Sanctions

See also the International Labour Organisation (under Labour Rights in Human Rights) and \Debate on Investment in Burma\ under Economy > Foreign Investment
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Description: "On March 4, 2024, the French lawyers William Bourdon and Lily Ravon reported Htoo Htwe Tay Za, also known as Rachel Tayza, to Italian authorities on behalf of Justice For Myanmar, requesting that they investigate her involvement as a shareholder and director of companies that are part of the EU-sanctioned Htoo Group of Companies, and where appropriate, to freeze her assets and to remove her from Italy. Rachel Tayza has continued to reside in Italy and conduct business for the EU-sanctioned Htoo Group of Companies, a crony conglomerate that is owned by her family. Htoo Group is a key node in the Myanmar military’s international network of businesses that provides it with funds, arms and equipment, which aids and abets genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. It does this though its network of more than 60 businesses in Myanmar and Singapore in sectors throughout the economy, including extractive industries. Htoo Group is also sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada. In its reasons for sanctions, the EU noted, “Htoo Group of Companies has acted as an intermediary for the provision of military equipment which was used against civilian populations protesting against the 1 February coup, all across the country and in particular in areas with ethnic minorities.” William Bourdon and Lily Ravon also submitted a dossier to Rachel Tayza’s bank, Banca Nazionale del Lavoro, which is owned by BNP Paribas, urging that they take action under EU sanctions. Rachel Tayza has been residing in Milan, where she recently completed her studies at a fashion school, supported by proceeds from Htoo Group of Companies, according to a Justice For Myanmar investigation. While in Italy, Rachel has continued to hold shares and act as director of at least seven Htoo Group companies, including ones newly formed after the military’s coup attempt, and those in direct business with the Myanmar army. This includes Ayeyarwaddy Resorts and Lodges Company Limited, which has build-operate-transfer contracts with the Myanmar army’s EU-sanctioned Office of the Quarter Master General. One of their projects is for a commercial project on 22 acres of land in Yangon, which provides the military with approximately USD$1.65 million annually under a 50-year contract, according to Myanmar Investment Commission data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets. Other companies Rachel holds shares in and serves as a director from Italy are Pegu Wood Company Limited, a subsidiary of Htoo Capital Company Limited, and One Fibre Company Limited, a subsidiary of Htoo Tech Company Limited, both established after the military’s illegal coup attempt. Rachel was previously a director and shareholder in the now dissolved Myanmar Avia Export Company Limited, a Myanmar military arms broker that supplied Russian military aircraft and spare parts. Rachel was sanctioned by the USA on January 31, 2023 for her active role in Htoo Group of Companies and for being the adult daughter of the Htoo Group Chairperson, Tay Za. Tay Za is sanctioned by the EU, USA, UK and Canada. Rachel’s brothers, Pye Phyo Tay Za and Htoo Htet Tay Za, are sanctioned by the USA, UK and Canada. In addition to providing arms, Htoo Group donated funds to the Myanmar military in 2017 in support of their campaign of genocide against the Rohingya, a fact noted in the EU’s sanctions designation against the conglomerate. Justice For Myanmar urges the EU to impose sanctions on the whole Htoo Group network of companies and individuals, including Rachel Tayza, as well as all other Myanmar junta cronies and arms brokers. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Weak sanctions enforcement by Italian authorities has allowed Rachel Tayza to do business in Italy that funds an illegal and illegitimate military junta. “Rachel Tayza and her family have long aided and abetted the Myanmar military’s endless war crimes and crimes against humanity through Htoo Group of Companies and profited from the bloodshed of Myanmar people. “Rachel Tayza should be held accountable under EU sanctions and Italy needs to ensure that she and no other Myanmar cronies can do their bloodstained business on Italian soil. “The EU and other governments need to do far more to block the junta’s access to funds and arms through more concerted, strategic and coordinated sanctions that cover whole networks of companies, and through far stronger enforcement. “For three years, the people of Myanmar have courageously resisted the military’s failing attempted coup. “Italy and the EU must stand with the people of Myanmar in the struggle to build a new and inclusive Myanmar that respects human rights and guarantees justice and accountability.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2024-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2024-03-08
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Sub-title: Press ASEAN Members to Adopt Similar Measures
Description: "Australia was among a host of countries that imposed fresh sanctions on Myanmar on February 1, the third anniversary of the military coup. The government added five businesses to its list of 16 individuals sanctioned since 2021. Australia has targeted two banks that help fund Myanmar’s junta and its arms purchases, the Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank. The sanctions also target three other entities, Asia Sun Group, Asia Sun Trading Co Ltd, and Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Co Ltd, for their role in supplying jet fuel to the security forces: the same fuel that the military has used to carry out unlawfully indiscriminate airstrikes against civilians. Other governments had already taken action to limit the junta’s access to funding and jet fuel for the military. In June 2023, the United States sanctioned the two banks that Australia is now targeting. Canada has imposed comprehensive sanctions on jet fuel, while the European Union, United Kingdom and United States took steps to target Myanmar entities helping to purchase and supply jet fuel. Until now, Australia has hesitated to impose more sanctions out of concern for its relations with member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). No ASEAN countries have unilaterally sanctioned the junta, and Australia joined with other governments to back the bloc’s ineffectual efforts to get the military to end its abuses. Although Australia may have been slow to realize that targeted sanctions are crucial and need not compromise relations with ASEAN, they can still be effective. The US action against Myanmar’s banks prompted Singapore to cut ties between its Singapore-based United Overseas Bank and corresponding banks in Myanmar. In December, the Myanmar central bank announced it would stop setting foreign exchange rates, suggesting the junta’s inability to access outside currencies. The sanctions are having an impact. When it hosts a special summit with ASEAN members in Melbourne in March, Australia should press bloc members to enforce these sanctions in their own jurisdictions. Stronger measures are still possible: Australia should consider imposing sanctions against companies and individuals in the extractives industries. The Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise and other military-owned mining entities still collect the lion’s share of revenue for the junta. By taking a necessary step to help stop Myanmar military abuses, Australia shouldn’t stop now..."
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Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2024-02-05
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-05
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest sanctions on the illegal Myanmar junta and its business associates, three years after the military launched a coup attempt that has failed because of the courageous mass resistance of Myanmar people. Since the attempted coup, the junta has committed widespread atrocity crimes and grave human rights violations with total impunity, enabled by a network of domestic and international companies. New sanctions targeted the military’s sources of funds and jet fuel. Australia’s second round of sanctions since February 1, 2021 designated Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB), state banks illegally seized by the junta. The banks are key nodes in the military cartel’s economic networks, supporting the junta’s campaign of terror. Australia also targeted three companies that are part of Shoon group (formerly Asia Sun), which is the junta’s main partner in the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel. The Shoon companies designated were Asia Sun Trading Company Limited, Cargo Link Petroleum Company Limited and Asia Sun Group Company Limited. The US sanctioned Shwe Byain Phyu Group of Companies, a crony conglomerate founded by Thein Win Zaw, who is the group’s chairperson. Following the military’s coup attempt, Shwe Byain Phyu bought Telenor Myanmar, renamed ATOM Myanmar, providing the junta with enhanced surveillance capabilities and access to personal data. Justice For Myanmar exposed the business interests of Shwe Byain Phyu Group in 2022. The US also sanctioned Thein Win Zaw, his wife Tin Latt Min, and their adult children, Win Paing Kyaw and Theint Win Htet. In addition, the US sanctioned Myanma Five Star Line Company Limited, a shipping subsidiary of the US-sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited. The UK sanctioned No. 1 Mining Enterprise (ME1) and No. 2 Mining Enterprise (ME2), state-owned enterprises illegally seized by the junta that play a central role in Myanmar’s mining sector. The two mining enterprises illegally channel funds and resources to the junta through production sharing contracts with local and foreign companies. Last year, JFM exposed Greenway Mining Group, a Chinese company that is using British Overseas Territories for its continued business in Myanmar with ME1. The UK also sanctioned Light Infantry Division 77 and Light Infantry Division 101, which are directly responsible for perpetrating international crimes. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “New Australian, UK and US sanctions are necessary to block the junta’s access to funds and jet fuel and come after sustained pressure from civil society. However, far more needs to be done to cut the junta’s access to funds, arms, equipment, technology and jet fuel. “Sanctions continue to be too slow, lack coordination and are not covering whole networks of companies and individuals, leaving too many openings for the junta and its associates to bypass measures. “The slow pace of Australian sanctions in particular is clearly inadequate. Australia should start imposing regular rounds of sanctions, including against the mining sector, in which Australians continue to have a significant presence. “UK, US, EU, Canada and Australia should extend sanctions to the whole network of entities and key individuals in the junta’s natural resources ministry, join the EU in fully sanctioning MOGE, and join Canada in banning the export, sale, supply and shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar. “The people of Myanmar have struggled against a terrorist junta for three years and successfully blocked it from taking control of Myanmar. The fight continues and should be supported by the international community through targeted sanctions, a global arms embargo and a UN Security Council referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. “The Myanmar military cartel must be dismantled.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2024-02-02
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-02
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Description: "Shipping data suggests attempt to evade sanctions in aviation fuel supply chain Direct sales of fuel diminish; instead intermediaries appear to aid purchase of fuel to Myanmar At least seven shipments of aviation fuel to Myanmar in 2023, with direct links to storage unit in Viet Nam 2023 the worst year for air strikes in Myanmar since coup three years ago New evidence suggests Myanmar’s military is using new tactics to import aviation fuel after sanctions were imposed in response to air strikes that have unlawfully killed and injured civilians, Amnesty International said today ahead of the third anniversary of the 2021 coup. Shipping, satellite, trade and customs data analysis by Amnesty shows significant changes to how aviation fuel entered Myanmar over the past year, with the military appearing to use new routes and rely on storage units to obfuscate the origin of the fuel. “After the international community took action on this deadly supply chain, the Myanmar military is ripping a page out of the sanctions evasion playbook to continue importing jet fuel,” said Montse Ferrer, Deputy Regional Director for Research. “Air strikes have killed or injured hundreds of civilians across Myanmar in 2023, and left many feeling nowhere is safe. The best way to stop the Myanmar military from carrying out lethal air strikes is to stop all jet fuel imports into the country.” Multiple buyers and storage units that conceal origin The supply chain of aviation fuel to Myanmar appears to have shifted considerably since sanctions were passed by the UK, the USA, the EU and others last year. Buyers in Myanmar are no longer purchasing fuel directly but apparently relying on multiple purchases and sales of the same fuel to distance themselves from the original supplier of the aviation fuel. Amnesty’s new research uncovers this apparent ruse. The findings show that in 2023, as pressure built on companies and states to suspend shipments of jet fuel to Myanmar in the wake of an Amnesty International investigation into the supply chain, there was a lull in imports between January and March. In April that year, they picked up again, and vessel tracking data, satellite imagery and customs and trade data show that at least six shipments entered the country between April and August in 2023. Then, in August, the US passed its latest round of sanctions on jet fuel, which appears to have led to another lull in imports from September to November, after which Amnesty identified one final jet fuel shipment in December 2023. The seven shipments, adding up to at least 67 kilotonnes of aviation fuel, represent an increase in shipments compared to 2021-2022, year on year. While in 2021-2022 the majority of aviation fuel entered Myanmar as direct sales of fuel shipments – making it much easier to trace the supplier – in 2023, the fuel appears to have been bought and sold more than once, before arriving to Myanmar. Further, the vessels identified by Amnesty picked up the aviation fuel at a storage unit in Viet Nam immediately prior to traveling to Myanmar. “This is significant because storage units make fuel notoriously hard to trace,” explains Ferrer. “A lot can happen at a storage unit – fuel can be blended to mask its origin; sellers can lose track of buyers as fuel changes hands; storage unit owners or managers can claim ignorance once the fuel arrives at rented-out tanks. In addition, the larger a storage unit, the more ships arrive with different types of cargo, making the tracing of goods by external actors virtually impossible. “This could be a way to evade sanctions. Fuel is no longer sold by the supplier directly to a Myanmar – possibly sanctioned – entity, but through one or more intermediaries, while also ensuring that the vessel’s last stop before arrival in Myanmar is a storage unit which cannot be easily linked to the actual fuel supplier.” Viet Nam connection The seven shipments in 2023 loaded aviation fuel at a small storage terminal called Cai Mep Petroleum terminal close to Ho Chi Minh City, Viet Nam, which is operated by local company Hai Linh Co. Ltd. Shipments occurred in April, May, June, July, August and December. Vessel tracking and customs data has made it possible to identify what likely occurred during these shipments. First, the original supplier sold the jet fuel to a trader. That trader would have then off-sold it, once or multiple times, but in all cases, the second-to-last sale of the jet fuel before transfer to Myanmar was from a trader to a Vietnamese company. This Vietnamese company then received the fuel at a storage terminal in Cai Mep managed by Hai Linh. After storing the fuel for anywhere between a few hours to days, that fuel was sold to Myanmar and transported by vessel. Amnesty has identified three shipments to Viet Nam that were immediately preceded by deliveries from recognizable locations. In one case, a shipment of jet fuel in August originated (although having been transported by a different vessel) from the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) terminal in Huizhou, the third-largest national oil company in China. According to vessel tracking data and satellite imagery, two other shipments in April and May onloaded the jet fuel at the Pengerang Independent Terminals, a storage terminal in Malaysia partly owned by Vopak, before arriving in Viet Nam and subsequently travelling to Myanmar (also by a different vessel). Vietnamese customs data has also made it possible to identify the fuel traders that made the second-to-last purchase of jet fuel that transited through Viet Nam. The most prominent of these is BB Energy (Asia) Pte. Ltd., the Singapore branch of privately owned BB Energy, based in Dubai and described as “among the world’s leading independent energy trading companies”, with 30 offices around the world, including one in London. At least three of the seven shipments that transited through Viet Nam before arriving in Myanmar involved BB Energy (Asia). It is unclear whether the trading companies knew the fuel they were selling to Vietnamese companies would soon thereafter end up in Myanmar, or whether their actions could run afoul of existing sanctions. These traders sold the fuel to a Vietnamese company, which then appears to have sold the jet fuel to a Myanmar purchaser. Customs data indicates one of these companies to be Hai Linh Ltd., the company that owns and operates the storage terminal at Cai Mep. Jet fuel offloaded in sanctioned-linked Yangon terminal All seven aviation fuel shipments were offloaded at the former Puma Energy terminal in Thilawa area port, Yangon, Myanmar. Following Puma Energy’s departure from Myanmar in December 2022, it sold its assets and transferred the management of the Thilawa terminal to a joint venture between Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal Co. Ltd. (formerly Asia Sun Aviation) and a state-owned and military controlled entity, MPE. Several Shoon Energy companies – although not the company managing the terminal – have been sanctioned by the UK, the USA, the EU and others for their role in the import and distribution of aviation fuel. “The fact that these shipments are arriving at the same terminal with direct links to sanctioned companies and individuals and to the Myanmar military raises real questions about sanction effectiveness and compliance for those involved in the supply chain,” Ferrer said. Six of the seven Vietnamese shipments were transported by the Chinese-flagged oil tanker HUITONG 78 (IMO 9646479); the remaining shipment was done by Liberian-flagged oil tanker YIDA 8 (IMO 9936941). Amnesty was unable to confirm the current owners of these vessels. Companies’ responsibility and countries’ obligations across entire value chain As outlined in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, companies have a responsibility to seek to prevent or mitigate adverse human rights impacts by conducting human rights due diligence. In conducting such due diligence, international standards establish that companies should assess the entire value chain for human rights risks and harm. In fact, companies can become directly linked to the harm – and in certain cases, liable under sanctions regimes – as a result of the irresponsible usage of the products or services they supply or manage. This includes jet fuel suppliers, fuel traders and storage terminal managers such as BB Energy, CNOOC, Hai Linh, Vopak and others. “We have been told time and time again by companies that they are not responsible for what happens to the products after they sell them; or that they cannot control what happens at the storage terminals they themselves own and operate. However, the reality is that companies *can *know and should know what happens to their entire value chain if they are at all serious about human rights due diligence,” Ferrer said. Under international law, all states have a duty to protect against human rights abuses by all actors, including companies. This means that states must protect individuals and communities from the harmful activities of corporate actors through effective policies, legislation, regulation and adjudication. “The role played here by Viet Nam is particularly problematic. The Cai Mep port is essential for this new supply chain to work – and so the Vietnamese government has an obligation to make sure its ports are not being used for activities linked to human rights violations,” Ferrer said. 2023 worst year for air strikes Myanmar military air strikes continued over the same period, with the UN reporting in September 2023 a significant increase compared to the first year after the coup. In December 2023, Amnesty International documented, among other potential war crimes, the military’s indiscriminate air and ground attacks on Pauktaw town in Rakhine State, as well as its likely use of banned cluster munitions in northern Shan State. Amnesty International also documented how, on 9 October, an air strike followed by mortar fire on a camp for internally displaced persons in Mung Lai Hkye village, Kachin State killed at least 28 civilians including children, and injured at least 57 others. According to media reports, air strikes resulting in civilian deaths also took place in Bago and Sagaing Regions and in Chin, Kayah, Kayin and Mon states. For example on 27 June, air strikes near a monastery in Nyaung Kone village in Sagaing Region killed a monk and at least nine other civilians. On 11 April, in the single deadliest aerial attack since the coup, military aircraft bombed a gathering of people who were inaugurating a new local administrative office in the village of Pa Zyi Gyi, also in Sagaing Region. At least 100 civilians were killed, including 35 children, as well as 18 people aligned with armed opposition groups. The military admitted the attack but claimed that explosives stored at the site where the gathering was taking place were responsible for the scale of the fatalities. “There’s an epidemic of deadly, unlawful air strikes in Myanmar, but the cure is clear. We have to stop jet fuel imports from ending up in the hands of the Myanmar military,” Ferrer said. Background Since the 1 February 2021 coup, air strikes have killed, maimed and displaced civilians across the country, targeting schools, IDP camps and other civilian infrastructure. In response, Amnesty International published Deadly Cargo: Exposing the Supply Chain that Fuels War Crimes in Myanmarin November 2022, which it published in collaboration with Justice for Myanmar. The report revealed how aviation fuel reached the country, how it ended up with the Myanmar military and how it reached bases from which air attacks that constituted war crimes were conducted. In March 2023, Amnesty published updated findings on new shipments. Following evidence linking foreign and domestic companies to the supply of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military, the UK, the USA, Canada, the EU and Switzerland imposed sanctions on companies and individuals in Myanmar and Singapore involved in the procurement and distribution of aviation fuel into Myanmar. In August, the USA extended the reach of potential sanctions, stating that anyone involved in this industry was at risk. All companies named in this press release were contacted for comment with the exception of Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal Co. Ltd, who were contacted by Amnesty International at the time the findings against them were originally published. The only company to respond to Amnesty International for this press release is Royal Vopak who emphasised their respect for human rights and claimed to have no record of a vessel birthing at Pengerang storage terminal on or about the dates we identified. This conflicts with Amnesty’s own evidence..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International
2024-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-31
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Sub-title: UN Security Council Should Impose Global Arms Embargo, Jet Fuel Sanctions
Description: "UN Security Council Should Impose Global Arms Embargo, Jet Fuel Sanctions (Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta has increasingly carried out unlawful airstrikes harming civilians in its military operations against a coalition of opposition and ethnic armed groups, Human Rights Watch said today. Governments that provide transfers or assistance of arms or materiel to the junta forces risk being complicit in war crimes. Three years since the February 1, 2021, coup in Myanmar, the junta’s widespread and systematic abuses against the population – including arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians – amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. In 2023, Human Rights Watch investigations found that the military’s unlawful airstrikes in Sagaing Region and Kachin State were apparent war crimes. “Concerned governments should be doing more to curb the junta’s capacity to commit appalling laws-of-war violations,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “United Nations member countries should urge the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar, including sanctions on jet fuel that facilitates unlawful air attacks on civilians.” The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk said in a statement on January 30 that Myanmar’s deteriorating human rights situation was now in “free fall.” “The people of Myanmar have been suffering for too long,” Türk said. “Since the end of October last year, their situation has deteriorated even further as a result of the long-established tactics of the military to target them.” On October 27, 2023, the Three Brotherhood Alliance – an anti-junta coalition of the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army – began Operation 1027, an offensive that seized Myanmar military outposts in northern Shan State. The offensive also triggered opposition attacks on Myanmar security forces elsewhere in the country. The junta responded to the attacks with military operations that have involved serious violations of the laws of war. Amnesty International determined that junta forces most likely used cluster munitions during attacks on the town of Namkham in Shan State in early December. The use of cluster munitions, large weapons that include dozens of smaller weapons known as submunitions, is inherently indiscriminate and constitutes a war crime. The renewed fighting within weeks displaced about 600,000 people across Myanmar. Humanitarian agencies and local organizations have struggled to respond to the surge in displacement. An unknown number of civilians have been killed and injured in recent airstrikes. An aid worker in Muse township near the China border told Human Rights Watch that his friend fled from Namhkam after his wife was killed in a junta airstrike on December 1, an incident reported by the Shan Human Rights Foundation. “He managed to hide their two children in the bunker when they first heard the sounds of a jet,” the aid worker said. “But his wife was showering as it was morning. … She didn’t make it to the bunker and died right there when the junta dropped the bomb. He was injured too, and luckily the children are safe but now they don’t have a mother.” A spokeswoman from a local ethnic and women’s rights group, the Ta’ang Women’s Organization, said she fled Namhkam township on December 2 after repeated junta airstrikes in her village. “At first, I hid with my family in a dirt bunker we had dug near our home,” she said. “There were so many explosions … it was hard to tell whether it was all the same attack or many planes dropping bombs. The planes came day and night, and they also circled around us repeatedly even if they weren’t dropping bombs.” The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, which reports data on the Myanmar military’s air and drone strikes, found strikes to have substantially increased since early 2022. This data is compiled from media reports and may significantly undercount the military’s total air and drone strikes. Canada, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States have imposed and expanded sanctions since the coup, but sanctions on jet fuel have been inconsistent. Canada is the only country to have imposed comprehensive sanctions on the export, sale, supply or shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar. In 2023, the EU, UK, and US also introduced some sanctions that targeted private actors supplying fuel, arms and funds to Myanmar. However, five British companies are still providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Myanmar. Governments in the region have not sent a clear message to Myanmar’s junta concerning ongoing rights violations, Human Rights Watch said. Laos, as the 2024 chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), should work with other ASEAN member countries to take a more robust approach that pressures the junta to end its abuses and remove restrictions on humanitarian assistance. The European Union, whose foreign ministers will meet with ASEAN foreign ministers on February 2, should urge ASEAN members, in particular Thailand and Singapore, to cooperate in enforcing sanctions in their jurisdictions. The UN Security Council should meaningfully follow up on its December 2022 resolution on Myanmar by imposing an arms embargo, including jet fuel, and refer the country situation to the International Criminal Court. Russia and China, which both abstained from the 2022 resolution, should not block stronger measures by the council. Russia and China have continued to sell weapons to Myanmar’s junta since the 2021 coup, according to the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. “Myanmar’s people have been suffering for years under a junta that shows them no regard,” Pearson said. “A stronger international response is still needed to press for an end to the military’s abuses.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2024-01-30
