European Union-Burma relations (commentary/analysis)

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Websites/Multiple Documents

Description: About 501,000 results (August 2017)
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-22
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: Burma Day 2005 - Selected Documents... Supporting Burma/Myanmar?s National Reconciliation Process - Challenges and Opportunities... Brussels, Tuesday 5th April 2005... Most of the papers and reports focus on the "Independent Report" written for the conference by Robert Taylor and Morten Pedersen. They range from macroeconomic critique to historical and procedural comment.
Source/publisher: European Commission
Date of entry/update: 2005-04-06
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: EBO Political Monitors...Research papers: reports, statements and press releases...EBO Briefing Papers...News
Source/publisher: Euro-Burma Office
Date of entry/update: 2012-02-02
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "What can Myanmar?s chairmanship learn from the European Union members? divided position on external affairs, such as the deep, public disagreements associated with the Iraq war, the incapacity to produce collective action during the EU?s reaction to the 2011 Libyan crisis, and again the unwillingness to share a common initiative in response to the more recent developments in Mali? It is a discouraging question, particularly in the light of the EU High Representative?s apparent obsession with the ?reality of 27 member states who are sovereign, who believe passionately in their right to determine what they do?, as Ashton argued in 2011. As disagreements within the European Union have seriously damaged the relations among the member states as well as the political development of the EU as a whole, a major message from a European view lies in the conviction that divisions weaken any project of integration and the attempt to create a united community, which ASEAN plans to achieve by 2015..."
Creator/author: Ludovica Marchi
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-05-13
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-14
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Description: "Ahead of the ASEAN Summit on 26 October, the European Union reiterates its strong support for ASEAN’s efforts in finding a peaceful solution to the current crisis and stresses the need for Myanmar to implement swiftly and faithfully the five-point consensus, in order to begin a process of de-escalation and return to democracy. The EU has welcomed the appointment of the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy, Brunei Darussalam’s Minister of Foreign Affairs II, Erywan Yusof, and stands ready fully to support the Special Envoy in facilitating a constructive and inclusive dialogue with all key stakeholders, in all regions of the country, and in partnership with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The European Union calls on Myanmar to engage constructively with the ASEAN Special Envoy to implement fully and completely the ASEAN Five Point Consensus. It stresses the need for the military to facilitate regular visits to Myanmar by the ASEAN Special Envoy, and for him to be able to engage freely with all he wishes to meet. The European Union underlines that a meaningful political dialogue must include all relevant stakeholders, including the Committee Representing the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), the National Unity Government (NUG), ethnic groups, political parties and other pro-democracy forces committed to working towards a peaceful resolution of the current crisis. Only a truly inclusive dialogue from the outset can ensure a peaceful and sustainable future for Myanmar. The European Union is deeply concerned about the escalation of armed conflict, significant deployment of the armed forces in rural areas, and an increase in clashes, causing civilian casualties and displacement, and calls for an immediate end to the violence and the full respect of human rights. The European Union firmly stands with the people of Myanmar/Burma and reiterates its call for the immediate and unconditional release of President Win Myint, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, and all those detained in connection with the coup, the establishment of a genuine political dialogue and a peaceful return to the country’s democratic path. This can only be achieved by respecting the will of the overwhelming majority of the people in the country. The European Union will continue to provide humanitarian assistance, in accordance with the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, including urgent aid to contain the outbreak of COVID-19 in the country. It urges the military authorities to ensure rapid, safe and unhindered access to all displaced persons and people in need, including by ensuring the safety of humanitarian and health workers. The EU stands ready to cooperate with international partners, including the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance, to provide such aid..."
Source/publisher: European Union
2021-10-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Madam President, The European Union thanks the High Commissioner for her oral update. The European Union condemns in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar. This unacceptable seizure of power abruptly turned back the clock of history in the country. Once again, the path towards democracy has been reversed and the will of the people expressed in the November 2020 elections, has been ignored. The EU calls on the Myanmar armed forces to immediately halt violence and the use of force against civilians and to allow the population to exercise their human rights, including their rights to freedom of expression and assembly. Arbitrary arrests and detentions and the torture and ill-treatment of detainees must end. We take note of the release of some detainees by the Myanmar military authorities. The EU acknowledges the efforts undertaken by ASEAN to initiate a peaceful dialogue-driven process to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. The swift and faithful implementation of the five-point consensus reached at the Leaders’ Meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta on 24 April is important The EU strongly supports the valuable work of the High Commissioner and her Office, to ensure continuous monitoring, documenting and reporting on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. The EU calls on Myanmar to cooperate with your Office by ensuring immediate access to the country and by facilitating the opening of a country office. We share your concern that the human rights-, humanitarian- and security situations are deteriorating quickly, with indiscriminate attacks against the civilian population, precipitating mass displacement and a rapidly worsening humanitarian crisis. This threatens the lives of many thousands in Myanmar, including women, children and persons belonging to minorities, in particular in the Saigan and Mandalay regions as well as in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Kayah and Kayin and Shan States. The Special Advisor of the Secretary General on the Prevention of Genocide warned in her recent address to this Council that root causes of discrimination and violence need to be addressed, including guaranteeing full citizenship and other rights to the Rohingya community in Myanmar and ensuring accountability for past crimes in order to deter more atrocity crimes from being committed. The EU reiterates our strong support to the mandate of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar to collect evidence of serious international crimes or violations of international law, including those committed after 1 February 2021, and facilitate criminal proceedings in order to ensure the accountability of those responsible. We would welcome your views, Madame High Commissioner, on how your Office can contribute to existing accountability efforts, including through cooperation with other mechanisms, and what your current priorities are in this regard..."
