated case studies does offer some patterns. The initial emphasis
on export promotion zones that operated as enclaves with little potential for dynamic growth has
been largely displaced by a model in which the SEZ has physical, strategic, and financial links to
the local economy. This development can be related to the growth of global value chains (GVCs),
especially in East Asia, over the last 30–40 years. Multiuse development has often replaced the
earlier narrow focus on manufacturing, with information and communication services playing a
key role. The success of SEZs appears to be related to the infrastructure they provide (transport,
reliable power supply, etc.) and streamlining of regulations, rather than to the tax and other
financial incentives used to promote early SEZs. Finally, increasing numbers of SEZs are private,
although some state-financed SEZs continue to be successful..."
Source/publisher:
Asia Development Bank (ADB)
Date of publication:
2018-11-30
Date of entry/update:
2019-07-09
Grouping:
Individual Documents
Category:
Asian Development Bank (ADB) and its watchers (Burma/Myanmar), Burma's economic relations with ASEAN, ASEAN-Burma relations
Language:
Format :
pdf
Size:
5.5 MB
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