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-30
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Description: "Australian companies, executives and investors are continuing to operate in Myanmar’s junta-dominated mining sector three years after the military launched a brutal and illegal attempted coup. A new Justice For Myanmar report, Mines Against Humanity, reveals the Australian owned and led companies that are engaged in extraction, exploration and services that provide the junta with revenue, or support the maintenance of a sector that bankrolls junta atrocities. Companies are wrongly treating the illegal junta as if it were the government of Myanmar. The junta is not the legitimate government of Myanmar and has failed to take effective control of Myanmar’s territory because of the sustained and courageous mass resistance of the Myanmar people. The junta has responded with a war of terror through indiscriminate air strikes and shelling, the killing of more than 4,400 people, rape, torture, the arbitrary arrest of more than 25,800, the destruction of whole communities and the displacement of more than 2.3 million. The continued Australian presence in Myanmar’s mining sector is a result of Australia’s failure to impose sanctions on the junta’s sources of funds, and a lack of guidance on Australia’s expectations for responsible business in Myanmar. This report documents 10 company networks that have remained active in Myanmar following the coup attempt and highlights six company networks that are not currently active in the mining sector but remain registered in Myanmar and require monitoring should they resume operations under the junta. These include: Valentis, a sprawling network of companies backed by Australian investors set up by brothers closely connected to the military. Among Valentis’s activities, Justice For Myanmar’s investigation uncovered an apparent visit to a MEC coal project since the coup attempt, the provision of services to a Myanmar arms broker and business links to a militia under junta control. Cornerstone Resources – a company thought to be owned by prominent Australian prospector Mark Creasy, and that has an Australian address, has continued to mine and refine zinc in Shan state following the military’s coup attempt. Justice For Myanmar uncovered transactions with military conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which may breach UK sanctions given its previous registration in the British Virgin Islands at the time of the transactions. The Australian branch of the global consulting firm Knight Piésold is providing environmental services to the China owned Wanbao Mining for copper mines that operate in partnership with military conglomerate Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL). Services were provided as recently as 2023 and it is uncertain whether Knight Piésold is interpreting their contractual obligations consistently with the due diligence exception in the Australian Autonomous Sanctions Act 2011 to avoid breaching the sanctions against MEHL. The Australia-based miner PanAust has maintained its large-scale exploration licences in Sagaing, a region ravaged in the junta’s campaign of terror. By paying fees to the junta, it helps fund its atrocities. Asia Pacific Mining Limited, a company with Australian executives, has been communicating with senior members of the junta to continue and expand its exploration activities under cover of the military’s coup attempt. Even after the coup attempt and amid local opposition, Australian-led company Access Resources Asia has been pushing ahead with gold exploration in eastern Shan state. Australian Laboratory Services (ALS), listed on the Australian Stock Exchange, has maintained its business in Myanmar following the military’s coup attempt and has done mineral testing for Access Resources Asia and junta-controlled universities. Justice For Myanmar calls on Australia to immediately impose sanctions on mining enterprises controlled by the junta; to widen sanctions against the junta’s sources of funds, arms and jet fuel, in coordination with its allies; and to investigate sanctions-busting activity and penalise or prosecute companies and individuals as appropriate. Justice For Myanmar calls on companies operating in Myanmar to follow the laws, policies and guidance of the legitimate federal bodies, including the National Unity Government (NUG), National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), applicable state councils, and relevant Ethnic Resistance Organisations, and to fulfil their responsibilities under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on Responsible Business Conduct, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Business Conduct, the OECD Due Diligence Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk Areas, and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. Under the NUG’s Three-Pillar Framework Guiding Responsible Investment and Continued Operations, companies should avoid all business with the junta and fulfil contractual obligations to the state by paying funds into an escrow account for the lawful and legitimate government of Myanmar. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is unacceptable that three years after the military’s illegal coup attempt, Australia is still failing to take necessary action to block the junta’s sources of funds from mining and other lucrative sectors. “The Myanmar military operates as a cartel that is stealing the wealth of the people of Myanmar on a massive scale to fund its war of terror and enrich war criminals. “Yet, there are Australian companies, executives and investors in the mining sector that are continuing business as usual, financing the illegitimate junta and helping to keep a corrupt and destructive mining sector open for business. “Australia needs to act now to impose sanctions on the junta, its businesses, and cronies, and stop Australians from directly and indirectly providing funds and other forms of support to the junta. “Australian owned and led businesses in Myanmar should follow the laws, policies and guidance of the legitimate federal bodies, including the NUG, NUCC, applicable state councils, and relevant EROs, and fulfil their international human rights responsibilities.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2024-01-30
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-30
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Description: "The United States announced updates to the first business advisory for Myanmar. The supplemental advisory, jointly issued by the Departments of State, Treasury, Commerce, Labor, and Homeland Security, and the Office of the US Trade Representative, includes the identification of additional sectors and activities of concern, notably mining, timber and jet fuel. Businesses, including financial institutions and individuals, are advised to adopt heightened compliance and due diligence measures to reduce risks of exposure to the junta and its enablers. Denisse Rudich, Senior Policy Advisor at The Sentry, said: “Following the publication of the supplemental business advisory by the US Government, banks in the US and abroad, particularly in countries such as in Singapore, Thailand, and the UAE should monitor transactions to stop the flow of funds suspected of being linked to the military junta and carry out enhanced due diligence. They should engage with their correspondent banking networks, taking measures to prevent de-risking and ensure that humanitarian aid organizations, civilians, and essential sectors of the economy maintain unhindered access to the international financial system.” Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “We welcome the supplemental advisory on Burma by the US Government. It complements the continued targeted sanctions policy adopted by the US to constrain and contain the Myanmar junta by restricting access to funds that finance its brutal war on the people of Myanmar. Targeted sanctions will not solve the crisis in the country on their own, but as essential financial tools of pressure, they must be wielded by the US and its like-minded partners in a coordinated manner and against networks of enablers to enhance their effectiveness. In addition to sanctions, the advisory identifies high-risk business sectors that companies will want to stay clear of to prevent their potential complicity in the atrocities of the Myanmar junta. It nevertheless encourages legitimate and responsible trade and investment flows that benefit the Myanmar population.” Yadanar Maung, Justice For Myanmar spokesperson, said: “It is positive that the US is continuing to advise companies in Myanmar to act responsibly and avoid key sectors that provide the junta with funds and resources that it needs to commit atrocities. However, this advice needs to be urgently backed up with more targeted sanctions by the US in coordination with its allies, including Australia, which remains exposed to Myanmar’s mining sector. There still are too many gaps in the sanctions that have been imposed and a large number of businesses and individuals that remain unsanctioned, despite evidence of complicity in the junta’s international crimes.” The first US business advisory on Myanmar, published in January 2022, was issued “to inform individuals, businesses, financial institutions, and other persons — including investors, consultants, and research service providers — of the heightened risks associated with doing business in Burma, and particularly business activity that could benefit the Burmese military regime.” For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected] For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected] About Justice For Myanmar Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering. About The Sentry (Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”) The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts. For more information: www.TheSentry.org..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2024-01-29
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-29
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Sub-title: Like everything else in the nearly three years since the coup, the junta’s air superiority is fading.
Description: "One of the most important setbacks for Myanmar’s military since an opposition alliance launched Operation 1027 last October has been the loss of three different aircraft: two jet trainers and an Mi-17 heavy-lift helicopter. An Mi-35 attack helicopter was also lost in 2023. The Myanmar military should have total air superiority. For the first two years of the conflict, the opposition National Unity Government’s (NUG) best air defense was doxing Air Force pilots – publishing their addresses, as part of an assassination campaign. Gradually, the NUG’s People’s Defense Force militias began to erode the junta’s air superiority by effectively deploying armed drones. Significantly, we’re now seeing Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) begin to deploy air defenses, at a time when the junta has become even more dependent on air attacks. That increased tempo of operations requires more maintenance on overworked airframes. These military junta losses matter for three reasons. First, while not small by regional standards, the Myanmar Air Force (MAF) certainly does not have excess capacity. At the top end, it has some 31 SU-29s and four recently delivered SU-30s from Russia. The recently delivered seven JF-17s multi-role fighters, jointly produced by China and Pakistan, are reportedly already grounded due to cracks in their airframes and other maintenance issues. Airworthiness questions On paper, Myanmar has approximately 40 other jet fighters, but these are old, Chinese-produced knock-off Russian jets from the 1990s. They are well beyond their service life. The MAF is thought to have 20 Nanchang Q-5s, the Chinese version of the MiG-19, down from the 36 it imported from 1994-2001. It also has some 21 Chengdu J-7s, a Chinese produced MiG-21. That’s down from some 60 that it had purchased from 1990-1999. It’s unclear how many of these fighters are still airworthy. Myanmar’s military has relied on its 18 Russian-built Yak-130 trainers for much of its combat operations. Since the February 2021 coup, Myanmar has taken delivery of some six Guizhou JL-9 jet trainers, referred to as FTC-2000G, which have a spotty performance and safety record. The MAF also flies an unknown number of Chinese K-8 trainers that can be used for ground support. Second, we should also assume that given sanctions on the Singapore-based companies that have been the key importers of spare parts, the overall lack of foreign exchange available to the junta, and other supply chain issues, including those caused by Russia’s war in Ukraine, that around 20% of the aircraft are probably not operational. In December 2023, the sanctioned director of Sky Aviator and two others were caught trying to smuggle 508,925 Singapore dollars (US $382,380) in cash out of that city-state. Sky Aviator, which has an office in Singapore, had a large contract to purchase spare parts for the air force. Another sanctioned firm, Sky Royal Hero Company Limited, has the contract for the maintenance and spare parts for servicing the Russian jet fighters. For nearly three years, the MAF has been flying at increased tempos without the scheduled maintenance they require. Airstrikes ramping up The military’s promised counter offensive has not materialized. Over 4,000 troops have surrendered since Operation 1027 began, and well-documented recruitment issues mean the military does not have a sufficient number of troops to launch ground offensives across the multiple battle zones, which has forced them to rely on long range artillery and air strikes. An independent research firm documented 336 airstrikes in December 2023, alone, with nearly half against the Three Brotherhood Alliance, the group of ethnic armies behind Operation 1027.. The loss of one of their 12 already over-taxed heavy lift helicopters is another important setback for the military’s counter-offensive. One of their tactical advantages has been air mobility and resupply, especially given their loss of key roads. Although the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) claims to have shot down the Guizhou JL-9/FTC-2000G on Jan. 17, there is little evidence to support this, Video footage that shows the plane falling from the sky, without smoke or any other sign of hostile fire, indicates likely engine failure. That leads to the third implication: The MAF is losing aircraft to hostile fire. While the military claims that it was a technical malfunction that brought down a K-8 trainer, Karenni forces claim to have shot it down. The KIA claims to have shot down an Mi-17 transport helicopter, killing all six crew members on Jan. 3. Both helicopters and the trainers, especially when they are being used for ground attacks, are vulnerable to small arms fire. Eyes on Beijing But these developments also beg the question: What weapons are being used to down the aircraft? The only ethnic armed group that is known to have shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles (known as MANPADs) is the United Wa State Army (UWSA). Until very recently, the UWSA has sat out the conflict, neither supporting the junta nor joining the NUG. It recently declared its neutrality in the Three Brotherhood Alliance’s Operation 1027, though it did receive two townships from them. Though the UWSA has quietly sold weapons to other ethnic armies and the NUG, it has, to date, refrained from selling MANPADs. Has that changed? And if so, why now? It was long believed that they would not sell the weapons for fear of angering China. So did China approve the transfer, or are the groups now willing to incur Beijing’s wrath? The KIA claims that they shot down the Mi-17 helicopter with a Chinese made FN-6 MANPAD. The transfer of these weapons to the KIA has never been acknowledged, and may indicate a substantial shift in Chinese policy. Even if the Jan. 17 crash was caused by a mechanical failure, the KIA is smart to claim credit for downing the aircraft – if for no other reason than to sow fear amongst the pilots. But what is clear, is that at the same time Myanmar’s military has become even more dependent on air strikes, it’s confronted by international sanctions and cash shortages that have hurt the servicing of their planes. At the same time, opposition forces are now fielding a limited number of surface-to-air missiles. Like everything else in the nearly three years since the coup, the junta’s air superiority is slipping away..."
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2024-01-20
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-20
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Sub-title: UN Security Council Should Impose Sanctions on Military Junta
Description: "(Bangkok) – Myanmar’s military junta in 2023 increasingly carried out unlawful airstrikes against villages with ethnic minorities and anti-coup residents, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2024. The security forces committed mass killings, enforced disappearances, torture, rape and other sexual violence, and arbitrary arrests and detention. “The junta’s increased unlawful airstrikes exemplify the deteriorating human rights situation in Myanmar since the 2021 coup,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Governments should tighten sanctions on the military, and urge the UN Security Council to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar and refer the situation to the International Criminal Court.” In the 740-page World Report 2024, its 34th edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in more than 100 countries. In her introductory essay, Executive Director Tirana Hassan says that 2023 was a consequential year not only for human rights suppression and wartime atrocities but also for selective government outrage and transactional diplomacy that carried profound costs for the rights of those not in on the deal. But she says there were also signs of hope, showing the possibility of a different path, and calls on governments to consistently uphold their human rights obligations. In April, Myanmar’s military used a thermobaric weapon – a fuel-air explosive – in Sagaing Region that killed more than 160 civilians. In October, the military attacked a village hosting hundreds of displaced civilians in Kachin State, killing 28 civilians, including 11 children. And since the February 2021 coup, the military has used domestically produced cluster munitions, which are inherently indiscriminate, in populated areas. The junta blocked desperately needed aid from reaching millions of people in conflict areas, in violation of international humanitarian law. More than two million people have been internally displaced, with many fleeing air and ground attacks multiple times. In October, tens of thousands of people fled clashes between the military and an alliance of ethnic armed groups and anti-junta People’s Defense Forces in northern Shan State. In May, Cyclone Mocha, one of two strongest tropical cyclones ever recorded in the North Indian Ocean, left a trail of destruction affecting nearly eight million people across Chin, Kachin, and Rakhine States, and Sagaing and Magway Regions. Junta authorities refused to authorize travel and visas for aid workers, release urgent supplies from customs and warehouses, or relax onerous and unnecessary restrictions on lifesaving assistance. UN Security Council measures against Myanmar authorities have long been stymied by Russia and China, both of which have veto power. Other governments should find ways to expand their own national sanctions to press the junta to change course, Human Rights Watch said. UN member countries should comply with a UN General Assembly 2021 resolution, which urged governments “to prevent the flow of arms into Myanmar.” Key governments such as the United States expanded sanctions, including on two Myanmar banks used by the junta to purchase weapons and military equipment. In August, the US issued a directive prohibiting financial transactions involving the military-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). But the European Union, US, Canada, and the United Kingdom should better coordinate and enforce their actions while seeking compliance by Singapore, Thailand and other neighbors of Myanmar. The International Criminal Court (ICC) currently has an investigation into crimes related to the 2017 ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya, but it is limited in scope. An ICC referral remains critical to address the full range of atrocity crimes in Myanmar. Separately, the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar continued gathering evidence for future prosecutions. The International Court of Justice is hearing the case on Myanmar’s alleged state responsibility under the Genocide Convention. On November 15, six countries joined the case initiated by Gambia in 2019..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2024-01-11
Date of entry/update: 2024-01-11
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Description: "‍ Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest sanctions on the Myanmar military junta and its associates, as it intensifies its war of terror against the people, and calls on governments to urgently step up and better coordinate sanctions. The latest sanctions come as the junta continues to lose territory and control, almost three years after launching an illegal coup attempt. On December 11, the EU sanctioned the entities Star Sapphire Group of Companies and Royal Shune Lei Company Limited, which are both suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, aiding and abetting its international crimes. Star Sapphire Group of Companies is a crony conglomerate closely associated with the family of Min Aung Hlaing, whose children’s assets were caught in a Thai drug raid against Star Sapphire Group’s founder, Tun Min Latt. Tun Min Latt is currently in custody in Thailand on drug trafficking and money laundering charges. Royal Shune Lei Company Limited is an arms broker for the Myanmar military that has been sanctioned for the first time. Justice For Myanmar previously highlighted its links to the sale of arms and dual use goods from Russia and Serbia. The company may have also brokered the sale of arms from North Korea to the Myanmar military in 2022, according to reports. The EU also sanctioned members of the junta’s State Administration Council, Nyo Saw, Wunna Maung Lwin and Hmu Htan, as well as the commander of the military’s Eastern Command, Hla Moe. Nyo Saw is a major player in the junta’s cartel, having been chairperson of Myanmar Economic Corporation and a member of the junta’s Foreign Exchange Supervision Committee. On December 8, the UK sanctioned Colonel Chit Thu, whose legal name is San Myint, and his associates Saw Min Min Oo and She Zhijiang (also written as She Zhi Jiang). San Myint leads the Karen Border Guard Force, a militia under Myanmar military command in Karen State. Min Min Oo is a colonel in the same militia and plays a key role in the militia’s corrupt business dealings, which include illegal casinos and cyber slavery compounds. She Zhijiang, a Chinese fugitive who obtained Cambodian citizenship, is their business associate and led the Yatai project in Shwe Kokko with the Karen Border Guard Force up until his arrest in Thailand in 2022 after an extradition request by Chinese authorities. All three have been sanctioned for the first time. Also on December 8, Canada for the second time sanctioned the war criminal, Min Aung Hlaing, who is responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, and is leading the military’s coup attempt. He was designated under the country’s Magnitsky Law, the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act. Canada also sanctioned Min Aung Hlaing on February 18, 2021 under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “These latest sanctions are welcome as a further step in blocking the Myanmar military junta’s sources of funds and arms, which it needs to continue its war of terror against the people. “It is also welcome that the UK has sanctioned key individuals in the Karen Border Guard Force network, who, under Myanmar military command, are responsible for grave human rights violations and crimes that include human trafficking, the enslavement of victims in cyber scam compounds, the operation of illegal casinos and money laundering. “The Myanmar military junta is at the apex of these criminal networks, and the threat they pose to the ASEAN region and beyond cannot be eradicated until the Myanmar military cartel is dismantled and there is federal democracy. “However, the pace of sanctions has so far been too slow compared to the unprecedented crisis on the ground. Far more needs to be done urgently to cut the junta’s sources of arms and funds. We call on governments to step up and better coordinate for further sanctions and for justice and accountability.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-12-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Greenway Mining Group Limited, a mining company based in Kunming, China and operating through British Overseas Territories, is expanding its business in Myanmar following the military’s illegal coup attempt, providing revenue to the junta as it widens its campaign of terror. The revelations published by Justice For Myanmar based on the company’s disclosures to the Hong Kong Stock Exchange before its recent delisting, come as the UK lags behind its allies in sanctioning No. 1 Mining Enterprise (ME 1) and No. 1 Mining Enterprise (ME 2), which are under illegal control of the junta. ME 1 and ME 2 have already been sanctioned by the US, EU and Canada. The junta’s minister for natural resources and environmental conservation, Colonel Khin Maung Yi, has also been sanctioned by the US, EU and Canada, while he has yet to be designated in the UK. Greenway Mining Group operates two mines in Shan State, Myanmar. Since the coup attempt, it has been seeking approval from the junta to expand one of its mines and has organised the shipment of minerals to China, in partnership with ME 1. The company, which is incorporated in the Cayman Islands and also operates in the British Virgin Islands, has earned millions of dollars in revenue during the past decade from its lead and silver mines in Myanmar, according to its financial statements. Justice For Myanmar calls on UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron to immediately sanction all key junta entities and individuals in the mining sector, including ME 1, ME 2 and Khin Maung Yi. Justice For Myanmar calls on Greenway to immediately end all business with the junta, in line with its human rights responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on business and human rights. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Greenway Mining is using British Overseas Territories for its business with the illegal Myanmar military junta, supporting ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity committed with total impunity. “Greenway’s business with the junta, conducted via the Cayman Islands and British Virgin Islands, has been enabled by the UK’s slow pace of sanctions on the mining sector, which is a key source of funds for the junta. “As the junta continues to lose ground, it is increasingly relying on indiscriminate air strikes and is desperate for revenue to sustain its war of terror. “The UK and its allies must urgently coordinate to block all of the junta’s sources of arms and revenue, including from the mining sector, and support the people of Myanmar’s struggle for federal democracy.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-12-11