Source/publisher: Delegation of the European Union to the UN and other international organisations in Geneva
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Madam President, The European Union thanks the Special Rapporteur for his oral update as requested by this Council last March. The EU attaches critical importance to your mandate, Mr. Andrews, and would like to acknowledge your continued efforts to document the human rights situation on the ground. We call on Myanmar to resume immediate cooperation with your mandate and grant unrestricted access throughout the country. The EU shares your serious concerns, Mr. Andrews, about the worsening human rights situation in Myanmar, following the military coup on 1 February, which the EU continues to condemn in the strongest terms. Since the coup, the Myanmar junta and its security forces have increased their brutal repression of peaceful protests across the country, leaving large scores of unarmed citizens dead or wounded. The escalation of military attacks against citizens, including those belonging to ethnic minorities, has resulted in an unprecedented number of displaced persons since the 2016 events in Rakhine state. . Through its actions, the security forces have shown a blatant disregard for international law, and must be held to account. Violence will not give legitimacy to the illegal over-throwing of the democratically-elected Government. The EU reiterates its calls to the Myanmar armed forces: These acts of violence against the people of Myanmar must stop and the rights of Myanmar citizens must be guaranteed. The five-point consensus reached at the Leaders’ Meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Jakarta on 24 April is a positive and important first step to begin a process of de-escalation and the return to the democratic transition in Myanmar/Burma. The European Union underlines the need for their swift and faithful implementation. In this regard, how do you see, Mr. Andrews, the cooperation between your mandate and the Special Envoy due to be appointed under the five point consensus?..."
Source/publisher: Delegation of the European Union to the UN and other international organisations in Geneva
2021-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The European Union is ready to offer its support to all parties to help restore democracy in Myanmar, the bloc's high representative told ASEAN states on Friday. Southeast Asian leaders said after an emergency ASEAN summit last week that they had reached consensus with Myanmar's junta on ending violence there. read more "The European Union stands ready to support ASEAN... in facilitating a constructive dialogue with all key stakeholders with a view to bringing Myanmar/Burma back to its democratic path," the high representative said in a statement published on Friday. An activist monitoring group says more than 750 people have been killed by security forces in Myanmar since army generals unleashed lethal force in the face of sustained protests against their Feb. 1 coup..."
Source/publisher: "Reuters" (UK)
2021-04-30
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Contributions, Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights
Topic: Contributions, Food and Nutrition, Health, Protection and Human Rights
Description: "Today, the EU has stepped up its response to assist those in need in Myanmar in the context of the recent military coup, with the allocation of an additional €9 million in emergency humanitarian aid to support the most vulnerable. The critical reinforcement of the EU's response comes on top of a funding package of €11.5 million provided at the start of 2021, to support key humanitarian and disaster preparedness needs in the country, bringing EU humanitarian assistance in Myanmar to a total of €20.5 million in 2021 so far. Commissioner for Crisis Management, Janez Lenarčič, said: "The violent military junta that has overthrown the legitimate government in Myanmar has been merciless in killing innocent civilians, in egregious violations of International Humanitarian Law that exacerbates the already dire humanitarian crisis faced by displaced and conflict-affected populations. The EU condemns the despicable acts of violence by the coup d'état and meanwhile reaffirms its will to continue providing strong humanitarian support through its humanitarian partners directly to the most vulnerable population, who also face recurrent natural hazards that further increase their needs. At this crucial and pressing time, the EU is showing up for the people of Myanmar by significantly stepping up its support in humanitarian assistance.” The funding will be used to respond to urgent humanitarian needs in the sectors of emergency health support, protection, food security, and multi-sector emergency assistance. Through this additional allocation, the EU is stepping up its response capacities in the conflict areas in which it is active, and also in urban settings, where indiscriminate violence has been used by the Myanmar security forces. The additional funding will also provide humanitarian assistance to those fleeing fighting between Ethnic Armed Groups and the Myanmar Armed Forces, with funds allocated to address the growing regional implications of the crisis, including in Thailand. All EU humanitarian funding is provided in line with the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence, and is channelled directly through NGOs, UN Agencies, and the Red Cross. The EU does not provide any humanitarian aid funding to the illegitimate military authorities. Background Conflict in Myanmar is marred by widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting in substantial humanitarian needs. More than 336,000 people in Myanmar have been internally displaced, a large majority of whom are in situations of protracted displacement in Rakhine, Kachin, Kayin and Shan states, with limited access to basic services. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya people remain in Rakhine State, of whom around 126,000 are effectively confined to camps or camp-like settings that were established in 2012, and so still cannot move freely. Restricted humanitarian access to several areas hampers the ability of international aid organisations to provide crucial assistance to people in need. Recurrent natural hazards also increase the vulnerability of people living in disaster-prone areas. Since 1994, the EU has provided €287 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar, with €19 million allocated in 2020. The EU works with trusted and independent humanitarian partners to address the protection, food, nutrition and health needs of the most vulnerable people, particularly in Rakhine, Chin, Kachin and Shan states. Following the violence in August 2017, the EU has stepped up its humanitarian assistance in the form of food, nutritional care, healthcare, water and sanitation, coordination, and protection, including mine education. Humanitarian needs are increasing as a result of the 1 February 2021 coup d'état, as security forces use indiscriminate violence against civilians and fighting increases between Ethnic Armed Groups and the Myanmar Armed Forces. The EU will closely monitor the humanitarian situation in Myanmar, in light of the recent developments, to step up the humanitarian response further, if needed..."
Source/publisher: Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (Brussels) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2021-04-16
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 42.85 KB
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Topic: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, civilian deaths, Coup, crackdown, EU, European Union, junta, military in politics, military regime, Rule of Law, Sanctions, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Topic: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, civilian deaths, Coup, crackdown, EU, European Union, junta, military in politics, military regime, Rule of Law, Sanctions, State Counselor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Description: "The European Union imposed sanctions on 10 more junta members, including its ethnic minority representatives, and two military-controlled conglomerates on Monday. The latest sanctions target nine members of the State Administrative Council (SAC), the junta’s governing body, and its information minister, U Chit Naing, who is responsible for issuing military propaganda. The EU said the sanctions include asset freezes and visa bans on those involved in decision-making, undermining democracy and serious human rights violations. At least 739 people have been killed and 3,261 detained by the regime since the military takeover on Feb. 1, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. The EU imposed sanctions on U Chit Naing, saying he was responsible for spreading disinformation through the state media. It said he was also “directly responsible for decisions that led to the crackdown on Myanmar media”. After taking over the ministry, he outlawed the words “coup”, “military regime” and “junta” in the independent media. On March 8 he removed the operating licenses of Mizzima, Myanmar Now, 7Day News, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) and Khit Thit Media, all of which had covered the protests against military rule. Seven ethnic-minority SAC members are included on the sanctions lists. Mahn Nyein Maung, a former Karen National Union leader and ex-political prisoner, ran unsuccessfully for the Lower House in Ayeyarwady Region’s Pantanaw Township for the Karen People’s Party in the Nov. 8 general election. Rakhine politician Daw Aye Nu Sein was on the Arakan National Party’s policy board and the party’s spokeswoman. Kayah politician Saw Daniel was the vice-chairman of the Kayah State Democratic Party until his dismissal from the party for joining the SAC. Dr. Banyar Aung Moe, a central executive committee member of the Mon Unity Party, was appointed to the SAC on March 17, leading to the resignation of many party members. Shan politician Sai Lone Hseng was a Shan State speaker representing the military-proxy Union Solidarity and Development Party. Two other members of ethnic minorities on the SAC, Jeng Phang Naw Taung and U Moung Har, also face EU sanctions. New National Democracy Party chairman U Thein Nyunt and National Democratic Force chairman U Khin Maung Swe are on the sanctions list. Both are former National League for Democracy members who quit to take part in the military-organized 2010 general election and they served as MPs until 2015. Myanma Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation Limited (MEC) have been also been sanctioned by the EU. The two conglomerates are a key source of income for the junta. They control a range of banking, trade, logistics, construction, mining, tourism and consumer goods businesses. The EU said its decision is “a sign of the EU’s unity and determination in condemning the brutal actions of the military junta and aims at effecting change in the junta’s leadership”. The 27-member bloc said its sanctions targeted the economic interests of the coup leaders and aim to avoid harm to the people of Myanmar. Some are still missing In March, the EU issued a freeze on assets and a visa ban for coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and nine other senior officers who are SAC members and for the new head of the election commission. The EU’s latest sanctions on Monday target civilian members of the SAC and one minister. Other key SAC members have evaded sanctions. Foreign minister U Wunna Maung Lwin, a key member of the UDSP, also served as foreign minister under President U Thein Sein when he worked with his counterparts in Asean, a role he reprised on his recent trip to Thailand. He met the Thai and Indonesian foreign ministers weeks after the military coup. Also missing is the regime’s investment and foreign economic relations minister, U Aung Naing Oo. Despite his military background, he was appointed Myanmar Investment Commission chief under the ousted National League for Democracy government. With the experience he gained under the NLD government, he is now the economics czar for the regime. The junta’s minister for social welfare, relief and resettlement, Daw Thet Thet Khaing, was a military-friendly politician long before her ministerial appointment. Before the 2020 general election, she met Senior General Min Aung Hung to seek help if they were mistreated by the NLD during the election. She is a former NLD member. International cooperation minister U Ko Ko Haling used to be an adviser under U Thein Sein’s government in the early 2010s. He is a staunch supporter of China and he is an adviser to Yunnan University’s Center for Myanmar Studies. He has backed China’s policies towards Hong Kong and Taiwan. These ministers have all received severe criticism from pro-democracy supporters who have demanded western countries impose sanctions on them..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-04-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 165.86 KB
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Description: "The UN Security Council's EU member states called Tuesday for Myanmar to bring to justice those who have carried out human rights violations against Rohingya Muslims. France, Estonia, Germany and Belgium urged Myanmar to comply with measures meant to prevent genocide set forth by the International Court of Justice, in a joint statement issued following a closed-door Security Council meeting. The text was also signed by former Security Council member and EU state Poland. But it marked the first time the EU members have issued a joint Security Council statement without Britain, which exited the union on Friday. Britain was among the countries that requested the meeting on Myanmar, alongside France, Germany, Belgium and the United States. China, an indispensable ally for Myanmar, opposed issuing a joint declaration by the entire council, according to a diplomatic source. "Myanmar must address the root causes of its conflicts," the joint statement said, urging the southeast Asian nation to take "credible action to bring to justice those responsible for human rights violations." "Myanmar must also create conditions for and facilitate a voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return of the Rohingya to Myanmar," they said..."
Source/publisher: "The News International" (Pakistan)
2020-02-05
Date of entry/update: 2020-02-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: US, EU and Japan are all mounting economic, financial and strategic counters to China’s peaceful rise narrative
Description: "Days before China started to celebrate the 70th anniversary of its people’s republic, communist leaders issued a policy declaration entitled “China and the World in the New Era” which hailed “a development path with Chinese characteristics.” Reporting on the document’s release on September 27, the state-run Global Times newspaper opined that “China has grown into a giant” that has taken aim at “Western logic – that a country is destined to seek hegemony after becoming strong.” That, according to the Global Times, “does not apply to China” and its strictly peaceful, not confrontational, rise. China is only interested in global development and “win-win cooperation”, the paper asserted. While no one would dispute that China’s people’s republic has emerged into an economic and political superpower on its 70th anniversary, the paper’s other conclusions are not generally shared by rival powers..."