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar Campaign Network (MCN), Justice For Myanmar (JFM), the Australian Coalition for Democracy in Burma (ACDB), and Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (GMSR) commend the decision by the Australian Government to deny visas to the Myanmar football club Shan United. The decision comes after a strong push from the organisations, which cited grave concerns over the club’s associations with individuals and entities connected to the Myanmar military and human rights violations. This action prompted Australia to bar Shan United's entry for their Asian Football Confederation (AFC) Cup match against Sydney team the Macarthur Bulls, initially slated for November 30 in Australia, leading to the match's relocation to a venue in Bangkok. MCN, JFM, ACDB, and GMSR urged Australian ministers to deny visas to Shan United players and officials, raising concerns about the club's owner, Wa Minn Group of Companies, and its sponsor, Kanbawza Group of Companies (KBZ Group). Myanmar Investment Commission data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets shows Wa Minn Group of Companies and its owner, Kun Naung Myint Wai, hold permits for two property development projects in partnership with the Myanmar military: one with Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), a military conglomerate sanctioned by Australia, and one with the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Myanmar Army, which has been sanctioned by the US, UK, EU, and Canada. KBZ Group is a crony conglomerate that donated a total of US$4.7 million to the Myanmar military and the Union Enterprise for Humanitarian Assistance, Resettlement and Development in Rakhine State (UEHRD) during the Rohingya genocide, according to the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The Fact-Finding Mission recommended a criminal investigation against officials of KBZ Group as a result of the donations, stating that they made ‘a substantial and direct contribution to the commission of the crime against humanity of “other inhumane acts”’. MCN and JFM have pressed for sanctions against these companies and related individuals. Myanmar Campaign Network Campaign Manager Tasneem Roc, said, “Australia's denial of visas sends a powerful message that those implicated in human rights violations will not be granted a platform or support. Further sanctions action is needed to show support for the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar.” Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung said, “Australia’s denial of visas to Shan United is welcome but more needs to be done. Australia should urgently impose more targeted sanctions against the illegal junta’s sources of funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel, and catch up with the sanctions already imposed by its allies.” Australian Coalition for Democracy in Burma spokesperson Peter Murphy said, “While we welcome Australia’s decision to ban visas for Shan United players and officials, Football Australia and ultimately FIFA bear a crucial responsibility to uphold human rights within international football. States, entities or individuals found guilty of human rights abuses should be banned.” Global Myanmar Spring Revolution Spokesperson Mon Zin said, “This visa ban marks progress towards justice, but it stirs mixed emotions for us, the youth. We long for a Myanmar free from the junta's oppression, with opportunities for all. We imagined celebrating our soccer stars in Sydney, a moment of pride. However until the world opposes the junta's cruelty, our hopes remain unfulfilled. Let this ban resound as a call for justice, fuelling our unwavering struggle for a liberated Myanmar!”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-12-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-12-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "29 November 2023: The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M) congratulates the Australian Government for its decision to deny entry visas to the players and officials of Shan United football team, owned by Kun Naung Myint Wai – a crony with deep ties to the illegal Myanmar military junta. Kun Naung Myint Wai is also the chairman of Wa Minn Corporation, which has business links with the Myanmar military’s “ministry of defence.” Kun Naung Myint Wai has alleged connections with Myanmar military-controlled conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which generates vast revenues for the Myanmar military that it uses to fund grave human rights violations against civilians. In February, Australia imposed financial sanctions on MEC. The decision to bar entry to Shan United football club, which came ahead of its scheduled football match against Sydney-based Macarthur FC in Australia, is a modest but welcome step by the Australian Government to hold accountable those who benefit from their association with Myanmar’s criminal military. SAC-M urges the Australian Government to build on this positive step by taking more meaningful action to hold the Myanmar military accountable. Australia must now follow like-minded democracies, including the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and the European Union, by imposing further targeted financial sanctions on the Myanmar military, its generals, affiliated entities and cronies..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2023-11-29
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "REDRESS, Justice For Myanmar and the Australian Centre for International Justice have submitted a dossier of evidence to the Governor of the British Virgin Islands and the UK’s Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation, requesting that they open investigations into the formerly British Virgin Islands-incorporated entity Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar) Limited alleged violations of UK sanctions. The dossier contains research and evidence from Justice For Myanmar into Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar) Limited’s business, including leaked financial statements that show transactions with the military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC). The transactions, which consist of the sale of zinc to MEC and the purchase of coal from MEC, total 1,971,236,483 Myanmar kyat (more than £770,000 or AU$1.33m) between October 2021 and August 2022, and follow the UK’s sanctioning of MEC on April 1, 2021, under the UK’s Global Human Rights Sanctions Regulations 2020, which are in force in the British Virgin Islands. The dossier urges that, should penalties be imposed through enforcement action, the funds are re-directed to victims as reparations for the abuses they suffered from the Myanmar military. Such financial compensation could serve to provide interim relief to victims, allowing them to rebuild their lives and gain access to healthcare and other social services. Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar) Limited’s main business is zinc mining and processing in Myanmar’s Shan State. It began operating in Myanmar in 1999, under the previous military junta, and has a production sharing contract with Mining Enterprise No. 1 (ME 1), a state-owned enterprise that is illegally under junta control. ME 1 has not been sanctioned by the UK or Australia, despite calls in Australia and the UK for sanctions. The company’s Myanmar business was owned by its British Virgin Islands’ parent company until it was struck off its Register of Companies in November 2022. Due to restrictions on accessing information on this and Myanmar corporate registries, it has not been possible to confirm the identity of the current directors and shareholders of Cornerstone Resources (Myanmar). The company has had an Australian director, Australian shareholders and used an Australian address for its business. Rupert Skilbeck, Director of REDRESS, said: "The UK’s enforcement agencies can impose significant financial penalties for violations of UK sanctions, which could be used to provide reparations to victims of the crimes sanctions seek to prevent. Yet, to date, the UK has been extremely slow at enforcing sanctions and any fines imposed have been directed to the Treasury for other uses. “It is crucial that the UK government rigorously enforces its sanctions, both in the UK and in its overseas territories, to ensure they effectively deter serious human rights violations, and are used to make funds available to victims." Yadanar Maung, Justice for Myanmar’s spokesperson, said: “Cornerstone Resources’ substantial business with Myanmar Economic Corporation, in apparent breach of UK sanctions, supports a corrupt conglomerate that enriches a murderous military and its war criminal leadership. Cornerstone’s ongoing business in Myanmar have been enabled by Australia’s failure to sanction mining enterprises that are illegally controlled by the junta, and which help finance its ongoing atrocities against the people. Australia needs to stop making excuses and sanction the junta’s sources of funds and arms, including state-owned enterprises. “The UK should urgently sanction junta-controlled mining enterprises to prevent companies registered in the UK and its overseas territories from financing the junta’s international crimes.” Melissa Chen, Senior Lawyer, Australian Centre for International Justice, said: "The imposition of sanctions against individuals and entities who support Myanmar’s illegal military junta is only one step towards accountability. “To have real impact, these sanctions must be effectively enforced in order to cut off the junta’s financing and deter those responsible for the devastating human rights violations and atrocity crimes that continue to be perpetrated in Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-11-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 179.59 KB
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of targeted sanctions imposed against the illegal Myanmar military junta, its cronies and arms brokers, coordinated between Canada, the UK and USA. The sanctions, announced on October 31, 2023, were significant in targeting the junta’s sources of funds, arms, equipment, and jet fuel, but more sanctions and better coordination are needed to disrupt the junta’s ability to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar. Priorities include full sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), sanctions on junta-controlled mining enterprises, a ban on the sale of jet fuel to Myanmar, action against banks that the junta uses to channel funds and purchase arms, and coordinated sanctions against whole networks of junta cronies and arms dealers. Details of sanctions targets are on the Justice For Myanmar website. We remain dismayed at the lack of action by Australia, Japan, New Zealand, Singapore and South Korea to impose sanctions in response to the military’s coup attempt and ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity, and urge these countries to act now. Many of the latest sanctions targets maintain business links to Singapore. We call on the Singaporean government to do more to block the junta’s access to funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel. Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, more than 4,100 people have been killed by the junta and over 25,000 arrested. In the face of mass, nationwide resistance to its coup attempt by the people of Myanmar, the junta has intensified indiscriminate aerial attacks, shelling, mass arbitrary arrests, torture, rape, the destruction of whole communities and forced displacement. International action needs to be ramped up urgently to stop the junta’s atrocities and support the Myanmar people’s struggle for federal democracy. Sanctions imposed this week that target the junta’s sources of funds, arms, equipment and jet fuel, along with previous designations that remain in force, include: Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE): A state-owned enterprise illegally controlled by the junta and targeted by the USA for the first time with a directive against the direct and indirect provision of financial services, which will go into force on December 15. This follows a sustained campaign by Myanmar people, civil society and allies. The financial services directive is an important step to disrupt the flow of funds to the junta but falls short of full sanctions that would freeze MOGE’s assets and block all trade with the junta-controlled state-owned enterprise. MOGE was previously sanctioned by the EU. Mining Enterprise No. 1 (ME1) and Mining Enterprise No. 2 (ME2): State-owned enterprises illegally controlled by the junta and sanctioned by Canada. ME1 and ME2 monopolise the mining sector, receive a share of revenue from private mining companies, and funnel large amounts of revenue to the junta. ME1 and ME2 were previously sanctioned by the USA and EU. International Group of Entrepreneur Services Company Limited (IGE): A crony company sanctioned by the UK for its business with the Myanmar military, which is a subsidiary of International Group of Entrepreneur Company Limited. IGE Group is a crony conglomerate led by Ne Aung, the son of former junta minister Aung Thaung and brother of junta navy chief Moe Aung. IGE has deep business links with the military, including through the Lotte Hotel, developed on land leased from the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Myanmar Army, as reported by Justice For Myanmar. IGE Group has at least three companies that remain registered in Singapore: IGE Pte Ltd, UNOG Pte Ltd and IPL Pte Ltd. International Group of Entrepreneur Company Limited was previously sanctioned by the EU. Shwe Byain Phyu Group and Thein Win Zaw: Shwe Byain Phyu Group is a crony conglomerate founded by Thein Win Zaw, who is the group’s chairperson. Both were sanctioned by Canada. Shwe Byain Phyu bought Telenor Myanmar, renamed ATOM Myanmar, providing the junta with enhanced surveillance capabilities and access to personal data. Justice For Myanmar has exposed the business interests of Shwe Byain Phyu Group and Thein Win Zaw. Shwe Byain Phyu has a company in Singapore, Investcom Pte Ltd, which remains registered. Shwe Byain Phyu Group and Thein Win Zaw have been sanctioned for the first time. Star Sapphire Group of Companies, Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, Tun Min Latt and Win Min Soe: All sanctioned by Canada, the group has multiple businesses that generate funds for the Myanmar military, including a casino, a hotel and mining. Star Sapphire Group of Companies and its subsidiary, Star Sapphire Trading, has been a key supplier of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military from Israel and China in particular. The group is owned by Tun Min Latt and Win Min Soe, who are a married couple and are close associates of junta head Min Aung Hlaing and his children. Tun Min Latt is in custody in Thailand on drug trafficking and money laundering charges. Star Sapphire Group’s business with the Myanmar military and links with Min Aung Hlaing’s family have been exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Star Sapphire group has a company in Singapore, Star Sapphire Group Pte Ltd, which remains registered. Star Sapphire Group of Companies and Tun Min Latt were previously sanctioned by the UK and USA. The USA also previously sanctioned Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited and Win Min Soe. Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Company Limited and Khin Phyu Win: Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics (formerly Cargo Link Pongrawe Logistics Company Limited), sanctioned by Canada, is part of the Shoon group of companies (formerly Asia Sun). Shoon group is the junta’s main partner in the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel. The group is led by Khin Phyu Win, also sanctioned by Canada. Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics is the junta’s main transporter of jet fuel to military bases and airports across Myanmar. The role of Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics and Khin Phyu Win in supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military has been exposed by Amnesty International and Justice For Myanmar. Shoon group has three companies that remain registered in Singapore: Shoon Energy Pte Ltd, P.E.I. Energy Pte Ltd and PEIA Pte Ltd. Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics was previously sanctioned by the US, and its parent company, Cargo Link Company Limited, was previously sanctioned by the UK. Khin Phyu Win was previously sanctioned by the USA and UK. Canada continues to lead in measures to stop the junta’s access to jet fuel, which it needs to continue to carry out indiscriminate airstrikes. On October 31, Canada expanded its ban on the sale of jet fuel to include a prohibition on shipping insurance for the transport of jet fuel to Myanmar. Sky Aviator Company Limited, Heli Eagle Company Limited, Sky Royal Hero Limited, Kyaw Min Oo and Myo Min Oo: Major suppliers of aviation equipment to the Myanmar military and all sanctioned by Canada, Sky Aviator is owned by Kyaw Min Oo and the linked company, Heli Eagle, is owned by Myo Min Oo, who is his brother, according to Justice For Myanmar sources. Kyaw Min Oo was also sanctioned by the UK. Since the illegal coup attempt, Sky Aviator has procured equipment from Russia and Ukraine, including YAK-130 support equipment, engines and parts. The Yak-130 is increasingly deployed by the military within populated areas, including in the catastrophic indiscriminate bombing of Pazigyi village, Kantabulu township, Sagaing Region, killing at least 168 people, including children, in the deadliest airstrike since the military’s attempted coup. Sky Aviator’s business with the Myanmar military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. Heli Eagle and Sky Royal Hero have supplied equipment to the Myanmar military following the coup attempt, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Sky Aviator and Heli Eagle are both registered suppliers of the Myanmar military’s Directorate of Procurement and share phone numbers and an email address. According to the UN Special Rapporteur, Sky Royal Hero has a trading relationship with Sky Aviator. Sky Aviator was previously sanctioned by the EU, UK and USA. Kyaw Min Oo was previously sanctioned by the USA and EU. Heli Eagle, Sky Royal Hero and Myo Min Oo have been sanctioned for the first time. Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited and Naing Htut Aung: Myanmar New Era Trading is a significant supplier of aircraft parts for the Myanmar military from Russia that was sanctioned by Canada. Import data confirms the company’s procurement for the military of parts for Mi-17 (Mi-8M) helicopters from Russia between 2017 and 2020. The Mi- 17 helicopter is frequently used by the junta in its commission of war crimes, including in the 16 September 2022 attack on Let Yet Kone village when the junta indiscriminately bombed a school and a monastery. Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited is part of the network of International Gateways Group, a major arms broker led by Naing Htut Aung, who was also sanctioned by Canada. Myanmar New Era Trading and the International Gateways Group network has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. There are at least two companies in Naing Htut Aung’s network that remain registered in Singapore: Global Polytech Resources Pte Ltd and Xinshidai Company Pte. Ltd. Myanmar New Era Trading was previously sanctioned by the UK. Naing Htut Aung was previously sanctioned by the USA and EU. Miya Win International: A private arms broker and sanctioned by Canada, Miya Win International has procured unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and parts from Austria’s Schiebel Corporation, including after the military’s coup attempt. In addition, Miya Win International has played a key role in the military’s deal with the Austrian company Diamond Aircraft Industries, a Chinese-owned company with a facility in Canada, to set up local assembly and production of DART-450 aerial reconnaissance aircraft in Myanmar. Evidence of Miya Win International’s business with Schiebel Corporation and Diamond Aircraft Industries has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Miya Win International was previously sanctioned by the UK. Creative Exploration Limited: An arms broker sanctioned by Canada that has imported fuses from India to the Myanmar military, including since the attempted coup, which has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Creative Exploration was formerly known as My Space or mySpace. The company has also imported digital forensics technology from the USA. Creative Exploration Limited has been sanctioned for the first time. ‍ Life and Challenge Company Limited: A supplier of technology, equipment and training to the Myanmar military and its police that was sanctioned by Canada. In 2018, Life and Challenge was awarded a contract to design and deliver a radar capability development program for the Myanmar military. Life and Challenge’s business with the military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Life and Challenge has a company in Singapore, LANC Pte Ltd, which remains registered. Life and Challenge has been sanctioned for the first time. Synpex Shwe Company Limited: An arms broker sanctioned by Canada, the company has procured material from Russia for the Myanmar Air Force following the military’s coup attempt, and is also a supplier of raw materials for the military’s domestic arms manufacturing industry. Synpex Shwe’s involvement in the supply of arms to the Myanmar military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Synpex Shwe has a company in Singapore, Synergy Tripexin Pte Lte, which remains registered. Synpex Shwe was previously sanctioned by the UK. Suntac Group of Companies, Suntac Technologies Company Limited, Suntac International Trading Company Limited and Sit Taing Aung: Suntac Group of Companies was sanctioned by Canada, while Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limited were sanctioned by the USA for supplying equipment to the Myanmar military. Suntac Group of Companies is owned by Sit Taing Aung, who was also sanctioned by the UK. Sit Taing Aung is Mexico’s Honorary Consul to Myanmar. Sit Taing Aung and Suntac’s involvement in the procurement of aircraft parts has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, and Suntac’s involvement in the military’s arms manufacturing industry has been exposed by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar. Sit Taing Aung was previously sanctioned by the USA, Canada and EU. Mottama Holdings Limited and Min Dhama Steel Structures Limited: Mottama Holdings is a crony conglomerate and, together with its subsidiary, Min Dhama Steel Structures, was sanctioned by Canada. The companies supply the Myanmar military’s domestic arms industry with raw materials and machinery, as exposed by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar and the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Evidence received by Justice For Myanmar reveals the involvement of Min Dhama Steel Structures in importing steel for the construction of the so-called Honorary Hall of the Residence of the State Administration Council. Mottama Holdings and Min Dhama Steel Structures have been sanctioned for the first time. Bhone Min Myat Company Limited and Ever Meter Company Limited: The two companies sanctioned by Canada are used by the military conglomerate Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) to evade international sanctions, according to reporting by Myanmar Now. Bhone Min Myat was established after the military’s coup attempt, reportedly as a front for the MEHL subsidiary, Myawaddy Trading, and has been used to import fuel and palm oil. Ever Meter Company Limited, part of Same Sky Group of Companies, is an MEHL partner that it has used as a front for payments, according to the UN Special Rapporteur on Myanmar. Ever Meter has been a long-time supplier of electricity meters for MEHL. Bhone Min Myat and Ever Meter have been sanctioned for the first time. Pye Phyo Tay Za and Htoo Htet Tay Za: The two sons of Tay Za were sanctioned by the UK for their involvement in Htoo Group of Companies, which has multiple businesses with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates. Htoo Htet Tay Za was also sanctioned by Canada, which had previously sanctioned Pye Phyo Tay Za. Htoo Group’s business with the Myanmar military and the role of Pye Phyo Tay Za and Htoo Htet Tay Za have been detailed by Justice For Myanmar. The two brothers were also previously sanctioned by the USA. Myo Thitsar: A director of the Myanmar military arms broker, Dynasty International Company Limited, who has been sanctioned by the UK. Dynasty International is a major arms broker of the Myanmar military from Belarus in particular. Among other dirty deals, the company has imported spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters. The company is led by Aung Moe Myint, who is the Honorary Consul of Belarus to Myanmar. Dynasty International’s business with the Myanmar military has been exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Dynasty International has a company in Singapore, Dynasty Excellency Pte Ltd, which remains registered. Myo Thitsar was previously sanctioned by the USA and Canada..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Stronger Enforcement Needed to Stem Funding of Abusive Military
Description: "The United States government has imposed a ban on financial transactions involving the Myanmar state-owned oil company, the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), in a long overdue move aimed at stanching the junta’s atrocities. MOGE’s natural gas projects generate over US$1 billion annually for the Myanmar junta, its single largest source of foreign revenue. Since the February 2021 coup, that flow of funding has underwritten crimes against humanity and war crimes carried out by the junta across the country. Unlike other junta-controlled entities that the US has sanctioned since the coup, MOGE wasn’t added to the Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list, which blocks trade, assets, and access to the US banking system. Instead, the US Treasury Department issued a directive prohibiting persons and companies under the jurisdiction of the US from directly or indirectly providing financial services to MOGE, including deposits, transfers, loans, insurance, investments, foreign exchange, and other services. The ban goes into effect on December 15. “Through the issuance of a financial services directive against MOGE, the United States seeks to disrupt the regime’s access to the US financial system and curtail its ability to perpetrate atrocities,” Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in an October 31 statement. This sanctions action belatedly follows the European Union’s sanctioning of MOGE in February 2022, which led the Bank of China to advise operators of the Shwe gas field in the Bay of Bengal that it would no longer handle payments in euros to MOGE, reportedly moving the funds to escrow accounts. Chevron, MOGE’s only US partner, announced in February it was selling its 41.1 percent stake in the country’s Yadana gas project to the Canadian firm MTI Energy. Lax enforcement of the existing sanctions regime has sustained the junta’s flow of weapons and funds, enabling its escalating brutality against Myanmar’s civilian population. Airstrikes in some regions have increased more than 300 percent in the past year. The US also announced additional sanctions on five individuals and three entities involved in the junta’s abuses, in coordination with Canada and the United Kingdom, a positive step. Broad coordination and rigorous enforcement of sanctions are crucial for raising economic costs that the junta can’t ignore..."
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Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-01
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Description: "In a coordinated action yesterday, the United States, UK, and Canada each announced an array of new Myanmar sanctions. The sanctions include restrictions by the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) on transactions with the state-owned Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), as well as designations on entities and individuals connected to Myanmar’s military junta. Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “We welcome the adoption by the US Treasury Department of additional sanctions that restrict the Myanmar military's access to funds and equipment it uses to conduct a brutal war against its people. The MOGE Financial Services Directive is especially significant as it will hinder substantial flows of foreign exchange earnings from reaching the military's coffers. Coordinated sanctions on networks of arms dealers that enable the military's war effort are also a positive development. We call on the US to continue its efforts in coordination with like-minded partners to use financial tools of pressure to weaken the military and ensure that the Myanmar people prevail." Yadanar Maung, Justice For Myanmar spokesperson, said: "The US Financial Services directive against MOGE is a welcome step to disrupt the single biggest source of foreign revenue to the junta. This comes after a sustained campaign from Myanmar people and allies for action against MOGE. The US should continue to target the junta’s sources of funds through full sanctions on MOGE that would freeze its assets and block all trade with it, including from the international oilfield service companies that are supporting the maintenance and expansion of gas fields which finance atrocities. Moreover, it is positive to see increased coordination between Canada, the UK and US targeting the junta, its cronies and arms brokers. As the junta continues to wage a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, it is crucial that governments ratchet up sanctions to block the junta’s access to funds, arms, and jet fuel.” For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected] For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected] About Justice For Myanmar Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering. ‍‍One report at a time, Justice For Myanmar is going after the military’s sources of funds and arms. As a result of its work and the work of many others across Myanmar and the world, multinational corporations have already divested hundreds of millions of dollars from business with the military, and targeted sanctions are beginning to disrupt the Myanmar military cartel’s global network. About The Sentry (Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”) The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-11-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-11-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "News release October 31, 2023 - Ottawa, Canada - Global Affairs Canada The Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced that Canada, in coordination with the United Kingdom and the United States, is imposing sanctions against 39 individuals and 22 entities under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations in response to the February 1, 2021, military coup d’état that saw Myanmar’s democratically elected government overthrown by a military regime. These additional measures come as part of a broader strategy seeking to exert coordinated, sequenced and targeted pressure on the Myanmar military regime while mitigating adverse impacts on civilians. Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States unequivocally condemn the military coup d’état against the democratically elected government of Myanmar and support the aspirations of the Myanmar people to a peaceful, inclusive and democratic future. Today’s announcement builds on previous sanctions and diplomatic efforts to end the sale and transfer of arms to the military regime. It comes in response to the regime’s ongoing and worsening aerial attacks, including against civilians and civilian infrastructure, as well as mass arson, the razing of villages, arbitrary detentions, executions, torture, mutilations, and mass killings of civilians, all of which have deepened the interlinked humanitarian, political and economic crises in Myanmar. The collective actions taken by Canada and its allies aim to maximize concerted pressure on the regime to reverse course and limit its access to key resources and revenue to fuel its violence. The sanctioned individuals and entities have been identified as performing key functions on behalf of the military regime, supplying weapons, resources and revenue, and those that are responsible for democratic reversals. Canada is also expanding its prohibition on the sale of aviation fuel to include a ban on the provision of shipping insurance for the transportation of aviation fuel to Myanmar. Canada remains committed to ending impunity and to holding the Myanmar regime accountable for serious violations of international law, including against the Rohingya people. Canada reiterates its support for the people of Myanmar and their aspirations to an inclusive and democratic society and continues to call for the immediate end of violence, the release of detainees and immediate and unrestricted humanitarian access to the region. Collectively, the international community must continue to employ all diplomatic tools at its disposal to address the worsening situation in Myanmar, as well as its regional implications..."
Source/publisher: Government of Canada
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-31
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Description: "U.S. Takes Coordinated Action with Canada and the United Kingdom WASHINGTON – Today, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) published a new directive that prohibits certain financial services by U.S. persons to or for the benefit of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). This sanctions action against MOGE seeks to degrade the regime’s ability to purchase weapons to carry out atrocities against the people of Burma. Additionally, OFAC designated three entities and five individuals connected to Burma’s military regime pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014. These actions are occurring in alignment with designations by both the United Kingdom and Canada. Since the military coup in 2021, Burma’s military regime has repeatedly harmed civilians in air strikes, suppressed pro-democracy movements, destroyed homes and infrastructure, and displaced millions of people, among other appalling acts. The sanctions announced today target companies and individuals, including government officials and military cronies, who perpetuate or facilitate the brutal violence in Burma. The military regime officials and supporters that Treasury is designating today have also been, designated by at least the United Kingdom, Canada, or the European Union. These actions are a part of the ongoing, unified strategy of the United States and our partners to combat the Burma military regime’s atrocities. “Today’s action, taken in coordination with Canada and the United Kingdom, maintains our collective pressure on Burma’s military and denies the regime access to arms and supplies necessary to commit its violent acts,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “Collectively, we remain committed to degrading the regime’s evasion tactics and continuing to hold the regime accountable for its violence.” FINANCIAL SERVICES DIRECTIVE Today, OFAC is issuing Directive 1 under E.O. 14014, “Prohibitions Related to Financial Services to or for the Benefit of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise” (the “MOGE Financial Services Directive”), which prohibits U.S. persons from the provision, exportation, or re-exportation, directly or indirectly, of financial services to or for the benefit of MOGE or its property or interests in property. These prohibitions will take effect on December 15, 2023. MOGE is a Burmese state-owned enterprise involved in the extraction, production, and distribution of oil and gas in Burma and administers large offshore oil and gas fields through lucrative joint ventures with foreign entities. MOGE was previously designated by the European Union on February 21, 2022, and remains the largest single source of foreign revenue for Burma’s military regime, providing hundreds of millions of dollars each year. OFAC’s action today builds on previous designation actions against MOGE leadership and seeks to further restrict the regime’s access to U.S. dollars, which it uses to procure weapons and other equipment from abroad. This action will limit the regime’s ability to carry out violent attacks against its own citizens. For more information about the MOGE Financial Services Directive, click here. SUPPORTERS OF BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME Today’s action targets three entities who have assisted the military regime in its continued importation of arms, dual-use goods, and other materials, including from sanctioned entities in Russia and other countries. Since the coup, the total value of imports by the Burmese military is estimated to exceed $1 billion. These imports have facilitated the military regime’s ongoing brutality against on the people of Burma. OFAC’s actions today further align our measures with partners and allies to disrupt the regime’s military supply chain, complicate its ability to maintain and repair its weapons, and reduce the regime’s access to imported arms and materiel. Sky Royal Hero Company Limited is a Burmese entity which contracted repair work from sanctioned Russian entities and has a known relationship with the Burmese defense procurement company, Sky Aviator Company Limited. Sky Aviator Company Limited was designated by OFAC on November 8, 2022 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Sky Royal Hero Company Limited is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limited are both part of Sit Taing Aung’s Suntac Group of Companies. Sit Taing Aung, who has close ties to the Burmese military, uses his companies to supply equipment and material to the army, and was designated by OFAC on March 25, 2022, for operating in the defense sector of the Burmese economy. Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limitedare being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being owned or controlled by, or acting for or purporting to act for or on behalf of, directly or indirectly, Sit Taing Aung. Sky Royal Hero Company Limited, Suntac Technologies Company Limited and Suntac International Trading Company Limited are also concurrently being designated by Canada today. BURMA REGIME OFFICIALS Following the February 2021 coup, the Burma military regime appointed new officials and officers throughout the government. In their roles, these individuals and others constitute part of the military regime that seized power and overthrew democratically elected leaders in Burma. Today’s action targets five such military regime appointed officials and officers. Charlie Than was appointed as the Union Minister of the Ministry of Industry in May 2021. Kan Zaw has been the Union Minister of the Ministry of Investment and Foreign Economic Relations since August 2022. Swe Swe Aung was appointed as the Director General of the Prosecution of Department, Ministry of Legal affairs on March 31, 2022. Zaw Min was appointed as the Director General of the Prison Department, Ministry of Home affairs on February 4, 2021. Under his leadership, detainees in Burma’s prisons have been subject to torture, beating, and other inhumane treatment. All four of these individuals were appointed directly by Min Aung Hlaing’s State Administration Council and have been sanctioned by the European Union. Charlie Than, Kan Zaw, Swe Swe Aung, and Zaw Min are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021. Additionally, Maung Maung Aye has been the Chief of General Staff for the Burmese Army, Navy, and Air Force since February 2021. In this role, he holds the third most senior position in the Burmese military. Maung Maung Aye is being sanctioned by Canada today and has been sanctioned by the European Union. Maung Maung Aye is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a leader or official of the military or security forces of Burma, or successor entity to any of the foregoing. SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS As a result of today’s designations pursuant to E.O. 14014, all property and interests in property of the three entities and five individuals named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked. Separately, on or after December 15, U.S. persons are prohibited from providing, exporting, or reexporting, directly or indirectly, financial services to or for the benefit of MOGE or its property or interests in property. Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person. The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons (SDN) List but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law. The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish but to bring about a positive change in behavior..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Department of the Treasury
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The UK, US and Canada have coordinated new sanctions on Myanmar military financiers and arms dealers.
Description: "UK, US and Canada announce further round of sanctions to maximise pressure on the Myanmar military regime sanctions target arms dealers responsible for the supply of restricted goods to the security forces, as well as financiers of the military UK reiterates calls for accountability and a return to democracy and freedom in Myanmar The UK, US and Canada are today (31 October) announcing further sanctions on arms dealers and financiers of the Myanmar military responsible for the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar. The latest round of UK sanctions are against 5 individuals and one entity involved either in providing financial services to the regime or the supply of restricted goods including aircraft parts. Today’s sanctions package comes as part of the UK’s concerted efforts with international partners to restrict the sale and transfer of arms and finance in response to ongoing and worsening aerial attacks, including against civilians in Myanmar. In 2022, alone there were over 600 reported airstrikes perpetrated by the Myanmar military. Since the coup in February 2021, at least 3,857 have been killed by the military, and at least 1.2 million have had to flee their homes due to violence, according to the United Nations Human Rights Office. The announcement follows a report from UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews, which called for further coordinated sanctions to prevent arms dealers bypassing restrictions. Minister for the Indo-Pacific, Anne-Marie Trevelyan, said: The UK unequivocally condemns the regime’s brutal campaign against the Myanmar people. Together with our international partners, we are closing the net on Myanmar arms dealers and the Myanmar military’s financiers with new sanctions that will aim to limit their access to key resources and revenue to prevent further such attacks. The UK will continue to call for accountability, justice and an end to the violence. We remain steadfast in our support for the Myanmar people and their aspirations for a peaceful and democratic future. On 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military overthrew the democratically elected government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and installed a military regime. Since then, they have used violence and atrocities to maintain power and suppress any opposition voices. The UK, US and Canada have taken coordinated and targeted action to hold the military regime to account for their brutal suppression of opposition voices. The sanctions designations announced today will maximise concerted pressure on the Myanmar military regime to engage with calls for a return to democracy and aim to limit regime access to key resources while minimising consequences for the civilian population. Since the coup, the UK has designated 25 individuals and 29 entities under the Myanmar Sanctions Regime and designated the military’s 2 key conglomerates and their 111 subsidiaries under the Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime. The UK continues to lead international efforts to undermine the regime’s credibility and constrain their access to revenue and arms. Background Those sanctioned today are: Myo Thitsar: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods. Namely, through her role as having been Head of Department, Procurement & Supply of Dynasty International Htoo Htet Tay Za: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology, and through making available funds or economic resources to the Myanmar security forces. Namely, through his role as having been a director of Htoo Group of Companies Pye Phyo Tay Za: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology, and through making available funds or other economic resources to the Myanmar security forces. Namely, through his role in Myanmar Avia Services, Yangon Aircraft Engineering Company Limited and Htoo Group of Companies Kyaw Min Oo: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology. Namely, through his role as director of Sky Aviator Company Limited Sit Taing Aung: has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through the supply to Myanmar of restricted goods and/or restricted technology, and/or of material related to such goods or technology. Namely, through his role as having been director of Yatanarpon Aviation Services and work with Mottama Holdings International Group of Entrepreneur Services Company Limited (IGE): has been involved in the repression of the civilian population in Myanmar through making available funds or other economic resources to the Myanmar security forces Asset freeze An asset freeze prevents any UK citizen, or any business in the UK, from dealing with any funds or economic resources which are owned, held or controlled by the designated person. It also prevents funds or economic resources being provided to or for the benefit of the designated person. UK financial sanctions apply to all persons within the territory and territorial sea of the UK and to all UK persons, wherever they are in the world. Travel ban A travel ban means that the designated person must be refused leave to enter or to remain in the United Kingdom, providing the individual is an excluded person under section 8B of the Immigration Act 1971..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
2023-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: With sanctions on the rise, Myanmar’s military is increasingly under pressure and is turning to its few partners for additional support
Description: "Myanmar’s military may finally be starting to feel the strain of international sanctions, with foreign banks freezing the accounts of Myanmar’s state-owned banks, limiting the junta’s ability to access critical foreign currency reserves. More than two and a half years on from the 2021 coup, the junta continues to rely on the political, military, and diplomatic support of authoritarian partners in Beijing and Moscow who have remained loyal to the generals despite ongoing international outcry and recent gains by Myanmar’s resistance. However, their patronage may not be sufficient for the generals to hold onto power as momentum on the battlefield shifts and overseas banks restrict the regime’s access to critical funds. Sanctions Start to Bite At a press conference in late August, the Myanmar military junta’s deputy finance minister Maung Maung Win blamed recent financial instability on U.S. sanctions, which he said were “hurting our government’s programs such as education, health, and infrastructure building…importers and exporters, any person or organizations using foreign banking services.” The sanctions, announced by the U.S. in June, targeted Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB), state-owned entities which essentially “function as foreign currency exchanges” for the military junta, allowing it to import arms and other military equipment. Analysts say that the sanctions are aimed at blocking the junta’s ability to conduct purchases in foreign currencies as well as receive incoming foreign currency transactions. Two recent developments signal that the sanctions are beginning to have their desired effect of constraining the junta’s ability to generate and use cash. Firstly, Myanmar military-linked cronies are blatantly creating new entities to get around existing sanctions. A recently leaked letter from Myanmar’s energy ministry instructed the Central Bank of Myanmar to open new accounts to handle foreign currencies in place of Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which is under European sanctions and whose top leaders are sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department. On August 10, Shwe Byain Phyu Oil and Gas Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of Shwe Byain Phyu (SBP) conglomerate and a top supplier of fuel to Myanmar’s military, dissolved, presumably to evade sanctions. Its owner Thein Win Zaw holds shares in a number of companies already impacted by targeted sanctions imposed by the European Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Secondly, foreign banks have begun to cut Myanmar state-owned banks’ access, depriving the junta of much-needed foreign currency reserves. In early August, Singapore’s United Overseas Bank (UOB) notified Myanmar banks that it would limit their access to funds and would only allow transactions between UOB accounts. The following week, a state-owned bank in Bangladesh announced it was freezing MFTB and MICB accounts comprising more than US $1 billion in assets. These moves have triggered further financial instability in Myanmar as the kyat continues to depreciate, with the Central Bank of Myanmar trading it well below the market value. Restricting the generals’ ability to use reserves in foreign bank accounts to acquire weapons will hurt their capacity to wage endless war and could give resistance forces the upper hand. The Junta’s Strategy The junta, or State Administration Council (SAC), has failed to restore investor confidence, and has been unable to quell resistance to its rule. It is now spread thin on the battlefield, and anecdotal evidence suggests that the junta is heavily reliant on aging Russian fighter jets to sustain its asymmetric advantage over resistance forces to mask its lack of control over territory on the ground. Recent moves by Singapore and Bangladesh to cut the junta’s access to reserves may test its ability to outlast the nationwide grassroots uprising which seeks to oust the generals once and for all. Forced onto the defensive, the junta now relies on a limited network of supporters, most notably China, Russia, and India (as well as several authoritarian Southeast Asian states such as Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam), to prevent international consensus from forming which could threaten its hold on power. This overarching strategy, born of a pragmatic acceptance of isolation, was captured in Deputy Senior General Soe Win’s response to a warning from UN Special Envoy Christine Schraner Burgener the month after the coup: “We have to learn to walk with only a few friends.” The sit-tat, as Myanmar’s military is known, likes to signal its cool-headed preparedness and project its confidence to weather international condemnation and relative isolation. This strategy helps sustain the pretense in international diplomatic circles that the military will win in the long run and foreign governments will have to re-engage eventually. It simultaneously erodes resistance morale and undercuts the likelihood of further defections. However, the regime’s confidence is in part based on a bluff which downplays the reality of its vulnerability. Concerted efforts by the international community to deprive the junta of access to financial assets have alarmed the military and underscore the extent to which it depends on a few authoritarian friends to avert regime collapse. China’s Central Role in the Conflict Beijing appears to have come around to fully backing Myanmar’s armed forces in the civil war, unable to envision a future scenario without them. China continues to provide the junta with the arms it requires to prolong the war. Despite a non-binding UN Resolution prohibiting the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military, a recent UN report found that Beijing in fact sold US $267 million worth of military equipment to Myanmar’s armed forces in 2022–2023. China remains the country’s largest trading partner and second largest source of foreign investment after Singapore. Bilateral trade exceeded US $2 billion between April 2022 and January 2023. More than half of China’s investments in Myanmar are in the power sector, while it also has major interests in oil and gas (18 percent of China’s overall investment in Myanmar) as well as the mining sector (17 percent). Beijing’s political support is also essential to deflect pressure at the United Nations. While China abstained from a UN resolution in December 2022 that expressed “deep concern” with the situation in Myanmar and called for an “immediate end to” violence, Chinese diplomats have stepped up public engagement with the junta since the end of last year. Beginning with special envoy Deng Xijun’s meeting with Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw in December 2022, there have been monthly high-level meetings between the two sides. Deng also hosted a delegation of ethnic armed groups in Yunnan in December. Beijing has applied pressure on several armed groups with whom it has influence not to support the National Unity Government (NUG), thus prolonging the junta’s ability to wage war on armed groups in other parts of the country. In May 2023, then Foreign Minister Qin Gang met Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw, becoming the most senior Chinese official to meet the junta leader since the coup. During the visit, the two sides pledged to “further promote comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries.” How Russia Helps the Junta to Hedge Against China As part of its strategy of pragmatic isolation, Min Aung Hlaing’s regime has also relied on Russia as an important partner. In particular, the junta leader looks to Moscow as a trusted friend and important source of leverage to offset overreliance on Beijing. Deepening the Russia-Myanmar partnership is part of Min Aung Hlaing’s hedging policy to avoid falling too much into China’s orbit. The