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Source/publisher: "Asia Times" (Hong Kong)
2019-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2019-11-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myint Thu, Myanmar ambassador to Japan, expressed thanks for Japan’s stance of voting on the draft resolution on “Situation of Human Rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar” tabled by the European Union (EU) and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) on 26 September 2019 at the 42nd Regular Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, during his meeting with Mr. Wakamiya Kenji, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan at the latter’s office on September 30. The draft resolution tabled by the EU and the OIC was put to a vote at the 47-member Human Rights Council held in Geneva where seven countries including Japan did not support the resolution and abstained in the voting. At the session of the United Nation Human Rights Council, the representative of Japan felt disappointed at the insufficient time for scrutinizing the draft resolution. Transparency is needed in the draft resolution. Japan’s recommendations have not been found in the draft resolution. Therefore, Japan did not support the draft resolution and abstained in the voting, according to the report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on September 27..."
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Source/publisher: "Eleven Media Group" (Myanmar)
2019-10-04
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: On 23 April 2012, the European Union (EU) suspended its sanctions against Burma/Myanmar in response to a series of domestic political reforms that have been enacted since Thein Sein became the new president in March 2011.
Description: "Since March 2011, Burma/Myanmar has witnessed a liberalization of the press, the release of political prisoners and the initiation of a political dialogue between the regime on the one hand and the opposition and ethnic groups on the other. The reforms culminated in by-elections on 1 April 2012, which in turn resulted in a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD). Overall, political reforms in Burma/Myanmar are being initiated from “above.” They are elite-driven and stem from the president and progressive members of the military-dominated party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Political reforms in Myanmar are a regime reaction to both internal and external factors. Internally, the military felt secure enough to embark on the slow liberalization of the political system. Externally, the growing economic presence of China seems to have worried the generals..."
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Source/publisher: "GIGA Institute of Asian Studies" (Germany)
2012-04-23
Date of entry/update: 2019-10-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 313.43 KB
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Description: "When Min Aung Hlaing, head of the Burmese military, launched his military offensive against Rohingya civilians in August 2017, there was international outrage. One year on, the European Union (EU) has yet to implement a single practical sanction or other action to hold Min Aung Hlaing to account for his crimes. In a submission to the British Parliament?s Foreign Affairs Committee, Burma Campaign UK detailed the role the EU played in enabling the crisis, amounting to complicity. By consistently backing down over the rights of the Rohingya since 2012, the EU sent a signal to the military that it considered the Rohingya expendable and would not act on abuses against them. It was a green light to Min Aung Hlaing. Despite what the United Nations describes as ethnic cleansing and possible genocide, one year on, the EU approach to the Burmese government and military remains barely changed..."
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Source/publisher: Burma Campaign UK
2018-08-20
Date of entry/update: 2018-08-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: Conclusions: "Widespread land conflicts and pending land governance reform, also in relation to the larger ongoing peace process, form the key reason for opposition to the pending EU-Myanmar IPA. As previously explained, land rights are not well established and populations living or working on land acquired for large-scale investment projects have protested over forced evictions, loss of livelihoods, inadequate consultation and compensation. Land governance reform is expected and wanted, as well as larger governance reform in the context of the peace process, although the breadth and depth of these remain unknown. In addition to the need for protection of land-related human rights, and the need for policy space, Myanmar at present has limited institutional capacity to implement stringent commitments, due to which it may fail to effectively enforce IPA measures. There is limited intra-government information sharing and coordination, which could unintentionally expose the country to expensive litigation risks. Combined with the umbrella clause included in the agreement, this may increase the vulnerability of host states to litigation under investment treaties. Ultimately, a lot of the discussion around investment protection comes down to a political discussion about development trajectories. Like one respondent also noted, ?This IPA will be fine for Myanmar as long as it wants to continue what starts to look more and more as a neoliberal development policy. If they stay within the neoliberal paradigm, there will not be problems. But if one day they want to adopt massive land reform, they will run into trouble.”164 This also explains the position of some of the private stakeholders consulted, who emphasize Myanmar simply needs more investment if it wants to reduce poverty, and that this larger picture may sometimes have to overrule smaller issues. In short, different people have different visions for Myanmar?s future. However, given the NLD Economic Policy vision of the government is supposedly ?peoplecentred, and aims to achieve inclusive and continuous development, and that it aims to establish an economic framework that supports national reconciliation, based on the just balancing of sustainable natural resource mobilization and allocation across the States and Region”165, there may indeed be issues with specific IPA provisions in the future, for which intensified lobby at this stage is warranted..."
Source/publisher: ACT-Alliance
2017-04-19
Date of entry/update: 2017-05-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 919.5 KB
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Description: "Das von der Burma-Initiative herausgegebene Briefing Papier setzt seinen Fokus auf die Rolle der EU in Myanmar, die von einer Reihe von Faktoren wie der strikten EU-Sanktionspolitik sowie den starken Verschiebungen der globalen Kräfteverhältnisse geprägt ist. Die Verschränkung dieser Faktoren hat die EU in Myanmar in eine Position manövriert, die sich in charakteristischer Weise von der Rolle der EU in anderen Ländern und Regionen unterscheidet. Eine Analyse von Wolfram Schaffar..."