Myanmar military has traditionally feared and distrusted China’s intentions dating back to many of the senior generals’ experience as young combatants fighting against ethnic armed groups with ties to the Communist Party of Burma in the country’s north who had Beijing’s support during the Cold War. Therefore, Min Aung Hlaing has gone to great personal lengths to cultivate the relationship with Moscow, visiting nine times since becoming commander-in-chief in 2011. He has met Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu roughly half a dozen times, and in September 2022, Min Aung Hlaing met with Putin for the first time at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok. During a visit by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Naypyidaw in February 2023, the two sides signed an agreement on nuclear energy cooperation involving Russia’s State Atomic Energy Corporation ROSATOM. Russia has also been a major source of defense technology for Myanmar, providing more arms than China from 2018–2022 (42 percent of total imports compared to 29 percent from China). According to the UN report mentioned above, Russia sold US $406 million worth of military equipment to the Myanmar military in 2022–2023. Other players: Thailand and India Unlike Russia and China, whose direct military assistance sustains the junta’s grip on power, Thailand and India play more indirect roles in propping up the SAC. Bangkok’s recent Track 1.5 diplomacy has threatened to overtake Indonesia’s “quiet diplomacy” via ASEAN. In March, Thailand hosted talks with the junta and several autocratic regional partners, including Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, as well as China, India, Bangladesh, and Japan. The following month, India hosted a second Track 1.5 dialogue that included Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and China. Thailand and India’s rogue initiatives threaten to derail progress under Indonesia’s chairmanship of ASEAN by normalizing SAC participation in international diplomacy. Jakarta has been holding regular closed-door talks with all stakeholders (including representatives of the junta as well as the NUG) in hopes of bringing about inclusive diplomatic negotiations between the military and ousted civilian leaders. India has also maintained high-level engagement with the Myanmar military since the coup and continues to cooperate in joint counterinsurgency operations along its shared border. Furthermore, the two sides recently heralded the opening of the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project, a decades-long shipping route to increase commerce between the two neighboring countries. Beyond shared border concerns and interest in eradicating ethnic armed insurgents, Indian policymakers also fear that Myanmar is gravitating deeper into China’s orbit. Therefore, New Delhi has refrained from condemning the military’s brutal crackdown on civilians, instead limiting itself to expressions of concern about the spiraling conflict. Given close security cooperation and senior-level military engagement, India offers the SAC another pole in its hedging strategy vis-à-vis China. However, there are important developments in Myanmar’s regional environs. Recent elections in Thailand and Cambodia have significant implications for the junta’s foreign relations. While carefully managed elections in both authoritarian countries are unlikely to bring about significant change to either’s foreign policy, the junta will no doubt be anxious to shore up its standing with new leaders in both Bangkok and Phnom Penh lest they adopt a new approach to Myanmar’s conflict. In Thailand, the recent brokered election of Pheu Thai candidate Srettha Thavisin as Prime Minister could introduce modest change to Thai foreign policy, though the Thai military still retains control through the 2017 constitution. The outcome represented a compromise between the military-dominated senate and a coalition of opposition parties, including Pheu Thai and the Move Forward Party, the latter of which won the majority of the vote but whose candidate for Prime Minister, Pita Limjaroenrat, was prevented from forming a government. Therefore, Srettha’s leadership is unlikely to radically alter Thailand’s generally supportive relations with the Myanmar military junta. Nevertheless, Bangkok’s delicate balancing act as a U.S. ally and friend of the junta suggest that the SAC will want to retain channels of communication with the new government to avoid becoming a pawn in larger powers’ diplomatic games. The junta relies on lucrative cashflows from Thailand’s gas imports (US $2.4 billion in 2022, roughly 20 percent of Myanmar’s exports), giving Bangkok—and U.S. sanctions—inordinate leverage over the military regime’s economic survival. Cambodia’s August elections, which paved the way for Hun Sen to transfer political power to his son Hun Manet, also added to the mix of uncertainty within ASEAN. The 45-year-old leader is a relatively unknown entity for the region and external powers. While he was recently invited to meet top leaders in Tokyo, there are few clues as to whether his leadership might bring about real change in Phnom Penh’s foreign policy. As he received his education in the United States at West Point and New York University and holds a PhD in economics from Bristol University in the United Kingdom, there are some hopes that the young Hun may be more progressive than his authoritarian father and even introduce a diplomatic realignment away from Beijing’s orbit. Looking Ahead Regardless of how these regional chess pieces move on the board, the junta has made clear it will not be deterred by international condemnation and that its foreign policy remains an afterthought to its core mission: regime survival. Therefore, internal battlefield dynamics are the most likely variables to determine the senior generals’ calculations of whether and when to seek off-ramps. The regime is prepared to weather international isolation. Yet as long as the international community remains divided, the junta’s few close friends ensure it is not totally alone. Cutting off the junta’s economic lifelines and its ability to access reserves held in overseas banks will be vital to restricting its ability to wage endless war against the people of Myanmar. There are finally indications that the military may be beginning to feel the pinch of targeted sanctions making life more difficult, but there is still a long way to go in terms of bringing the junta down or forcing it to negotiate with the resistance. For now, the NUG and People’s Defense Forces are settling into a protracted, years-long conflict to wipe out the military once and for all. If that eventuality materializes, the junta’s external patrons—namely China, Russia, and India—might come to regret their no-strings-attached support for the ruthless dictatorship..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Stimson Center
2023-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-11
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome the recent adoption of sanctions by the United States on two Myanmar state-owned banks, the issuance of a determination on the jet fuel sector, and sanctions targeting a supplier of jet fuel to the Myanmar military. These measures are designed to further weaken the Myanmar junta's ability to access the weapons that it uses in the brutal war it is waging against the country’s population, including through indiscriminate airstrikes. As global leaders are about to meet in Myanmar’s region, first for meetings with ASEAN in Indonesia from September 2-7 and then for the G20 summit in India from September 9-10, The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar reiterate their call for the US and likeminded partners to take the gloves off and adopt much stronger sanctions on the Myanmar junta and its enablers. The US’s show of resolve would be significantly strengthened by joining the European Union in sanctioning the Myanma Oil & Gas Enterprise (MOGE), the junta’s single largest source of foreign currency earnings. The US and its partners have already improved coordination to more effectively target military-owned businesses, state-owned enterprises, and networks of individuals and corporate entities that enable the junta’s access to international trade and finance. However, this coordination is far from comprehensive, creating loopholes for the junta and its networks of enablers. For instance, while the US has sanctioned the Star Sapphire Group of Companies’ co-owners, Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe, for their firms’ involvement with the import of military equipment, the United Kingdom has not sanctioned Win Min Soe to date, and other US partners including the EU, Canada, and Australia have yet to adopt sanctions on the Star Sapphire companies and their co-owners. At the time of his arrest by the Thai police in Bangkok in September 2022 on charges of drug trafficking and money laundering, Tun Min Latt held assets in the names of the two adult children of Min Aung Hlaing, the head of the Myanmar junta, according to Justice For Myanmar and Reuters. These assets included the property deed for a luxury condominium and bankbooks for Thai bank accounts. The US should urge the newly elected leader of its longtime ally Thailand to effectively enforce sanctions targeting the junta’s sources of funds, equipment, and jet fuel, and to more broadly ramp up the fight against illicit financial flows, as the crisis in Myanmar and other regional trends lead to the rise of transnational crime in the Mekong region. Enhanced collaboration between regulatory authorities, law enforcement agencies, and banks—the latter acting as gatekeepers to the international financial system—is essential in that regard. Singaporean banks have reportedly strengthened their compliance and risk management measures toward Myanmar since the coup. It was stated during parliamentary questions in July 2023 that, “as Myanmar is on the blacklist of the Financial Action Task Force [FATF], financial institutions in Singapore have also been applying enhanced due diligence for Myanmar-linked customers and transactions that present higher risks.” A media report in August 2023 revealed that United Overseas Bank (UOB), a key offshore bank for “Myanmar’s generals, big corporations and wealthy individuals,” would be restricting transactions and correspondent banking relationships, partly to avoid falling foul of mounting US sanctions on the country. Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome these positive steps, and the US should continue to support Singapore, which currently chairs the FATF, in its efforts to prevent illicit financial flows, including as related to Myanmar. Other Singaporean banks, while avoiding de-risking that could potentially impact on humanitarian aid as well as on trade and business activities that do not benefit the junta, should follow UOB in restricting transactions and correspondent banking relationships, and Singapore authorities should adopt further restrictive measures to prevent the junta’s access to funds and equipment. Finally, the US needs to encourage its partners in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue to step up their responses to the crisis in Myanmar. Quad member Australia has only targeted a small number of entities and individuals in February 2023; in coordination with the US and other partners, it should do more to catch up. The US should encourage Japan, which chairs the G7 in 2023, to coordinate with ASEAN to ensure that no junta representatives are invited to the December 2023 summit in Tokyo that celebrates the 50-year anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and the regional organization. As for India, the US must call for the sale of military equipment to the Myanmar junta to be fully suspended, as research by Justice For Myanmar has found that several Indian firms, including ones controlled by New Delhi, have supplied the junta after the coup. The Quad can and must do more to tackle the crisis in Myanmar. Yadanar Maung, spokesperson, stated for Justice For Myanmar: “The international community is failing the people of Myanmar. Statements of concern and condemnation have had no impact on the illegitimate junta and the daily atrocities it is committing against the people of Myanmar. Instead, governments and international organizations need to take concrete steps to block the junta’s access to the resources it needs to continue its campaign of terror and ensure that there is international accountability for the military’s genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.” Oliver Windridge, Director of Illicit Finance Policy at The Sentry, said: “The recent adoption of sanctions by the United States on two Myanmar state-owned banks, the issuance of a determination on the jet fuel sector, and sanctions targeting a supplier of jet fuel supplier to the Myanmar military are positive steps forward, but more must be done. As global leaders meet in Myanmar’s region for meetings with ASEAN and then for the G20 summit, The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar reiterate their call for the US and likeminded partner to take the gloves off and adopt much stronger sanctions targeted at the Myanmar junta and its enablers.” For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected] For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected] About Justice For Myanmar Justice For Myanmar is a covert group of activists using research, data visualisation, and reporting to expose and dismantle the business networks that fuel brutality, corruption and mass-scale suffering. ‍‍One report at a time, Justice For Myanmar is going after the military’s sources of funds and arms. As a result of its work and the work of many others across Myanmar and the world, multinational corporations have already divested hundreds of millions of dollars from business with the military, and targeted sanctions are beginning to disrupt the Myanmar military cartel's global network. About The Sentry (Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”) The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and "other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Myanmar’s civilian National Unity Government (NUG) aims to bankrupt the junta through tougher sanctions and diplomatic pressure, foreign minister Daw Zin Mar Aung told the media on Tuesday. “We aim to increase our efforts to lobby the international community to impose more economic sanctions and more diplomatic pressure upon the military council, which is oppressing the people and committing violence,” said Daw Zin Mar Aung. She said the NUG will engage with any country that supports efforts to end military rule in Myanmar. The US expanded its sanctions on August 23 to aviation fuel, adding two Burmese business owners and three companies that supply jet fuel to the regime to its Specially Designated Nationals List. The US was the first country to impose sanctions after the February 1, 2021, coup with measures taken against Myanmar’s top 10 generals by February 11. The UK and Canada also imposed sanctions on the generals by February 18. Further sanctions against the regime’s leaders, advisers, the children of junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and military-owned conglomerates followed from the US, UK and European Union in March and April. In May 2021, the US issued further sanctions on more junta members and its ruling body. The EU sanctioned junta cabinet ministers and the attorney general in June 2021 and in July the US sanctioned more junta members, their relatives and Chinese firms. In September 2021 the UK sanctioned Tay Za, a notorious junta crony, and his businesses for providing financial support and arms to the military. To mark a year since the coup, the US, UK and Canada sanctioned three junta appointees while Washington also targeted four businessmen who were supporting the regime and two organizations providing arms and equipment. The EU sanctioned more companies, including the junta-controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise. In June 2022 the UK sanctioned three firms from Russia and three from Myanmar for supplying aircraft parts to the junta. The UK expanded these measures a month later to other junta-linked companies. In October the US placed arms dealers in Myanmar on its sanctions blacklist and in November the US and EU extended sanctions, targeting the Sky Aviator aviation company and its owner and 19 other individuals, including a minister and the chief justice. To mark two years since the coup, the EU imposed further sanctions on junta members, its arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers. In June this year, the US sanctioned the junta’s defense ministry and the regime-run Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank, which handle the junta’s foreign currency exchanges. Last month the EU sanctioned six more junta members. The NUG’s foreign ministry thanked the countries imposing sanctions upon junta assets, individuals and allied businesses. Daw Zin Mar Aung said the NUG is also working with regional neighbors, although only East Timor has officially recognized the civilian government. “No neighboring countries have officially recognized us yet but they are communicating with us. We need to maintain these relations through engagement, proceeding silently,” she said. Daw Zin Mar Aung praised Indonesia, the current Association of Southeast Asian Nations chair, for its active role in Myanmar’s crisis. She called for the progress to be continued next year when Laos is chair. “The military council has not respected ASEAN’s five-point consensus and it does not listen to anyone or anybody,” she said. “We urge ASEAN to keep up its progress and maintain institutional relations with the NUG as well.”..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes the US determination authorising sanctions against any company or individual that operates in the jet fuel sector of the Myanmar economy, including through “activities related to the importation, exportation, reexportation, sale, supply, or transport, directly or indirectly, of jet fuel”. This follows the US determination ordering sanctions against companies and individuals operating in the defence sector of the Myanmar economy under Executive Order 14014 on February 10, 2021. The new determination is an important step to dismantle the junta’s access to jet fuel, and sends a clear message that companies involved in all stages of the junta’s jet fuel supply chain can face US sanctions. This comes after a campaign from Myanmar and international civil society calling for countries to block the junta’s access to jet fuel, and is a response to the junta’s reliance on air strikes to wage its campaign of terror against the people. We urge the US to follow up its determination with sanctions against companies enabling the junta’s access to jet fuel, including those in the shipping and insurance industries. We further welcome sanctions against Khin Phyu Win, Zaw Min Tun, and three Singapore companies: Shoon Energy Pte Ltd and two of its subsidiaries: PEIA Pte Ltd (formerly Puma Energy Irrawaddy Aviation) and P.E.I Energy Pte Ltd (formerly Puma Energy Irrawaddy). Shoon group of companies, formerly Asia Sun, is a key local partner of the Myanmar military junta and is involved in importing, storing, selling and delivering jet fuel to the military. Asia Sun’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research contributed by Justice For Myanmar. We note that the Big Four accounting firm Ernst & Young LLP is currently the listed auditor of two of the newly sanctioned Singapore businesses: PEIA Pte Ltd and P.E.I Energy Pte Ltd. We call on Ernst & Young to immediately cut ties with these businesses and any other companies involved in the supply of jet fuel to Myanmar. The sanctioning of more companies in Singapore highlights the failure of the Singapore government to block the use of its territory to support the Myanmar military junta. This week, 200 civil society organisations including Justice For Myanmar sent an open letter to Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Singapore’s Foreign Minister, urging him to introduce sanctions to prevent the direct and indirect transfer of arms, dual-use goods and technology to the Myanmar military, and to block the junta’s access to Singapore’s financial system through targeted sanctions, which it has imposed on Russia following its invasion of Ukraine. Singapore should listen to the voices of Myanmar civil society and the recent recommendations of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar by taking concrete action to help end the crisis in Myanmar. We reiterate our call for coordinated sanctions on the junta controlled Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE) and the complete Shoon network. MPE controls the jet fuel supply chain, operates the Mann Refinery which produces jet fuel, and jointly owns National Energy Puma Aviation Services (NEPAS) with Shoon. NEPAS imports, stores and distributes jet fuel. Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal Company Limited (formerly Puma Energy Asia Sun) operates a major fuel terminal and storage tanks. MPE, NEPAS and Shoon Energy Thilawa Terminal have not yet been sanctioned in any jurisdiction. The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. In the first two months of 2023 alone, Chin Human Rights Organization documented one airstrike per day in Chin State townships under martial law. A recent New York Times investigation details how the junta’s use of airstrikes against the people of Myanmar is worsening. The junta’s ability to carry out its indiscriminate airstrikes depends on its access to jet fuel. By supporting the supply of jet fuel to the Myanmar military, businesses are complicit in the junta’s airstrikes, which amount to atrocity crimes, and all those responsible should be held accountable under international law. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest significant steps the US has taken in issuing a sanctions determination against the jet fuel sector and in sanctioning key companies and individuals that supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military, and are complicit in its indiscriminate airstrikes. “We urge the US to swiftly follow the determination by sanctioning international businesses in the junta’s jet fuel supply chain to help stop its ongoing airstrikes against the people of Myanmar. “We urge the US, UK, EU, Canada and Australia to coordinate sanctions against companies and individuals in the junta’s jet fuel supply chain, along with arms brokers and entities that provide the junta with sources of revenue, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). “It is concerning that Shoon group has continued to operate in Singapore, along with many other companiessupporting the junta’s international crimes. “Recent US and UK sanctions against Singapore companies should be a wake-up call to the Singaporen government to act in accordance with its international responsibilities and stop allowing Singaporean companies to provide the junta with access to arms, equipment, technology, jet fuel and funds. “We note Singapore Foreign Minister Dr Vivian Balakrishnan's recent statement committing to a prohibition on the transfer of arms and dual use goods to Myanmar, but comprehensive action needs to be seen.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Sanctions this year cover 10 people and 15 entities, all tied to the forces that seized power from the elected government of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021.
Description: "WASHINGTON (CN) — The Biden administration expanded its sanctions Wednesday on Myanmar's military junta to include foreign companies or people helping the regime acquire jet fuel used in airstrikes on its own people. Among those newly designated by the State and Treasury departments are two people and three entities accused of supplying the military. “The United States will continue to seek to deprive the military regime of the resources that enable its oppression of the people of Burma,” State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement, adhering to a U.S. policy by which the country is still called by the name that it shed over 30 years ago after the ruling junta brutally suppressed a pro-democracy uprising. War crimes from on the ground in Myanmar are recounted in the statement, which highlights in particular fighter jet and helicopter attacks that killed up to 90 civilians in April and June. “The United States remains committed to supporting the people of Burma in their pursuit of freedom and democracy,” Brian Nelson, under secretary of Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, said in the press release. Myanmar's military, called the Tatmadaw, has been in power since 1962. Though the country started a transition to democracy in 2011, military leaders tightened their grip in response to recent elections that brought overwhelming victories for the opposition party, National League for Democracy. The influence of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi brought improved relations with Washington. The Obama administration lifted longstanding sanctions in 2016, but Myanmar's worsening treatment of Rohingya Muslims led the Trump administration to reimpose sanctions a year later. After the NLD made more gains in the November 2020 elections, the military disputed the results. It seized control of the government in February 2021, arresting Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and chief regional political leaders. The coup kicked off a civil war, with opposition leaders who weren’t arrested forming a National Unity Government in exile and launching an armed resistance against the Tatmadaw. Myanmar's military has claimed it will hold elections again in 2023, but the State Department is skeptical that any vote under the existing political landscape would hold legitimacy. The regime has also not set a firm date, originally floating August, but now saying it could be sometime in November. The Biden administration appears to be ramping up sanctions, with 10 people and 15 entities designated so far this year, compared with 16 people and nine entities in all of 2022. In the civil war that has broken out in response to Myanmar's 2021 coup, an estimated 6,000 civilians have been killed, with tens of thousands detained and more than 1.5 million displaced. Meanwhile, widespread food and fuel shortages have occurred as part of an economic collapse. The White House has responded with sanctions on 85 people and 55 business entities tied to the military regime..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Courthouse News Service" (California)
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The sanctions are in response to the military regime’s “violent airstrikes” against civilians.
Description: "The U.S. Treasury Department has expanded sanctions aimed at Myanmar’s military junta so that any “foreign individual or entity” linked to procuring jet fuel for the military government can be targeted. More than 3,900 civilians have been killed by the regime since it seized power in February 2021, the Treasury Department said, with the junta increasingly reliant on “violent airstrikes” against civilians, including “women and schoolchildren,” to maintain its hold on power. A press release from the Treasury Department singled out two recent air strikes on civilians in the Sagaing region – one in April and one in June – as the impetus for the expansion of the sanctions. The announcement Wednesday was accompanied by the designation of two Burmese individuals – Khin Phyu Win and Zaw Min Tun – and a company – Shoon Energy Pte. Ltd – that the Treasury Department said were involved in procuring jet fuel for use by Myanmar’s military. The sanctions mean that American citizens and firms, including banks, cannot have any business relationship with those sanctioned. “By expanding the use of our sanctions authority to target an additional sector critical to the military regime, we are able to further deprive the regime of the resources that enable it to oppress its citizens,” Brian Nelson, under secretary of the Treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, was quoted as saying in Wednesday’s statement. U.S. State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said in a statement that the sanctions were intended to put pressure on the junta. "The United States will continue to seek to deprive the military regime of the resources that enable its oppression of the people of Burma," he said. Sagaing has been a hotbed of clashes between the military junta and the People’s Defense Forces since the February 2021 coup. Almost 800,000 residents of the region have been forced to flee due to the conflict since the junta seized power, the United Nations says..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Radio Free Asia" (USA)
2023-08-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "To: H.E. Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister of Foreign Affairs Singapore Open letter regarding Singapore’s response to business linked to Myanmar junta Your Excellency, We, the undersigned organizations, urge you to take meaningful and concrete action to block the Myanmar military junta’s access to arms, dual-use goods, technology and funds, which are used in its ongoing campaign of terror against the people. We specifically ask you: to expedite and make public investigations into Singapore-based companies involved in and enabling the transfer of arms and dual-use goods and technology transferred, transited, shipped or brokered through Singapore to the Myanmar military; introduce sanctions to prevent the direct and indirect transfer of arms, dual-use goods and technology to the Myanmar military; block the Myanmar junta’s access to Singapore’s financial system through targeted sanctions. Since its attempted coup on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military has killed more than 3,800 people, detained more than 23,000 and displaced more than 1.6 million. The Myanmar military has scorched at least 70,000 homes and razed villages to the ground. They have weaponized and blocked humanitarian aid, depriving the people of food, water and basic needs. They have even attacked schools and hospitals. Compared to last year, there is a 33 percent increase in indiscriminate airstrikes in the first half of 2023, according to the UN. The Myanmar military can continue to commit these atrocities because countries including Singapore continue to allow—or fail to prevent—the transfer of arms, dual-use goods and technology to the military junta and continued access to their banking systems. In our view, the best way to hinder the Myanmar junta from continued access to funds, arms, dual-use goods and technology is through an autonomous sanctions regime on Myanmar by Singapore that goes beyond a principled oral expression of commitment in response to investigations by the UN and human rights organizations. As Your Excellency is aware, in 2023, several reports have raised concerns over the fact that Singapore is a major jurisdiction for the transfer of various items—in particular dual-use goods and technology—intended for use by the Myanmar armed forces. A May 2023 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar identified at least 138 Singapore-based firms that had acted as intermediaries for the Myanmar military, and highlighted how these firms had shipped arms and related goods worth $254 million USD to Myanmar between February 2021 and December 2022. This follows a report by the activist group Justice For Myanmar which named 38 Singapore companies and their directors and shareholders that have brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military and a report by the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M), that highlighted how Singapore continues to function as a strategic transit point for potentially significant volumes of items—including certain raw materials—that feed the Myanmar military’s weapons production industry. We understand that since the release of these reports, investigations into the conduct of the companies have been initiated by your Government. We welcome these investigations and ask you to expedite them and make public the results. The May 2023 report by the UN Special Rapporteur also noted that arms dealers move hundreds of millions of dollars through Singaporean banks to supply the Myanmar military. Many Myanmar companies—including companies directly associated with the junta—have offices in Singapore. It is routine practice for companies with direct ties to the Myanmar military to place funds in Singaporean banks. Despite some Western sanctions imposed, most of these companies continue to operate freely, providing a conduit of weapons, munitions and spare parts as well as dual-use items and technology to the junta and through the banking system. We note, in particular, the serious allegations that substantial foreign reserves of Myanmar are suspected to be held in Singapore, providing a financial lifeline for the junta. The long-standing and well-documented reliance by military-linked companies on the Singaporean banking sector gives Singapore more influence on Myanmar than most other ASEAN member states. It is our view that the degree of cooperation from Singaporean banks will have a major impact on the effectiveness of sanctions on the Myanmar junta. A legal memorandum from international barristers Felicity Gerry KC and Daye Gang, published by Justice For Myanmar, also concluded that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, which are applicable to business transactions with the Myanmar military and its business interests. While we appreciate the circular reportedly issued by the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) calling for enhanced due diligence measures to detect and mitigate the risks associated with higher-risk customers and transactions related to Myanmar, and the June 2023 statement by MAS noting that financial institutions should continue to be alert to the heightened risks arising from the situation in Myanmar, much more needs to be done. This includes targeted sanctions against military businesses and an autonomous sanction regime that will stop Singapore-registered companies directly and indirectly procuring arms and dual-use goods and technology for the Myanmar military. On 14 February 2023, during a parliamentary hearing addressing the report by SAC-M, your Excellency confirmed Singapore’s commitment to not authorize the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar where there is a serious risk that they may be used to inflict violence against unarmed civilians, and that the government of Singapore would not hesitate to take action against those who contravene relevant laws, including Singapore’s Strategic Goods (Control) Act. This commitment is significant as Singapore is the third largest source of arms and dual-use goods for the Myanmar military after Russia and China. However, it is concerning that half a year later, your Excellency’s expressed commitment has only been communicated orally, and we have not yet seen a policy commitment that includes consequences for non-compliance. During the parliamentary hearing, you noted that specifically on military sales, there had been no transfers of arms to Myanmar in recent years. While this is welcome, the problem, as we see it, is not a question of transfers of conventional arms to Myanmar, but the numerous times that dual-use goods and technology that originates from or transits Singapore—whether transferred directly or indirectly to the junta—has ended up in the hands of the Myanmar military. Your Excellency, we therefore ask Singapore to adopt and implement export restrictions on Myanmar. This would follow the recent precedent of restrictive measures applied by your government to Russia, pursuant to which applications to export military items, controlled electronics, controlled computers, and certain telecommunications and encryption items to Myanmar would be rejected. In addition, financial measures targeted at designated military-controlled banks, entities and activities should be put in place to restrict the military’s ability to finance its acts of terror against the people. Recent sanctions imposed by the US on Myanmar’s main portals of foreign currency payments, the state-owned Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB) should set the example in this regard. A failure by Singapore to act would sustain the current crisis whereby MFTB and MICB facilitate foreign-currency exchange within Myanmar and enable transactions between the military junta and foreign markets to buy arms, dual-use goods, technology and jet fuel, and to undermine the effectiveness of the US sanctions on these entities. While Singapore continues to call for immediate cessation of violence under ASEAN, Singapore-based businesses and the financial system’s involvement in the transfer of weapons and dual-use goods to the Myanmar military directly undermines ASEAN’s credibility. We the undersigned CSOs strongly urge Your Excellency to set a precedent for the region by taking robust and tangible actions to stop Singapore businesses and financial institutions from enabling and being complicit in the Myanmar junta’s ongoing atrocities. As ASEAN is conducting a review of implementation of the failed Five-Point Consensus, these meaningful steps of Singapore will assist ASEAN in reforming the current ineffective approach and replacing the Consensus with concrete actions to address the crisis effectively. Sincerely, A total of 200 organizations, including 4 groups that can't be named because of security reasons, have signed this letter. 1 8888 Generation (New Zealand) 2 ၈၈ငြိမ်ချမ်းရေးနှင့်ပွင့်လင်းလူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းထားဝယ်ခရိုင် 3 Ah Nah Podcast - conversations with Myanmar 4 All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand 5 Anti-Junta Mass Movement - AJMM 6 Associations of United Nationalities in Japan 7 Auckland Kachin Community NZ 8 Auckland Zomi Community 9 Aung San Suu Kyi Park Norway 10 Basic Education Students & Youths Association (BESYA) 11 Boycott Military's Pocket 12 Burma Campaign UK 13 Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, NZ) 14 Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand 15 Burmese American Community Institute 9BACI) 16 Burmese Canadian Network 17 Campaign for a New Myanmar 18 CDM Support Team Mandalay (CSTM) 19 Chin Community of Auckland 20 Chin Community in Norway 21 Citizen of Burma Award - New Zealand 22 Citizens of Burma Award(Buffalo Chapter) 23 COBA UAE 24 CRPH and NUG Supporters Ireland 25 CRPH Funding Ireland 26 CRPH Support Group, Norway 27 CRPH Support Group, Norway and members organizations endorses 28 Democratic Party for a New Society, Norway 29 Democratic Youth Council ( ဒီမိုကရက်တစ်လူငယ်ကောင်စီ ) 30 Doh Atu - Ensemble pour le Myanmar 31 Dream Hope Goals Media Group 32 Dunedin Myanmar Community New Zealand 33 Enemy Air Route Channel 34 Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ) 35 Federal School 36 Federation of Workers’ Union of the Burmese Citizen in Japan ( FWUBC ) 37 Free Rohingya Coalition 38 General Strike Committee of Nationalities (GSCN) 39 General Strike Coordination Body - GSCB 40 Global Myanmar Spring Revolution ( GMSR ) 41 Hero Behind Bars 42 HTY Scout Channel 43 Human Right Defenders and Promoters(Palaw) 44 Information & Scout News (Hlaing) 45 Insein Scout Channel 46 Integria, z.s. 47 International Association, Myanmar-Switzerland (IAMS) 48 International Campaign for the Rohingya 49 Japan Myanmar Help Network - JMHN (comprising of over 40 youth groups in Japan) 50 Justice For Myanmar 51 K'cho Ethnic Association 52 Kachin Association Norway 53 Kachin State Civilian Movement- KSCM 54 Kamayut Scout Channel 55 Kanbauk Defense Force (KBDF) 56 Karenni Society New Zealand 57 Karenni Association - Norway 58 Karenni Wellington Community 59 Kyauktada Strike Committee 60 Kyimyindaing Scout Channel 61 La Communauté Birmane de France 62 LA2M 63 Lanmadaw,Latha & Pabedan Scout Channel 64 League for Democracy in Burma( Japan ) 65 Legal Aid for Human Rights (Southern Shan State) 66 LGBTIQ (လိင်စိတ်ခံယူမှုကွဲပြားသူများ) သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 67 Mayangone News 68 MIIT ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 69 Minority Affairs Institute (MAI Myanmar) 70 Muslim Youth Network 71 Myanmar Community Christchurch New Zealand 72 Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand) 73 Myanmar Action Group Denmark 74 Myanmar Catholic Community In Norway 75 Myanmar community in Italy 76 Myanmar Community in Norway 77 Myanmar Democratic Force in Denmark 78 Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand 79 Myanmar Global Support Foundation ( MGSF ) 80 Myanmar Hindu Community - Norway 81 Myanmar Muslim Revolution Force 82 Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand 83 Nelson Myanmar Community New Zealand 84 New Zealand Doctors for NUG 85 New Zealand Zo Community Inc. 86 New Zealand Karen Association 87 NLD Organization Committee (International) Norway 88 No Business With Genocide 89 NOK Information & Scout Echo 90 North Dagon & East Dagon News 91 Norway Falam Community 92 Norway Matu Community 93 Norway Rvwang Community 94 Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand 95 PDF Support ( Vancouver - Canada ) 96 Peace for Burma ( Vancouver ) Canada 97 Progressive Muslim Youth Association-PMYA 98 Progressive Voice 99 Rangoon Scout Network 100 Rohingya Community in Norway 101 Rvwang Community Association New Zealand 102 Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand) 103 Save Myanmar Israel 104 Shan Community (New Zealand) 105 Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation 106 South Dagon Scouting Infos (SDG) 107 Southern Dragon Myanmar 108 Support group for Democracy in Myanmar ( the Netherland ) 109 Tamwe Nway Oo Channel 110 Tenasserim Students Unions Network - TSUN 111 Thaketa & Dawbon Scout Channel 112 Tourism Committee 113 U.S. Campaign for Burma 114 Unitarian Universalist Service Committee 115 United States Chin Coalition (USCC) 116 Universities Kachin Literature and Culture Association- Yangon (Yangon JLH) 117 Volunteers in Myanmar 118 We support NUG-NB 119 Wellington Chin Community ( New Zealand ) 120 Wellington Myanmar community 121 Yangon Revolution Force - YRF (Soft Strike Community) 122 Youth for Democratization of Myanmar (UDM) 123 Youth Scout For Democracy (YSD) 124 YWTC(yangon) 125 Z Fighter News 126 Zomi Christian Fellowship of Norway 127 Zomi Community Norway 128 ကျန်းမာရေးမိသားစု - မန္တလေး (Medical Family – Mandalay) 129 ကွန်ပျူတာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 130 ချမ်းမြသာစည်မြို့နယ် လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 131 စိန်ပန်း သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 132 ဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 133 ဆေးဘက်ဆိုင်ရာနည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများ သမဂ္ဂ 134 ဆေးဝါးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 135 တမ္ပဝတီ လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 136 တိုက်ကွမ်ဒို အားကစားအသင်း 137 တိုင်းရင်းဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 138 တိုင်းရင်းသားလူငယ်များ အထွေထွေသပိတ်ကော်မတီ 139 တောင်သာလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ 140 ဒေါင်းစစ်သည် 141 နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 142 နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(ရတနာပုံဆိုင်ဘာစီးတီး)ကျောင်းသားများ သမဂ္ဂ 143 နွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေးဘာသာပေါင်းစုံကွန်ရက် 144 နားထောင်ရင်းလှူပေးပါ။ 145 ပညာရေးမိသားစု (စစ်အာဏာရှင်ဆန့်ကျင်ရေး ပညာရေးစစ်ကြောင်းများ ချိတ်ဆက်ညှိနှိုင်းရေးကော်မတီ) 146 ပြည်ကြီးတံခွန်သပိတ် 147 ပုဂ္ဂလိက မူကြိုဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများအဖွဲ့ 148 ဘာသာပေါင်းစုံ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 149 ဘုရားကြီး ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေးသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 150 မကွေးလူထုတိုက်ပွဲကော်မတီ / Magway People's Revolution Committee 151 မန္တလာတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားကျောင်းသူများသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 152 မန္တလာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 153 မန္တလေး ကဗျာဆရာများသမဂ္ဂ (Mandalay Poets’ Union) 154 မန္တလေး ကုန်စည်ဒိုင်သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 155 မန္တလေး၊ တက္ကသိုလ် ဒီဂရီ၊ ကောလိပ် ဆရာ၊ ဆရာမများ၊ ဝန်ထမ်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 156 မန္တလေးကွန်ပျူတာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 157 မန္တလေးတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသား ကျောင်းသူဟောင်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 158 မန္တလေးတိုင်းဒေသကြီးလွှတ်တော် ကိုယ်စားပြုကော်မတီ (Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw) 159 မန္တလေးနည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 160 မန္တလေးနိုင်ငံခြားဘာသာတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 161 မန္တလေးပုဂ္ဂလိကတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (MPUSU) 162 မန္တလေးမြို့အခြေစိုက် လူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 163 မန္တလေးမဟာမိတ် သပိတ်တပ်ပေါင်းစုစစ်ကြောင်း 164 မန္တလေးလူငယ် သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 165 မန္တလေးသပိတ်အင်အားစု 166 မန္တလေးအင်ဂျင်နီယာ တပ်ပေါင်းစု 167 မန္တလေးအင်ဂျင်နီယာများအဖွဲ့ (Mandalay Engineer Group) 168 မန္တလေးအရပ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ 169 မြင်းခြံလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ 170 မြတောင် သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 171 မြန်မာနိုင်ငံဘဏ်အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (Bank Trade Unions Federation of Myanmar – BTUFM) 172 မြန်မာ့မီးရထား တိုင်းအမှတ် (၃) CDM ဝန်ထမ်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 173 မြန်မာသတင်းအချက်အလက်နည်းပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး) ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 174 မွတ်စ်လင်မ်လူငယ်များအဖွဲ့ 175 မဟာအောင်မြေမြို့နယ် စုပေါင်းလူထုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 176 မေမြို့ ပင်မအထွေထွေသပိတ်အင်အားစု 177 ရတနာပုံတက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (ရ.တ.က.သ) 178 ရန်ကုန်အခြေစိုက်တက္ကသိုလ်ကျောင်းသားသမဂ္ဂများ (တကသများ-ရန်ကုန်) | Alliance of Students’ Unions Yangon (ASU-Yangon) 179 ရေဘဝဲ (ပြည်သူ့အကျိုးပြု လူငယ်အဖွဲ့အစည်း) 180 လူငယ်ကဗျာဆရာများသမဂ္ဂ 181 သံဃသမဂ္ဂ (မန္တလေး) 182 သပြေညို သတင်းလွှာ 183 သမဝါယမတက္ကသိုလ် ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 184 သရက်ချောင်းမြို့နယ် ပြည်သူကာကွယ်ရေးပြောက်ကျားတပ်ဖွဲ့ 185 သွားဘက်ဆိုင်ရာဆေးတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများ သမဂ္ဂ 186 သားဖွားသင်တန်းကျောင်း(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 187 သူနာပြုတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 188 သူနာပြုသင်တန်းကျောင်း(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 189 အ.ထ.က (၇) ကျောင်းသူ၊ ကျောင်းသားဟောင်းများ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 190 အ.လ.က (၁၂) ထခွဲ၊ အခြေခံပညာကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ (အ.က.သ) 191 အဖမ်းဆီးခံပြည်သူများ ကိုယ်စားပြုသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 192 အမျိုးသားဒီမိုကရေစီအဖွဲ့ချုပ် (မန္တလေးတိုင်း) 193 အမျိုးသားယဉ်ကျေးမှုနှင့် အနုပညာတက္ကသိုလ်(မန္တလေး)ကျောင်းသားများသမဂ္ဂ 194 အလုပ်သမားသမဂ္ဂများအဖွဲ့ချုပ် 195 အောင်ပင်လယ် ပင်မသပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း 196 အောင်မြေသာစံ ပညာရေးကျောင်းပေါင်းစုံ သပိတ်စစ်ကြောင်း..."
Source/publisher: 200 civil society organizations via Justice For Myanmar
2023-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-22
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Description: "On June 21, 2023, the United States designated two of Burma’s military regime-controlled banks, Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB). MFTB and MICB have been instrumental in facilitating the regime’s use of foreign currency to procure arms and jet fuel abroad and to access international markets using offshore accounts. Through these offshore accounts, MFTB and MICB have facilitated the regime’s profiteering from Burma’s extractive industries, including oil and gas, teak, gemstones, and other natural resources. The designations of MFTB and MICB impose a significant impact on the regime’s ability to fund the violence it inflicts on the people of Burma. At the time of the designation of these two banks, the Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control issued General License 5 (GL 5) to allow entities engaging in transactions with MFTB and MICB to wind these down in an orderly fashion. Following the expiration of GL 5 on August 5 at 12:01 a.m. (EST), the United States will continue to carefully monitor compliance and scrutinize transactions with an MFTB or MICB nexus to counter evasion or other behavior that contravenes the intent of these designations and U.S. policy. We will pursue enforcement actions as appropriate. The United States will not waver in its support for the people of Burma as they seek peace, justice, and an inclusive, democratic future for their country. We will continue to engage with our partners and allies in the broader international community to constrain the regime’s ability to exploit the international financial system..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Department of State
2023-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-04
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Description: "Myanmar’s military, which seized power in a coup in February 2021, has made repeated promises about a return to civilian rule and limited democracy — so far unkept. The former leader, 78-year-old Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, could spend the rest of her life in jail, despite a partial pardon in August. The military, known as the Tatmadaw, has used increasingly brutal tactics to subdue its enemies, including the first executions in three decades. By its own admission, nearly half the country is facing instability due to armed conflict. Prospects for economic growth are “severely weakened,” according to the World Bank. The US and its allies this year imposed new sanctions aimed at military officials and “affiliated cronies.” But the junta retains control of vast interests, including lucrative natural gas exports, and has found backers outside the West. 1. What’s happened with Aung San Suu Kyi? Get a curated selection of 10 of our best stories in your inbox every weekend. She and Win Myint, who served as president in the last civilian government, were found guilty soon after the coup of inciting dissent against the military and flouting Covid restrictions while campaigning for the November 2020 elections. Since then she’s been convicted in a series of trials on charges including corruptions and violating the colonial-era Official Secrets Act, and sentenced to a total of 33 years in prison. Her legal defense team described all the allegations against her as groundless and politically motivated. On Aug. 1, the junta pardoned both on some charges, including breaking pandemic-era rules, illegal possession of walkie-talkies and incitement. But they remained in prison. 2. Why was there a coup? Aung San Suu Kyi’s pro-democracy party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) won 83% of the parliamentary seats at stake in the 2020 vote — an even better performance than its 2015 landslide. The election commission and international observers called the election fair. But the military alleged that there had been voter fraud. On the day of the coup, the military said it was necessary to act before the new parliament session began later that week. More broadly, the military operates almost as a state within a state in Myanmar, and its allies still control vast swaths of the economy. The scale of Suu Kyi’s victory may have prompted fears among the generals of new efforts to chip away at their privileges, especially after the exceptionally poor electoral performance of a military-backed party. 3. Are new elections planned? Yes, but the NLD said in March it would boycott. The military government then dissolved the party after it failed to register in time under a new law. Back in 2021, the military set an August 2023 deadline for elections and said army chief Min Aung Hlaing would head a caretaker government in the meantime. That deadline was extended on July 31 for another six months, until Jan. 31, 2024, as fighting intensified with ethnic armed groups and supporters of Suu Kyi. The planned election has been dismissed as a “sham” by the United Nations and the US. 4. What is the fighting in Myanmar about? Violence flared after the coup as Aung San Suu Kyi’s supporters demanded her release and the restoration of the elected government. Junta forces have killed 3,857 people as of July 31 and detained many more, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), a human rights group. According to the UN’s Human Rights Council, ill-treatment and torture have resulted in deaths in detention. Some Aung San Suu Kyi supporters have formed what they call the National Unity Government, with armed units known as the People’s Defence Force. They’ve allied with ethnic insurgent groups that have long battled the military over the right to manage their territories and resources. In extending the state of emergency, the junta leader said 40% of townships are facing instability, an admission of the intensity of the conflict. International experts have said the military has effective control over far less territory than it claims to. 5. What’s the fallout been? The UN Security Council passed a resolution in December demanding an end to violence in Myanmar and the release of political prisoners. Its passage was a milestone, but China, Russia and India abstained, limiting the impact. The US, the UK, Canada and Australia reimposed economic sanctions in 2021, just five years after many had been lifted, although it’s unclear how much impact they will have. The US has since extended its sanctions, including in January. But China, Myanmar’s most important trading partner, has rejected calls at the UN for an arms embargo and has affirmed support for the regime. Japan and India worry that tough measures against the junta only risk increasing China’s influence there. The junta has drawn closer to Russia despite the war in Ukraine — Min Aung Hlaing has praised Russian President Vladimir Putin “as a leader of the world.” Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong of Singapore, Myanmar’s biggest foreign investor, has said sanctions would only hurt Myanmar’s people. The World Bank this year said Myanmar’s potential for inclusive growth has been “severely weakened” and “there is little appetite to invest.” 6. What’s the history? After World War II, Burma, as it was then known, emerged from British colonial rule and plunged directly into civil conflict. Ethnic minorities make up a third of the population of 55 million and occupy half the land, including areas where valuable resources such as jade, gold and teak are found. A deal providing them with greater autonomy fell apart after Aung San Suu Kyi’s father, Aung San, who was slated to become the country’s first leader, was gunned down in 1947. A coup led by army chief Ne Win in 1962 started a half-century of military rule, during which the country descended into desperate poverty. Troops viciously suppressed pro-democracy protests in 1988. Two years later the army annulled an election that Aung San Suu Kyi’s party had won by a landslide. Under house arrest for much of the next 20 years, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. 7. How did she get into government? The junta began a transition to civilian rule with a new constitution in 2008 that reserved 25% of parliamentary seats for the military — enough to block any amendments to it. Still, Aung San Suu Kyi’s party took part in by-elections in 2012 after the government at the time agreed to the release of political prisoners, the freedom to assemble and an opening to foreign investors. Her party then swept to victory in the first full elections in 2015, defeating the ruling party by a margin of nearly 10-to-1. The constitution bars Aung San Suu Kyi from serving as president because her children are UK citizens. Thus, in 2016 she became state counselor, a newly created role akin to prime minister, as well as foreign minister. 8. How did she do? Her administration liberalized banking, insurance and education and curbed inflation. But about a third of the population was living in poverty and businesses remained mired in red tape. The military continued to control the defense, home affairs and border affairs ministries. Its forces have been accused by UN investigators of practicing “ethnic cleansing” and “crimes against humanity” with “genocidal intent” in driving more than 700,000 Rohingya people over the border to Bangladesh since 2017. (Among Myanmar’s Buddhist majority, prejudice against the Rohingya — Muslims castigated as illegal immigrants and stripped of citizenship — remains fierce and widespread.) Amid the opprobrium, foreign direct investment fell to $2.3 billion in 2019 from $4.7 billion in 2017. The military turned on Aung San Suu Kyi even though she defended them in 2019 at the International Court of Justice against the genocide allegations — increasing her popularity at home at the expense of her international reputation.