Creator/author: Wolfram Schaffar
Source/publisher: Stiftung Asienhaus (Burma Briefing 7/2015)
2015-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2016-01-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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Description: Abstract: "What is the European Union (EU) trying to achieve in Myanmar? Is the EU speaking with one voice and acting collectively (and does it really matter)? Were the sanctions lifted too early? These are some of the key questions surrounding the current role of the EU in relation to Myanmar. A close analysis of the EU?s Myanmar policy demonstrates that, while clearly driven by normative convictions, the EU?s approach and posture vis-à-vis Myanmar since 1988 has been more reactive than carefully planned and strategised. Whereas in the period from 1988 until early 2011 the EU?s Myanmar policy frequently fluctuated between a ?carrot” and a ?stick” approach, depending on the circumstances, since 2011 the emphasis has been on carrots, which signifies an important shift in the application of normative power. The EU has generously provided large amounts of aid intended mainly to assist Myanmar in its transition. This approach does not seem to factor in the possibility of backward steps and is based on a scenario of ongoing, linear political and economic reforms. This optimism is shared by both the European Commission and most EU member states. However, the similar perceptions and compatible normative foundations on which their policies are based have so far not translated into well-coordinated and coherent strategies and development cooperation programmes."..... Keywords: Myanmar, European Union, sanctions
Creator/author: Jörn Dosch, Jatswan S. Sidhu
Source/publisher: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs , 34, 2
2015-09-04
Date of entry/update: 2015-10-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 229.65 KB
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Description: "EU foreign ministers agreed Monday to lift the last of the bloc?s trade, economic and individual sanctions against Myanmar, hailing "a new chapter" with the once pariah state. Catherine Ashton, the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, pictured in Luxembourg on April 22, 2013. Photo: European Union Catherine Ashton, the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, pictured in Luxembourg on April 22, 2013. Photo: European Union "In response to the changes that have taken place and in the expectation that they will continue, the Council [of ministers] has decided to lift all sanctions with the exception of the embargo on arms," said a statement approved without a vote. "The EU is willing to open a new chapter in its relations with Myanmar/Burma, building a lasting partnership," it added. The European Union began easing sanctions against Myanmar a year ago as the military, in power for decades, progressively ceded power to civilians and implemented wholesale reforms of the economy. Ministers noted, however, that there were "still significant challenges to be addressed", in particular an end to hostilities in Kachin State and improving the plight of the Rohingya people..."
Source/publisher: Mizzima
2013-04-23
Date of entry/update: 2013-04-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Abstract: "Last August, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced a reassessment of the U.S. stance towards Burma from the previous policy of disengagement. Bearing the U.S. policy reassessment in mind, now would be a good time for the EU to reassess its own Burma policy. A necessary first step would be to reconsider sanctions which may be technically effective but highly ineffective in accomplishing their stated aims."
Creator/author: Oscar Bergman, Andreas Mälarstedt
Source/publisher: Institute for Security & Development Policy (Policy Brief 20)
2010-02-26
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Abstract: "When it comes to sanctions against Myanmar, Western public debate has crystallized broadly into two schools of thought – either in favor of sanctions, as a reflection of a moral position, or against sanctions because of their perceived lack of overall effectiveness. This policy brief suggests a more targeted and evidence-based approach. To begin with it is essential to have a clear and precise understanding of what sanctions should accomplish as well as knowledge of the actual impact of those sanctions on the ground. Equally important is to thereafter promptly dismantle any misguided measures while maintaining and reinforcing those measures that work according to the objectives. Finally, the flow of information to the international community must concern the actual impact of sanctions rather than rhetoric and propaganda."
Creator/author: Agnes Frittin, Niklas Swanström
Source/publisher: Institute for Security & Development Policy (Policy Brief 32)
2010-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2010-11-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: 1. Ministerial meeting 2. The EU position on Myanmar 3. EU-Asean relations 1. Ministerial meeting Fifteen foreign ministers from the European Union (EU) and 10 from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) are due to meet for two days in the Laos capital of Vientiane beginning December 11 - their first gathering since talks were suspended in 1997.
Creator/author: Fred Thurlow
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
2000-12-09
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Overview lists Political Context; Legal basis of EU relations; Trade/Economic Issues; Community Aid, General data. Other sections include: Conclusions of the General Affairs & External Relations Council (GAERC), Updates on the EU position.
Source/publisher: European Commission
2003-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: European Union foreign ministers have renewed the bloc?s "Common Position" on Burma, extending existing sanctions until April 2011. In a statement released April 26, the European Council expressed "serious concerns" that the recently published election laws "do not provide for free and fair elections" and restated its call "for the release of the political prisoners and detainees, including Aung San Suu Kyi."
Creator/author: Simon Roughneen
Source/publisher: The Irrawaddy
2010-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: I. Introduction For nearly twenty years, Burma has posed a seemingly insurmountable challenge to the international community. The former democracy is mired in economic and social stagnation, and its people are controlled by a repressive and abusive military regime. Faced with these obstacles, world leaders have struggled to develop an appropriate response. The United States has imposed an import and investment ban; the European Union and Japan have chosen more limited ?targeted? sanctions. Still others such as China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have tried active engagement and cooperation. Despite these efforts, former Czech Republic President V?clav Havel and Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who pressed for action on Burma in the U.N. Security Council, said that the country?s ?troubles are causing serious and possibly permanent problems that go well beyond human rights violations . . . [it] has now become a problem for the region and international community.?1
Creator/author: Robert L. Howse, Jared M. Genser
Source/publisher: HOWSE&GENSER FTP 3_C.DOC
2008-09-19
Date of entry/update: 2010-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Abstract: "Since the 1990 imposition of an arms embargo, the European Union has kept on furthering its sanction policies towards Burma?s military regime in response to its poor record on human rights and authoritarian rule over the country. However, more than a decade after the 1996 EU Common Position on Burma, the European approach to the Burmese conundrum has still failed to achieve its initial objective of facilitating a transition to democracy and of stimulating aid and development in the country. This article seeks to underline the limits of the EU position by highlighting the internal and external obstacles the Europeans have been facing in their policymaking process towards Burma. It is argued that the varied and multiple interests of the 27 EU members; an influential European public opinion favouring an attitude of ostracism; and misunderstandings or miscalculations in appreciating the current state of Burmese affairs have hindered the EU from playing an efficacious role. Moreover these factors also impede its reappraisal." Keywords: Burma - Common position - Engagement - EU foreign policy - Myanmar - Ostracism - Sanctions
Creator/author: Renaud Egreteau
Source/publisher: Springer Netherlands ("East Asia", Volume 27, Number 1 / March, 2010)
2009-09-09
Date of entry/update: 2010-07-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The European Union's Myanmar policy has been paved with good intentions. The intention has been to help establish a legitimate, democratically elected civilian government in Myanmar. This would end repression, violation of fundamental freedoms and lead to prosperity. These are no small objectives and they are all published in the Council Conclusions and Presidency Statements. In addition to this, the personal interest of political leaders and the impact of European advocacy groups have lead to the perception that they are on "the right side of history"... One part of the positively-intended EU policy has been the imposition of sanctions. The existing ar-ray of sanctions are 1) unilaterally imposed as a result of the EU Common Policy; 2) unilaterally imposed by the EU through statutory regulations; and 3) informal sanctions applied by individual EU countries. All EU sanc-tions against Myanmar are autonomous measures, i.e. not endorsed by the UN. Apart from the US and Canada, whose sanctions are similar, there is no state or region that has the same comprehensive sanctions regime as the EU. EU sanctions against Myanmar have been a long line of failures, as most sanctions are. What we see today in Myanmar is not a weakened government and political change, but stronger governmental control of resources and people, and increased interaction with, and influence of primarily China, but also India, Thailand, Russia and other actors, with the marginalization of European inter-action and influence. This was not what the EU sought. An open-minded analysis needs to be made by the EU regarding the continuation of the its sanctions policy..."