Source/publisher: "Bloomberg News" (New York) via "The Washington Post"
2023-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-08-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Mr. HAYASHI Nobumitsu, Governor of Japan Bank for International Cooperation Mr. TAKESADA Tatsuhiko, President & CEO of Japan Overseas Infrastructure Investment Corporation for Transport and Urban Development ‍ CC: Mr. SUZUKI Shunichi, Minister of Finance Mr. SAITO Tetsuo, Minister of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism ‍ Sent by: Justice For Myanmar Mekong Watch FoE Japan Human Rights Now Human Rights Watch Japan International Volunteer Center ‍ On June 21, 2023, the US government announced that it was imposing financial sanctions on the Myanmar junta's Ministry of Defence as a “Specially Designated National,” noting that the Ministry was “responsible for the command and control of the armed forces, which has conducted decades of repressive military rule that was violently resumed following the coup in 2021.”[1] With this designation, the connection between the Redevelopment of the Defense Services Museum Project (commonly known as the “Y Complex Project”), one of the projects being implemented using Japanese public funds, and the ongoing abuses by the Myanmar military junta, has been made even more obvious. Y Complex involves building and operating a large-scale real estate complex at the site of the former military museum in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. The project receives public and private funds from Japan through Japan Overseas Infrastructure Investment Corporation for Transport and Urban Development (JOIN), a government-funded infrastructure investment corporation under the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, and Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) which is Japan’s public export credit agency. JOIN and JBIC invests or lends to the Y Complex project in which the Myanmar military-controlled Ministry of Defence participates,[2] and they have continued their involvement even after the attempted coup by the Myanmar military on February 1, 2021. Tokyo Tatemono, Fujita Corporation (a subsidiary of Daiwa House Industry), and JOIN set up a Joint Special Purpose Company (J-SPC) in Singapore. JBIC along with Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation and Mizuho Bank co-financed a loan to this J-SPC, and the J-SPC in turn is co-investing in Y Complex Company Ltd., a Myanmar corporation set up jointly by the J-SPC and Yangon Technical and Trading Company Limited (YTT), a Myanmar military crony-owned company. The land lease agreement is between YTT and "Colonel Aung Min Thein (Officer No. Army 17642), Vice Quarter Master General, Office of the Quarter Master General, Commander-in-Chief (Army).” Land lease payments are to be made to "Defence Account no. MD 010424,” an account likely to be under control of the Office of the Quartermaster General[3]. On December 10, 2021, the US, UK and Canada imposed sanctions on the Office of the Quartermaster General.[4] The UK government has pointed out that the Office of the Quartermaster General "plays a crucial role in procuring equipment for the Myanmar Armed Forces, including ammunition, bombs and jet fuel.”[5]More recently, the EU imposed sanctions on Kyaw Swar Lin, the Quartermaster General, on July 20, 2023, noting that he is a “person whose policies and activities undermine democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma, and who provides support for actions that threaten the peace, security and stability of Myanmar/Burma.”[6] We understand that making land lease payments in the Y Complex project is equivalent to providing funds to the Myanmar military through the Office of the Quartermaster General, and have alluded to this problem since before the attempted coup.[7] So far, JOIN and JBIC have explained that because the Office of the Quartermaster General is within the Ministry of Defence and therefore a part of the government of Myanmar, land lease payments would not benefit the Myanmar military (see below). Response by Tatsuhiko Takesada, President & CEO of JOIN at the meeting of the Committee on Financial Affairs of the House of Representatives, April 20, 2021: "Regarding the contract for the project site, J-SPC is not directly involved, but under the contract, the local Myanmar company signed a land lease agreement with the Ministry of Defence which is a part of the government to obtain land use rights, and the said local [Myanmar] company subleases the land to the local project company. We have confirmed the current situation, but regarding the land lease payments, we understand that they were appropriately managed within the government."[8] Statement by JBIC official in charge of the Y Complex Project at the "Ministry of Finance - NGO Regular Dialogue," March 5, 2021: “JBIC recognizes that in this project the rent is paid to the Office of the Quartermaster General in the Ministry of Defence. We understand that the rent payments are included as revenue in the general budget of the Myanmar government…. In Myanmar, based on a law called the Budget Law, so-called general accounts budget is publicly disclosed, and the Ministry of Defence is included as part of that."[9] These statements show that both JOIN and JBIC recognized that the rent payments should not be benefiting the military and that they were attempting to maintain an appearance that the rent payments were not going to the military by publicly presenting their view that the ultimate destination of the rent payments was the Ministry of Defence and not the military. The recent imposition of sanctions by the US on the Ministry of Defence, has made these excuses even more untenable.[10] Regardless of whether the ultimate destination of the land lease payments for the Y Complex Project is the Office of the Quartermaster General or the linked Ministry of Defence, these payments enable the Myanmar military to continue to commit atrocity crimes across the country. According to the UN, there are currently 1.9 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Myanmar. [11] The Japanese government and Japanese companies should fulfill their responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises by immediately stopping their involvement in the Y Complex Project. To do so, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism should withdraw the investment made by JOIN, and the Ministry of Finance should cancel the loan made by JBIC to stop the injection of public funds into the project and publicly announce that they have made the decision to do so..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new EU sanctions on No2 Mining Enterprise and 6 individuals announced yesterday, but criticised the incredibly slow pace of the introduction of new sanctions. The EU has the right policy of sanctioning on an ongoing basis sources of revenue and arms and individuals linked to human rights violations, but EU member states are not prioritising the implementation of their own policy. “At this pace, it will be decades before the EU gets round to sanctioning those committing human rights violations and most sources of revenue and arms to the military,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Why has it taken two and a half years to sanction such an obvious source of revenue like a mining enterprise which receives revenue from rare earths?” There is no ‘silver bullet’ sanction which will by itself have a major impact on reducing revenue to the Burmese military. It is, therefore, essential that the EU, UK USA, Canada and others maximise the breadth of targeted sanctions to chip away at sources of revenue and arms. It is the cumulative impact of such sanctions which will maximise their effectiveness. “If you set out to try to minimise the impact of sanctions, this is the way you would do it, uncoordinated sanctions implemented at an incredibly slow speed with gaps of months in between, giving the military time to try to find workarounds before the next random sanction,” said Anna Roberts. “Since the USA organised a sanctions coordination meeting there has been less coordination and the UK is missing in action.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-07-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Today, the Council imposed a seventh round of restrictive measures in view of the situation in Myanmar/Burma against six individuals and one entity in response to the continuing escalation of violence, grave human rights violations and threats to the peace, security and stability in Myanmar/Burma. The listings include three Union Ministers for immigration and population, labour and health and sports, two members of the State Administration Council (SAC), the Quartermaster General, as well as No. 2 Mining Enterprise (ME 2), a state-owned enterprise that is controlled by and generates revenue for the Myanmar Armed Forces (Tatmadaw). Restrictive measures currently apply to a total of 99 individuals and 19 entities. Those designated are subject to an asset freeze and a travel ban, which prevents them from entering or transiting through EU territory. In addition, EU persons and entities are prohibited to make funds available to those listed. Other EU restrictive measure remain in place: the embargo on arms and equipment and export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications which might be used for internal repression, the export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, and the prohibition of military training and cooperation with the Tatmadaw. The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta. The EU remains deeply concerned by the continuing escalation of violence and the evolution towards a protracted conflict with regional implications. The Union condemns the continuing grave human rights violations including torture, sexual and gender-based violence, the persecution of civil society, human rights defenders and journalists, indiscriminate attacks on the civilian population, including a deadly airstrike killing at least 171 persons on 10 April 2023, by the Myanmar armed forces. The dissolution of 40 political parties on 28 March 2023 was another demonstration of the blatant disrespect by the military regime for democracy and the rights and wishes of the Myanmar population. All hostilities must stop immediately. The military authorities must fully respect international humanitarian law and put an end to the indiscriminate use of force. The relevant legal acts have been published in the Official Journal of the European Union. Background In February 2021, the Council adopted conclusions condemning in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar/Burma. On 31 January 2023, the High Representative issued a declaration on behalf of the EU on the 2nd anniversary of the military take-over stating that, in the absence of any swift progress on the situation in Myanmar, the EU stood ready to adopt further restrictive measures against those directly responsible for and those abetting the undermining of democracy and the serious human rights violations in the country. The Council has imposed restrictive measures against those responsible for the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators on 22 March, 19 April and 21 June 2021, 21 February and 8 November 2022, and 20 February 2023..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
2023-07-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-20
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Description: "British aid to Burma has been cut by 51% this financial year, and by 70% since the financial year 2020-2021, according to newly published Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office accounts. This comes during a time when Burma is suffering its worst human rights and humanitarian crisis ever, after the attempted military coup on 1 February 2021. “Foreign Secretary James Cleverly is cutting aid to Burma at a time when more people than ever are in desperate need of assistance,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director at Burma Campaign UK. “Aid to Burma should be increased, not cut, and more aid needs to go to local civil society so British aid reaches people in areas not under Burmese military control.” British aid to Burma has been cut from £61.9 million last year, to £30.1 million in this financial year. Previous government records show that the aid to Burma in 2020 was just over £103 million. This means that aid has been cut by 70% from 2020 to 2023-2024. These cuts in aid to Burma come after the government’s 82% cuts in aid to Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, who fled genocide in Burma. The British government has previously tried to disguise the overall cuts in aid to Burma by highlighting statistics for humanitarian aid, rather than overall aid to Burma. Funding for any development aid programmes discontinued after the attempted coup began should have been reallocated towards the dramatic increase in humanitarian needs but was not. Even before the coup Burma Campaign UK had been campaigning for a higher proportion of UK aid to be spent on the humanitarian emergencies in the country. In 2018 DFID was spending three times as much on economic development and governance as on humanitarian aid. The humanitarian crisis in Burma has been created as the Burmese military desperately tries to consolidate an attempted coup in February 2021. It has met unprecedented resistance and is losing control of parts of the country. In response, it has launched indiscriminate attacks using airstrikes and long-range artillery. The British government has so far failed to sanction supplies of aviation fuel to Burma, despite five British companies, UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard and Shipowners’ Club, being involved in the supply chain of aviation fuel deliveries. Without aviation fuel, the jets can’t fly and if they can’t fly, they can’t bomb. The British government had previously led the implementation of sanctions on sources of revenue and arms but there have been no new sanctions in almost four months and major sources of revenue, such as gas, state-owned banks and rare earth minerals have yet to be sanctioned. The slow plodding pace of sanctions has meant the military has been able to generate revenue to fund arms purchases. The EU has sanctioned Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise and the US has sanctioned state-owned banks. It is not just the cuts in aid to Burma which are alarming, but also the way in which aid is given. Most of the people forced to flee attacks by the Burmese military are in areas not under the control of the military and where UN and other agencies don’t operate. For most, the only way to reach them is through local civil society organisations, but the British government and other donors provide relatively little aid to them, and apply so many conditions and so much bureaucracy and red tape that local organisations can’t access funds. “James Cleverly is moving too slowly to cut off sources of revenue and weapons to the Burmese military and is now cutting aid to the people attacked by those weapons,” said Anna Roberts. “Arguing that the British government has also cut life-saving aid to other countries is not a defence justifying these cuts, it’s a disgrace.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of US sanctions targeting Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB), Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank (MICB) and the junta’s Ministry of Defence. MFTB and MICB are state-owned banks that the Myanmar military illegally seized through its coup attempt. The banks are key nodes in the military cartel’s economic networks, supporting the junta’s campaign of terror. The junta’s Ministry of Defence plays a financial role for the Myanmar military as a whole and its procurement of arms and related materiel that are needed for the junta’s ongoing commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity. While these sanctions are positive, Justice For Myanmar urges the US and its allies to urgently impose sanctions on Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), which is responsible for the junta’s largest source of foreign revenue, and to coordinate sanctions that target whole networks of crony companies and arms brokers, so as to systematically cut the junta’s access to funds and arms. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of US sanctions targeting junta-controlled banks that help sustain the junta’s campaign of terror. “However, for sanctions to be effective, far more needs to be done to systematically target the junta’s financial and arms procurement networks by the US and its allies. “Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which continues to bankroll the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity, as well as the junta’s network of cronies and arms brokers. “These sanctions are a result of the courageous resistance of the people of Myanmar to the military’s failing coup attempt, and the efforts of activists around the world supporting the Myanmar people’s struggle for democracy. “The international community needs to hear to the voices of Myanmar and take decisive action to further cut the junta’s access to funds and arms. The cartel must be dismantled.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar calls on India’s Quad partners and other allies to use their leverage to pressure India to stop the supply of arms and dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar military junta. A Justice For Myanmar investigation of Indian export records has revealed over US$5 million in new exports to the Myanmar military and its arms brokers from Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) in the six months from November 2022 to April 2023. The shipments consisted of military end-use goods, technology and technical documents to be used by the Myanmar military. Items included metallic sonar domes, transducers and gaskets for the domes to be used on frigates, warships or submarines; directing gear systems; various items for radio transmission or radar equipment; and manpack radios for battlefield communications. BEL, which maintains a branch office in Myanmar, transferred the equipment knowing that the Myanmar military is the end user, and that it is committing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity. Through its campaign of terror against the people, the Myanmar military junta has so far murdered over 3,600, arbitrarily arrested 23,300 more, committed indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, torture, sexual violence and displaced at least 1.5 million. The shipments may aid and abet the junta’s international crimes and are a continuation of India’s flagrant disregard for its obligations under international human rights and humanitarian law and its commitments under the Wassenaar Arrangement. India and the Myanmar military have long-standing ties. In his speech on 25 December 2022, war criminal and junta head Min Aung Hlaing stated a need for large warships with high combat capabilities and the training of navy officers to operate them, noting that naval officers had been sent to other countries, including India, to enhance their individual capabilities. The USA and France, which are honouring Prime Minister Narendra Modi in state visits this year, have a particular responsibility to address India’s support for the junta, and to push for India to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar. BEL’s exports to Myanmar during the six-month period were spread across seven shipments, with three being sent to the Myanmar military directly, three sent to the arms brokers Mega Hill General Trading, and one sent to Alliance Engineering Services. Alliance Engineering Services is connected to the family of the junta’s former air force chief Maung Maung Kyaw. Mega Hill General Trading is a private Myanmar military contractor that has a history of procuring technology and providing services to the army’s Directorate of Procurement, including a remote-controlled weapon station supplied by BEL in 2021 and exposed by Justice For Myanmar. Justice For Myanmar also exposed BEL’s supply of a coastal surveillance system to the Myanmar military before and after its illegal coup attempt. Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent targeted sanctions against Mega Hill General Trading, Alliance Engineering Services, their associated business, directors and shareholders. BEL is 51.14% owned by the Indian government and is publicly listed. Other shareholders include Nippon Life India Asset Management, Goldman Sachs, Vanguard, BlackRock, Fidelity, Canada Pension Plan, California Public Employees' Retirement System, California State Teachers Retirement System, Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec and the Swedish pension funds, AP-fonden (AP1), Andra AP-fonden (AP2) and Sjunde AP-fonden (AP7). BEL’s institutional shareholders should divest from the company because of its continued supply of dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar military, in line with their international human rights responsibilities. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The Indian government and its state-owned arms companies are continuing business as usual in Myanmar, equipping and profiting from the junta as it commits acts of terror against the people. “These new and significant exports to Myanmar from Bharat Electronics Limited make India further complicit in the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. “By selling arms and equipment to the junta, India is choosing to ignore the voices of the Myanmar people, the legitimate National Unity Government, civil society, UN resolutions and its responsibilities under international law. “It is crucial that India’s Quad partners and other allies step up and start using their leverage to stop India’s abhorrent support for the junta. “The Biden administration is this week honouring Prime Minister Narendra Modi with a state visit to the White House. “We urge President Biden and his government to push Prime Minister Modi to immediately stop all shipments of arms and dual use goods and technology to the Myanmar junta. “The US should impose conditions on military aid to India to help end Indian support for the junta. “President Macron should raise India’s complicity in the junta’s international crimes when Modi makes a state visit to Paris in July, and push India to impose an arms embargo on Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-06-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "According to leaked documents and public sources, the Tokyo-based ASEAN-Japan Centre on Trade, Investment and Tourism provided a grant to the junta’s investment and foreign economic relations ministry for a capacity building program on reforms required to implement international investment agreements. The grant was awarded for the 2022-23 fiscal year, and financed at least one event held in March 2023, opened by EU-sanctioned junta minister Kan Zaw. The ASEAN-Japan Centre has refused to disclose to Justice For Myanmar the amount of funds provided to the junta, stating that the information is only available to board members. The ASEAN-Japan Centre is an intergovernmental organisation made up of the Japanese government and the governments of each ASEAN member state, including Myanmar. The Centre is governed by a council, which consists of 11 representatives appointed by each member country. Myanmar is wrongly represented on the council by Soe Han, the junta’s ambassador to Japan, and this legitimises the junta and facilitates continued support, emboldening the junta’s terror campaign. Japan is represented on the council by Yutaka Arima, an assistant minister of foreign affairs. The capacity building grant is one of several ASEAN-Japan Centre initiatives with junta ministries, legitimising the junta, encouraging business engagement and building the capacity of junta staff. The centre has an active partnership with the junta’s hotels and tourism ministry, supporting the junta’s attempts to promote tourism, which provides it with legitimacy and a source of foreign revenue. Since late 2021, as the junta’s violent attacks against the people intensified, the junta tourism ministry organised regular trainings and seminars supported by the ASEAN-Japan Centre. These involved the participation of junta minister Htay Aung and Japanese ASEAN-Japan Centre senior members, aimed at promoting Japanese tourism in Myanmar. In January 2022, the ASEAN-Japan Centre supported the junta to run a Japanese culinary skills training, opened by Htay Aung and ASEAN-Japan Centre Secretary General Kunihiko Hirabayashi. In late 2022 and early 2023, Htay Aung opened seminars for service providers of Japanese tourists in Bagan and Kalaw with ASEAN-Japan Centre officials, which were featured in junta propaganda. The ASEAN-Japan Centre has also supported the junta to provide Japanese language training for tour guides. The ASEAN-Japan Centre is now promoting tourism to Myanmar as part of the fiftieth anniversary or ASEAN-Japan “friendship and cooperation”, and has launched a website in Japanese. In consultation with the junta, the site includes five ideas for Japanese tourists to visit Myanmar, misleading the Japanese public that it is a safe and ethical destination for a holiday. That comes despite the clear call from the legitimate National Unity Government (NUG) against tourism to Myanmar. In November 2021, Minister of Planning, Finance and Investment Tin Tun Naing told the Straits Times, “The people of Myanmar are being killed, raped, detained and their houses and possessions seized or destroyed. This is not a time for sightseeing”. A third junta ministry the ASEAN-Japan Centre works with is commerce, supporting it to promote market access in Japan. Under that program, a workshop was held in January in Naypyidaw and again touted in junta propaganda. The workshop was opened by the permanent secretary of the junta’s commerce ministry, Min Min, and Yuka Kubota, an ASEAN-Japan Centre senior executive. The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s actions to include the junta on its council representing Myanmar, to fund junta ministries, to provide capacity building and to promote business links embolden the junta to continue its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar with total impunity. Justice For Myanmar urges the ASEAN-Japan Centre and all other organisations to immediately remove the junta from its council and end all support. As the number of people killed by the junta rises daily, lives literally depend on the international community urgently taking action. Japan has a particular responsibility to end the junta’s killings as a democracy and Asian neighbour with a long historical relationship with the Myanmar military. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “ASEAN and Japan are now celebrating 50 years of friendship and cooperation. “Yet this anniversary has so far shown that ASEAN and Japan’s friendship in Myanmar is with the illegitimate military junta, not the people who are being slaughtered in the junta’s relentless attacks. “The ASEAN-Japan Centre’s activities with the military junta support its illegal and failed attempt to gain control of Myanmar and embolden its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. “Without an immediate end to ASEAN and Japan’s support for the junta, the fiftieth anniversary of ASEAN-Japan relations will be forever tarnished with the blood of Myanmar people. “It’s time ASEAN and Japan end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: UK Sanctions Coordinator met with US, EU and Canadian counterparts to discuss continued cooperation on Myanmar sanctions efforts.