Creator/author: Agnes Frittin, Niklas Swanström
Source/publisher: Institute for Security and Development Policy (Sweden)
2010-01-20
Date of entry/update: 2010-02-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Since the Association of Southeast Asian Nations? (Asean) inclusion of Burma in its regional grouping back in July of 1997, the European Union (EU) has cancelled bilateral meetings with Asean because of concerns over the Burmese government?s poor human rights record. But for now, the impasse between the EU and Asean over Burma has passed, and the delayed 13th Asean-EU Meeting is planned to be held in Bangkok..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 6 No. 6
1998-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2009-04-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: La conditionnalit?, de par sa nature essentiellement politique, a souvent ?t? ?tudi?e par des politologues plut?t que par des juristes. Ce constat est attribuable ? l?absence d?une r?glementation juridique internationale relative ? la conditionnalit?, et ? sa mise en oeuvre de nature essentiellement ad hoc, et non syst?matique. Tous les Etats n?appliquent pas la conditionnalit? politique, ni ne l?appliquent-ils tous de mani?re homog?ne; et encore moins y sont-ils tous soumis ?quitablement. La conditionnalit? est toujours subordonn?e ? des exigences g?opolitiques, strat?giques, commerciales et ?conomiques.1 Beaucoup d?arguments peuvent ?tre mobilis?s contre la conditionnalit?: le principe de non ing?rence, la critique du n?ocolonialisme, le relativisme culturel, etc. Toutefois, la n?cessit? de prot?ger et de promouvoir les droits de l?homme peut suffire ? la l?gitimer, pour le moins d?un point de vue conceptuel. D?un point de vue juridique, reste encore ? prouver la l?galit? de cette pratique dans le droit international. L?argument principal ? cet effet r?side dans l?article 2.1. du Pacte International sur les Droits civils et Politiques, ratifi? par la communaut? internationale, lequel sugg?re que tous les Etats parties prennent des initiatives, notamment par l?interm?diaire de l?aide internationale et de la coop?ration, pour parvenir ? la r?alisation compl?te des droits reconnus dans le Pacte.2 La Communaut? europ?enne, au sortir de la Guerre Froide, adopte une nouvelle conception du d?veloppement et de sa mise en oeuvre ; une conception plus lib?rale, et qui engage davantage la responsabilit? des PVD dans le processus de d?veloppement. Dans ce contexte surgit la notion de conditionnalit? politique de l?aide : d?sormais, l?aide est d?livr?e ? condition que les pays r?cipiendaires s?engagent ? respecter les droits fondamentaux et les principes d?mocratiques. L?aide au d?veloppement communautaire n?a pas toujours impliqu? cette notion de m?rite ; nous le verrons dans la premi?re partie. Les bases juridiques sur lesquelles a ?t? con?ue la politique d?aide au d?veloppement communautaire jusque dans les ann?es 1990 datent du Trait? de Rome. Les relations avec les ? pays et territoires d?outre mer ? constituaient ? l??poque une partie substantielle du Trait?, de mani?re ? assurer la p?rennit? des relations entre les m?tropoles europ?ennes et leurs colonies une fois leur ind?pendance acquise. La conception des relations entre les PVD et la CEE a donc ?t? durablement marqu?e par les dispositions du Trait? de Rome. G?ographiquement, cela signifiait des relations z?l?es avec les pays ACP (regroupant, plus ou moins, les ex PTOM ), dans le cadre des Conventions successives de Lom? ; et des relations tardives et modestes avec les PVD non associ?s, selon la terminologie r?v?latrice de la r?glementation communautaire. Politiquement, les Conventions de Lom? r?glaient la coop?ration au d?veloppement communautaire avec les pays ACP sur base d?une relation neutre, sans condition politique ou ?conomique pr?alable. L??chec de cette politique appara?t de plus en plus flagrant apr?s la crise de la dette et l?incapacit? des ?conomies en d?veloppement, surtout des pays ACP, ? s?ins?rer dans le syst?me ?conomique mondial globalis?. A la m?me ?poque, la fin de la Guerre Froide voit les d?mocraties lib?rales occidentales triompher. L?Union Europ?enne est cr??e en 1992 sur base des principes lib?raux d??conomie de march?, de bonne gouvernance, de d?mocratie et de respect des droits de l?homme. D?sormais, ces principes impr?gneront la politique ext?rieure communautaire d?finie dans le cadre de la PESC. Les relations communautaires avec les PVD doivent ?tre revues dans cette optique lib?rale. La nouvelle politique des droits de l?homme va ?tre mise en oeuvre ? travers la conditionnalit? politique de l?aide au d?veloppement. D?sormais, la politique de d?veloppement ne doit plus ?tre consid?r?e de mani?re isol?e mais comme un ?l?ment de la politique ext?rieure communautaire.3 Nous l? observerons, en analysant les relations r?gionales eurasiatiques, dans la deuxi?me partie. Le partenariat avec l?ANASE a une port?e allant de la coop?ration commerciale, ?conomique et politique ? la coop?ration au d?veloppement. Le dialogue intergouvernemental au sein de l?ASEM (qui r?unit les 27 membres de l?UE et 16 pays asiatiques dont la Chine, le Japon, l?Inde, la Cor?e du Sud et les pays membres de l?ANASE ) a aussi un dessein multidimensionnel, confrontant les diff?rentes parties relativement ? leurs politiques ?trang?re, ?conomique et financi?re. Dans la quatri?me partie, nous ?tudierons le cas de la conditionnalit? politique appliqu?e ? la Birmanie, gouvern?e depuis 40 ans par une junte militaire devenue la b?te noire de la communaut? internationale. Depuis 1997, la Birmanie ne b?n?ficie plus de pr?f?rences tarifaires pour ses exportations vers l?UE. Pas plus ne dispose-t-elle aujourd?hui de l?aide communautaire au d?veloppement. Apres une pr?sentation g?n?rale du pays et son histoire contemporaine, nous tenterons d??valuer les effets de la strat?gie communautaire dans le cas birman et l?opportunit? d?appliquer la conditionnalit? politique (et les sanctions qu?elle implique) pour mener un pays ? se r?former et ? se d?velopper.
Creator/author: Louise Culot
Source/publisher: Universit? Libre de Bruxelles
2007-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2007-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Francais, French
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Size: 481.21 KB
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Description: Despite some engagement in 2005, the EU is not softening its stance on Burma.. "Recent EU activities have raised eyebrows among Burmese democracy advocates: the opening of a Burmese embassy in Brussels; the opening of an office in Rangoon of the European Community Humanitarian Office; the visit to Rangoon of an EU mission to unveil an EU Country Strategy Paper for Burma outlining its aid strategy for 2007-13; and the commissioning at the beginning of 2005 of Robert Taylor, dubbed by many a Rangoon regime apologist, to write an EU policy review paper. These events all seem to indicate a relaxing of the EU?s policy towards Burma at a time when the military dictatorship itself seems to be hardening its stand on democracy and human rights. What is happening and what can we expect in 2006? If the ruling junta thinks it can expect an easy time from the EU in 2006, it is sadly mistaken. The EU?s Common Position on Burma has not changed and will not change in the foreseeable future. Unless, and until, the situation of a lack of democracy and human rights in Burma improves, there can be no way to change the Common Position. Even though certain countries like Austria, France, Germany and Italy are sometimes cited as ?friends? of the regime, there is no country in the 25-nation EU which can support the regime?s repressive policies. The Common Position is exactly that. It reflects the consensus view of the EU. Each country stands by it without exception..."
Creator/author: Harn Yawnghwe
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 14, No. 1
2006-01-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Zu Beginn der neunziger Jahre reagierten die EU und die USA auf die 1988 erfolgte Machtübernahme des Militärs in Birma und die Nichtanerkennung des 1990 errungenen Wahlsiegs der Opposition mit der öffentlichen Verurteilung dieses Regimes und einer Reihe wirtschaftlicher und politischer Sanktionen. Die ASEAN-Staaten wie auch UNO-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan setzten hingegen auf eine Strategie des »konstruktiven Engagements«, die durch einen intensiven Dialog mit der Regierung in Rangun den Weg zu politischen Reformen zu ebnen versuchte. Beide Strategien haben bislang nicht zu den beabsichtigten Ergebnissen geführt. Ausgangspunkt dieser Studie ist daher die Frage, welche Faktoren zu jener fast unauflöslich erscheinenden Konfrontation zwischen der Militärregierung einerseits und der birmanischen Opposition sowie den westlich orientierten Staaten andererseits geführt haben und welche Strategie von außen, vor allem von der EU, entwickelt werden sollte, um eine Neugestaltung der politischen Machtverhältnisse und eine Verbesserung der mehr als desolaten Lebensverhältnisse vieler Einwohner Birmas zu erzielen. Die Studie kommt zu dem Schluß, daß die politische und wirtschaftliche Krise Birmas nur durch einen langfristigen und umfassenden Transformationsprozeß bewältigt werden kann, in dem Veränderungen der sozioökonomischen Basis und der politischen Strukturen eng miteinander zu verknüpfen sind. Von Seiten des Auslands - nicht zuletzt der EU - kann und sollte dieser Transformationsprozeß nach Kräften und in den unterschiedlichsten Bereichen gefördert werden. Hierbei müssen positive Anreize und Druck einander nicht ausschließen, sondern es wäre im jeweiligen Einzelfall zu prüfen, ob eine Zusammenarbeit möglich und nützlich erscheint oder aber verweigert werden muß. Ways out of isolation, Burma's national and international reconciliation process, transition and democratisation
Creator/author: Gerhard Will
Source/publisher: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
2003-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2005-07-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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Description: "Sanctions will stay, but aid programs win support... Differences between the European Union and Asian governments over how best to deal with Burma?s military junta may soon be a distant memory. As Asean gets tougher with Burma?s generals, the EU is taking another look at its long-standing policy of isolating Rangoon. Demonstrators protest against the Burma Day meeting EU sanctions against the military rulers will stay in place. But the 25 nation bloc is also working on an unprecedented aid strategy for Burma, including funding for health, education and poverty alleviation projects. The EU?s determination to provide assistance for Burma?s long-suffering population was highlighted at a ?Burma Day? meeting organized in Brussels by the European Commission in early April..."
Creator/author: Shada Islam
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 13, No. 4
2005-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2005-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Table of contents: Foreword; Introduction; 1. European Union?s foreign policy, human rights and economics. 1.1. European Union?s promotion of human rights. 1.2. Legal base of sanctions in the European Union?s foreign policy. 2. Burma/Myanmar?s political history. 2.1. Ethnic composition of Burma/Myanmar. 2.2. Colonial past. 2.3. Post-colonial context. 2.4. The emergence of the Burmese democratic movement. 2.5. Military rule. 3. The European Union?s response. 3.1. Resolutions concerning the junta. 3.2. Aid campaign for up-rooted people and against AIDS? spread. 4. The internationalisation of the Burma/Myanmar?s issue. 4.1. Non-states actors. 4.2. Big powers and neighbours states? positions. 4.3. Intergovernmental institutions. 5. Sanctions in international relations: analysis of the European Union?s strategy. 5.1. Objectives: the choice of targeted or ?smart? sanctions. 5.2. Methods of application. 5.3. Assessment of the sanction?s effectiveness. Conclusion. Bibliography. Acknowledgements. Appendix... Conclusion: "In the light of what have been said, many would have come to think that the European Union policy toward Burma/Myanmar is driven more by a desire to show to the international community that something is being done, than to genuinely address particularity of the Burmese issue. Indeed, the European Union is trading with many countries with questionable human rights records. Few of them are actually sanctioned by the European Union. This could be explained by their relative geo-strategic importance for the European Union, as it is the case for Pakistan for instance. On the contrary, Burma/Myanmar does not bear any particular value of this kind. Thus, it represents an easy means for the European Union to attest its ?pro-active? attitude towards those who violate human rights. Nonetheless, the Burmese democratic movement is pushing for sanctions. Therefore, their interest could match those of the European Union. However, the sanctions implemented are by far too soft to provide and do not provide the strong incentive needed to persuade the junta to give up power. The European Union explains its weak attitude by humanitarian considerations: soft sanctions are thought to spare civilians, already affected by the junta?s mismanagement. However, as the NLD and some organisations, such as the Euro-Burma Office, suggest that the people cannot be affected by tougher economic sanctions, such as the import ban proposed by the US senate. Indeed, the Burmese economy chiefly relies on agriculture, with most of the population living on their own crops. Tourism, commercial and banking sectors that would be affected by economic and financial sanctions are all linked to the junta, if not state-owned. The European Union is well aware of these elements. Therefore, one could argue that the main reason for maintaining soft sanctions is related to trade considerations. We have showed indeed that imports from Burma/Myanmar to the European Union have sharply increased over the past years. Economic imperatives are thus the chief justification for the European Union inconsistent policy toward Rangoon. It clarifies the European Union attitude in the Massachusetts case, and the lack of cooperation with influent international actors, especially the United States. This tendency is particularly regrettable, as cooperation is a key requirement of sanctions? effectiveness. Dealing with Burma/Myanmar democratic process entails more than lips-services. ?Although most pro-sanction policies have a consistent objective in demanding a move towards democratic change, the exact mechanism for attaining these goals is less clear. The objectives of enhancing human rights and democracy are clearly enunciated in the US and EU?s positions but such abstract goals need to be operationalised. In other words, these positions need to be more oriented towards facilitating a focused objective rather than mere signalling of moral disapproval. By establishing a clear operational goal in place, disincentive polices could articulate specific but feasible objectives or benchmarks that signal the regime a clear message of what not to do, how to behave and which to concede.? Conclusively, the European Union policy is lacking of coherence and clarity, as far as the objectives of promoting democracy and human rights in Burma/Myanmar are concerned. The European Union did not shape its policy relatively to the specificity of the Burmese regime, held by a cohesive military elite who have been carried out a stable dictatorship for more than four decades. However, if the real aim of the European Union was to signal its own humanistic behaviour, the consequent instrumentalisation of the Burmese issue is a success. The European Union bears a significant potential of action on the junta, through trade and international bodies? fora. One can therefore hope that the Community is soon going to use its influence with more determination..."
Creator/author: Anais Tamen
Source/publisher: Universite Libre de Bruxelles
2003-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2004-04-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.88 MB
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Description: Executive Summary: The political stalemate in Burma will not be broken until the military regime considers it to be in its own self-interest to commence serious negotiations with the democratic and ethnic forces within the country. This paper outlines how the international community can bring about a political and economic situation which will foster such negotiations. Burma is ruled by a military dictatorship renowned for both oppressing and impoverishing its people, while enriching itself and the foreign businesses that work with it. The regime continues to ignore the 1990 electoral victory of Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. The regime has shown no commitment to three years of UN mediation efforts. It has failed to end the practice of forced labour as required by its ILO treaty obligations and demanded by the International Labour Organization. It continues to persecute Burma?s ethnic peoples. It continues to detain more than 1,350 political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi. Any proposal of a road map to political change in Burma will fail to bring about democracy in this country unless it is formulated and executed in an atmosphere in which fundamental political freedoms are respected, all relevant stakeholders are included and committed to negotiate, a time frame for change is provided, space is provided for necessary mediation, and the restrictive and undemocratic objectives and principles imposed by the military through the National Convention (ensuring continued military control even in a ?civilian” state) are set aside.
Source/publisher: Burma Campaign UK
2004-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2004-03-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 120.04 KB
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Description: Members of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN, knew there would be a price to be paid for admitting Burma in July to full membership of their well-regarded club. But they may not have guessed that they would have been faced with it so soon.
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy", Vol. 5. No. 6
1997-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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