Description: "On 24 May, the Sanctions Coordinators for the United Kingdom, United States, Canada, and the services in charge of sanctions policy and implementation of the European Commission and the European External Action Service met to continue to assess and align ongoing efforts related to sanctions on Myanmar. The partners discussed the significant scope of actions taken since the military coup in February 2021, ongoing coordination efforts, and the importance of continued information and target sharing to support sanctions packages. The UK announced further sanctions on 31 January and 27 March 2023, targeting suppliers to the Myanmar regime of military equipment and other material being used to attack its civilians. The partners identified the continued need for sustained direct cooperation in order to restrict the regime’s ability to carry out atrocities against the people of Myanmar and pressure the regime to change course to restore the country’s path toward genuine and inclusive democracy..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
2023-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Myanmar military junta has imported at least US$1 billion worth of weapons and related materials from Russia, China and other countries in less than two years, according to a new UN report. “Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Tom Andrews, the UN independent investigator on human rights in Myanmar, said in a press release. Launched on Wednesday, the report, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: The International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar”, documented over 12,500 purchases that were shipped directly to the Myanmar military or known Myanmar arms dealers working for the military from Feb. 1, 2021 to December 2022. The report identified $406 million worth of arms-related trade from entities in Russia including state-owned entities, $267 million from China including state-owned entities, $254 million from entities operating in Singapore, $51 million from entities in India including state-owned entities and $28 million from entities operating in Thailand. Andrews said at a press conference that the diversity and volume of goods provided to the Myanmar military since the coup is staggering. He identified transfers of fighter jets, attack helicopters, reconnaissance and attack drones, advanced missile systems, tank upgrades, radio and communication equipment, radar complexes, and components for naval ships in the report. The deadly items were used by the junta to commit atrocities against the people of Myanmar, the UN Special Rapporteur said. He gave examples of the junta’s air attack on Pazi Gyi Village in Sagaing Region, a resistance stronghold, in which the junta used a Russian Yak-130 fighter jet followed by an attack by Russian Mi-35 helicopters. At least 160 people including 40 children were killed in the attack. And the junta’s Directorate of Defense Industries domestically manufactured bombs and machine guns, relying in part on raw materials supplied by private entities from Singapore, China and Thailand, the report stated. Since the coup, 28 Russian entities, including state-owned entities, have transferred fighter jets, advanced missile systems, reconnaissance and attack drones, and spare parts for fighter jets, attack helicopters, and other systems, it said. Additionally, 41 private and state-owned companies registered in China and Hong Kong continued to supply the Myanmar military with an extensive array of arms, equipment, and raw materials between October 2021 and December 2022 including advanced trainer jets/light attack aircraft, upgrades to tanks, and overhaul and repair work for the older Chinese fighter jets that make up the Myanmar Air Force fleet. Chinese firms also provided essential raw materials directly to the Myanmar military for domestic weapons manufacturing, including aluminum, copper, steel, rubber, and lubricants, it said. The report also stated that Singapore has become a major source for spare parts, raw materials, and manufacturing equipment especially for the continued operation of Myanmar’s KaPaSa weapons factories. At least 138 Singapore-based firms have served as intermediaries for the Myanmar military since the coup. Andrews requested the government of Singapore use the information in the report and enforce its own policies to the maximum extent possible. The government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorize the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.” Unlike Russia, China, and—to a much lesser extent—India, Andrews said he has received no information indicating that the governments of Singapore or Thailand have approved or transferred arms to the Myanmar military. Rather, arms dealing organizations appear to be using the jurisdictions of Thailand and Singapore, and specifically the banking and shipping sectors there, to facilitate arms transfers, he said. The report suggest arm dealers may be seeking to use Thailand as an alternative route. It said 12 Thai companies exporting arms and related materials to the Myanmar military were established following the coup, and many were established by sanctioned arms networks already operating in Singapore. Andrews said that the Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system because sanctions are not being adequately enforced. “Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement.” The UN Special Rapporteur urged a complete ban on the sale and transfer of weapons to the military, and urged governments to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources. “The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member states now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-18
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Description: "NEW YORK / GENEVA (17 May 2023) – The Myanmar military has imported at least $1 billion USD in arms and raw materials to manufacture weapons since the coup in February 2021, according to a new report today by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tom Andrews. UN Member States are enabling this trade either through outright complicity, lax enforcement of existing bans, and easily circumvented sanctions, according to the report. “Despite overwhelming evidence of the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes against the people of Myanmar, the generals continue to have access to advanced weapons systems, spare parts for fighter jets, raw materials and manufacturing equipment for domestic weapons production,” Andrews said. “Those providing these weapons are able to avoid sanctions by using front companies and creating new ones while counting on lax enforcement. “The good news is that we now know who is supplying these arms and the jurisdictions in which they operate. Member States now need to step up and stop the flow of these arms,” the expert said. While calling for a complete ban on the sale or transfer of weapons to the Myanmar military, Andrews pleaded for Member States to enforce existing bans while coordinating sanctions on arms dealers and foreign currency sources. The Special Rapporteur’s paper, “The Billion Dollar Death Trade: International Arms Networks that Enable Human Rights Violations in Myanmar” is the most detailed study on post-coup arms transfers to the military to date. Accompanied by a detailed infographic, it identifies the major networks and companies involved in these transactions, known values of the transfers, and jurisdictions in which the networks operate, namely Russia, China, Singapore, Thailand, and India. “Russia and China continue to be the main suppliers of advanced weapons systems to the Myanmar military, accounting for over $400 million and $260 million respectively since the coup, with much of the trade originating from state-owned entities. However, arms dealers operating out of Singapore are critical to the continued operation of the Myanmar military’s deadly weapons factories (commonly referred to as KaPaSa),” Andrews said. The report reveals that $254 million USD of supplies have been shipped from dozens of entities in Singapore to the Myanmar military from February 2021 to December 2022. Singaporean banks have been used extensively by arms dealers. Andrews recalled that the Government of Singapore has stated that its policy is to, “prohibit the transfer of arms to Myanmar” and that it has decided “not to authorise the transfer of dual-use items which have been assessed to have potential military application to Myanmar.” “I implore leaders of Singapore to seize the information within this report and enforce its policies to the maximum extent possible,” the Special Rapporteur said. “If the Singapore Government were to stop all shipments and facilitation of arms and associated materials to the Myanmar military from its jurisdiction, the impact on the junta’s ability to commit war crimes would be significantly disrupted,” he said. The report also documents $28 million USD in arms transfers from Thai-based entities to the Myanmar military since the coup. India-based entities have supplied $51 million worth of arms and related materials to the military since February 2021. The report examines why international sanctions on arms dealing networks have failed to stop or slow the flow of weapons to the Myanmar military. “The Myanmar military and its arms dealers have figured out how to game the system. That’s because sanctions are not being adequately enforced and because arms dealers linked to the junta have been able to create shell companies to avoid them. The expert said the ad hoc, uncoordinated nature of current sanctions were allowing payments to be made in other currencies and jurisdictions. “By expanding and retooling sanctions and eliminating loopholes, governments can disrupt junta-linked weapons dealers,” Andrews said. The report also focuses on the main sources of foreign currency that have enabled the Myanmar junta to purchase over $1 billion in arms since the coup. “Member States have not adequately targeted key sources of foreign currency that the junta relies on to purchase arms, including most significantly Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise,” Andrews said. Andrews highlighted that no Member State has imposed sanctions on Myanma Foreign Trade Bank (MFTB) since the coup. “My findings demonstrate that MFTB is not only important for receiving foreign currency but is also being used extensively by the junta to purchase arms. It should be a prime target for international sanctions,” the expert said. ENDS Mr. Thomas Andrews (United States of America) is the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar. A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale Law School and an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen. He has been a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network and has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide. The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Comprising the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, Special Procedures is the general name of the Council's independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity..."
Source/publisher: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Geneva)
2023-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed the passing of a European Parliament Resolution on Thursday, which called on the European Union to impose sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. The calls were made in a new Resolution condemning the back-door ban on 40 political parties in Burma. The Resolution is available here. Almost daily airstrikes by the Burmese military over the past two years have killed and injured thousands of people and displaced hundreds of thousands of people, creating a humanitarian crisis. As Burmese military jets use commercial aviation fuel and have taken fuel intended for civilian use, only a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma will help reduce airstrikes. Reports by Amnesty International and Global Witness have exposed the role of European companies in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma. The European Parliament Resolution also calls for targeted sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military, including No2 Mining Enterprise and the Myanmar Foreign Trade Bank. Other demands include supporting a referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court, and for the EU and member states to increase funding for Rohingya refugees. The European Parliament also condemns Russia and China “for their political, economic and military backing of Myanmar’s junta”. The European Parliament Resolution is not binding but increases pressure on the European Union to impose sanctions on the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma, and to speed up the slow pace of the implementation of sanctions on sources of revenue to the Burmese military. “The European Parliament has called on the European Union to do more to stop the flow of aviation fuel and revenue to the Burmese military, and the European Union must now listen and act”, said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There is much more the European Union can do to reduce the capacity of the Burmese military to keep bombing and killing the people of Burma.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-12
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today called on five British insurance companies to stop providing insurance cover for deliveries of aviation fuel to Burma. The five companies are: UK P&I, Steamship Mutual, Britannia P&I, North Standard, Shipowners Club. They are mutual insurance clubs which have provided insurance cover (protection and indemnity (P&I) insurance) to vessels which have delivered aviation fuel to Burma. Their role in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma was exposed in the Amnesty International Report, Deadly Cargo. The report is available here. “Any company involved in the supply chain delivering aviation fuel to Burma is potentially complicit in airstrikes against civilians, and should stop immediately,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Without insurance, vessels cannot deliver aviation fuel.” Since the Burmese military began its attempted coup on 1st February 2021, it has increasingly used airstrikes to try to gain control over the country. The Burmese military use airstrikes indiscriminately and deliberately against civilian targets, including health clinics, schools, homes, religious buildings and camps for people who had fled previous Burma military attacks. On 11th April, a Burmese military airstrike in the Sagaing Region in the north of Burma killed around 170 people, including around 40 children. In February 2022, the British government issued guidance to British companies regarding aviation fuel to Burma. It stated: “The Myanmar military regularly uses air strikes against civilian targets. If dealing with any entity linked to Myanmar’s aviation sector, businesses should conduct thorough supply chain diligence to ensure that commodities such as jet-fuel do not reach the military.” The guidance is available here. In their report, Deadly Cargo, Amnesty International exposed how aviation fuel intended for civilian use was taken by the Burmese military. This means it is impossible to be involved in supplying aviation fuel to Burma and ensure that fuel does not reach the Burmese military. Companies insuring vessels delivering aviation fuel to Burma are not following British government guidance. Despite its own guidance being broken, the British government has failed to impose sanctions preventing British companies being involved in supplying aviation fuel to Burma. Canada has imposed such sanctions. So far, the British government has only sanctioned Burmese companies and individuals which have sold aviation fuel to the Burmese military. “Insurers largely operate behind the scenes but play a vital role in the delivery of aviation fuel to Burma,” said Mark Farmaner. “These companies must now publicly commit that they will no longer provide insurance cover for vessels delivering aviation fuel to Burma.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-04-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-04-20
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by the UK and US on subsidiaries and one individual from Asia Sun Group of Companies, to coincide with the illegal Myanmar junta’s “Armed Forces Day”. Asia Sun Group of Companies is a key local partner of the Myanmar military junta and is involved in importing, storing and delivering jet fuel to the military. Asia Sun’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research contributed by Justice For Myanmar. On March 24, 2023, the US sanctioned three Myanmar-registered companies in the Asia Sun network: Asia Sun Group Company Limited, Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Petroleum Logistics Company Limited. On March 27, 2023, the UK sanctioned the Singapore-registered Shoon Energy Pte Ltd, which was formerly named Asia Sun Aviation, along with its director and sole owner, Khin Phyu Win. Amnesty International has revealed that in December 2022, the Swiss and Singapore based Puma Energy transferred its share of National Energy Puma Asia Sun (NEPAS) to Shoon Energy. NEPAS is a joint venture with the junta controlled Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE) and is responsible for the import, storage and sale of jet fuel. Shoon Energy is the second Singapore registered company to be sanctioned following the Myanmar military’s illegal coup attempt, and further highlights the role Singapore continues to play as a base for businesses providing funds, arms and jet fuel to the Myanmar military. The first Singapore business sanctioned since the coup attempt was Star Sapphire Group Pte Ltd, designated by the US on Friday. In January, the UK sanctioned Asia Sun Trading, its sole director and shareholder Zaw Min Tun, former director and shareholder Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung, and Cargo Link Company Limited. However, more action is urgently needed to stop the supply of jet fuel to the Myanmar junta, including through a total ban on jet fuel sales to Myanmar, sanctions on MPE and the extension of sanctions to all Asia Sun companies, directors and shareholders, including the key individuals May Thwe Aung and Moe Myint Aung, who remain unsanctioned. Justice For Myanmar has documented at least 8 subsidiaries of Asia Sun Group of Companies that are directly involved in the jet fuel supply chain, and only four of these companies have been sanctioned in one or more jurisdictions. Asia Sun Group of Companies has at least 40 subsidiaries and 13 associated companies in total. The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. In the first two months of 2023, Chin Human Rights Foundation documented one airstrike per day in Chin State townships under martial law. In late February, a campaign of indiscriminate airstrikes in Karenni State killed civilians and displaced thousands. By supplying jet fuel to the Myanmar military, Asia Sun Group of Companies is complicit in the junta’s airstrikes, which amount to atrocity crimes, and all those responsible should be held accountable under international law. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from the US and UK targeting the junta’s jet fuel supply chain. “However more urgently needs to be done to stop the junta from accessing jet fuel, which enables its ongoing air attacks against the people of Myanmar. “The US, UK, EU and Australia should follow the lead of Canada by imposing a ban on the sale of jet fuel to Myanmar. “The US, UK, EU, Canada and Australia need to coordinate to sanction MPE and the whole Asia Sun network of companies and individuals, as well all other companies and individuals that continue to supply jet fuel to the Myanmar military. “The junta’s procurement of arms and jet fuel is enabled by its access to funds. Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) remains the biggest source of revenue for the junta and must be targeted to disrupt the junta’s ability to maintain its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar. “We urge the US, UK, Canada and Australia to follow the EU and sanction MOGE immediately, as has been repeatedly demanded by civil society and the National Unity Government. “It is concerning that Asia Sun has continued to operate in Singapore, along with many other companies supporting the junta’s international crimes. “Recent US and UK sanctions against Singapore companies should be a wake-up call to the Singapore government to act in accordance with its international responsibilities and stop allowing Singaporean companies to support the junta. “We note Singapore Foreign Minister Dr Vivian Balakrishnan's recent statement committing to a prohibition on the transfer of arms and dual use goods to Myanmar, but comprehensive action needs to be seen.” More information: See our data on Asia Sun Group of Companies subsidiaries and directors here, and read Amnesty International’s Deadly Cargo report, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar Read our joint press release with The Sentry welcoming US sanctions against Star Sapphire Group of Companies, subsidiaries and individuals here Justice For Myanmar, a group of covert activists campaigning for justice and accountability for the people of Myanmar, is calling for an end to military business and for federal democracy and a sustainable peace..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-03-28
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-28
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Description: "The sole legitimate Government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government (NUG) welcomes the announcement by the UK government of further targeted sanctions against those enabling the brutal Burmese military's assault on the democratic aspirations of the people of Myanmar. The announcement comes on the annual Armed Forces Day in Myanmar. Today, the brutal Burmese military leaders celebrate their crimes against humanity against the people of Myanmar by throwing massive military parades. Yesterday, the Government of the United States of America (USA) imposed fresh sanctions against the brutal Burmese military for inflicting terrible pain and unspeakable suffering of the people of Myanmar. The sanctions will restrict the genocidal Burmese military's access to fuel and military equipment by targeting individuals and entities involved in the supply of military equipment and aviation fuel to the military regime. The entities and individuals sanctioned are: Shoon Energy Pte Ltd. - a company supplying aviation fuel to the Myanmar Air Force, Khin Phyu Win - Director and shareholder of Shoon Energy Pte Ltd., Tun Min Latt - Director of Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, a company that supplies restricted goods or technology through its business. We hope and pray that all the International Communities will join the UK government by taking coordinated, targeted and tougher actions against the brutal Burmese Military. We hope and pray that all International actors will join the UK Government in condemning the inhuman Burmese military's brutal campaign against the people of Myanmar, which has resulted in violence and atrocities against civilians. In the last 24 months alone, the brutal Burmese Military's atrocities have totalled more than 9,000 attacks on civilians, resulting in the deaths of over 3,000 innocent individuals and the inhuman and illegal detention of over 20,000 civilians including President U Win Myint, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and spiritual leader Rev. Dr. Hkalam Samson. These brutal evils forces of Burmese Military have destroyed over 60,000 homes, schools, churches, and monasteries, displacing more than 1.6 million civilians and causing over 17 million people to face hunger and starvation. These genocidal attacks by the brutal Burmese military junta have been made possible by the massive supplies of fuel and finances provided to the fascist military. The individuals, groups, organizations, businesses, companies, and countries enabling these atrocities and crimes against humanity must be held accountable. These targeted sanctions are an important step towards holding those responsible for these crimes accountable, and we urge the international partners to maintain pressure on the brutal Burmese Military and support the people of Myanmar in their fight for rule of law, freedom, federal democracy and human rights. We call on all countries to end the sale and transfer of arms and equipment that facilitate the brutal Burmese military's atrocities and to take similar targeted measures to hold accountable those profiting from, or supporting, the genocidal Burmese Military (Tatmadaw). It is time for the international community to stand with the people of Myanmar and demand an end to the genocidal Burmese Military's brutal campaign against them..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-03-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-28
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new UK sanctions targeting companies supplying aviation fuel, arms and aircraft parts to the Burmese military. The sanctions follow similar sanctions targeting aviation fuel announced by the USA on 24th March. The new sanctions target the following: Shoon Energy, linked to the already sanctioned Asia Sun company, which supplies aviation fuel to the military. Khin Phyu Win, Director of Shoon Energy. Tun Min Latt, Director of the Star Sapphire group of companies. He is a Burmese business crony close to the head of the military, Min Aung Hlaing, and also an arms broker and linked to the illegal drug trade. The updated sanctions list is available here. It follows Asia Sun Trading and two executives being sanctioned by the UK in February for supplying aviation fuel to the Burmese military. Since the attempted military coup began on 1st February 2021, the Burmese military have increasingly used airstrikes against civilians and those resisting military rule. More than 1.5 million people have been forced to flee their homes, creating a humanitarian crisis. These almost daily airstrikes are a violation of international law, with homes, schools, hospitals and medical centres being targeted, as well as churches and other religious buildings. Stopping the supply of aviation fuel is one of the single most effective things the international community can do to address the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma. “These sanctions are well targeted, prioritising suppliers of aviation fuel and arms brokers, but a complete ban on British companies supplying aviation fuel to Burma is the only way to ensure no British companies are complicit in airstrikes against civilians,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The British government has the right policy in seeking to cut off sources of revenue, arms and aviation fuel but they are implementing the policy far too slowly.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-03-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar warmly welcomes the United States Department of the Treasury’s announcement of further sanctions against individuals and entities connected to the illegal military junta. Announced on 24 March 2023, the new measures target two individuals and six entities tied to the junta and its deliberate, widespread and systematic atrocities against civilians. Significantly, they also take aim at the import, storage and distribution of jet fuel to the junta. Frustrated by the scale and resilience of the Myanmar people’s rights-based revolution and by its own failure to seize power, the junta is escalating its airstrikes against villages, schools and hospitals. According to the UN’s Human Rights Office, the junta has increased its aerial attacks against civilian locations by 141 percent over the past year. In recent weeks, senior UN officials have condemned the junta at the Human Rights Council, the UN’s premier human rights forum. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, told the Council that “[t]he disregard and contempt for human life and human rights that are continuously demonstrated by the military constitute an outrage to the conscience of humanity.” The UN’s Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, Tom Andrews, urged the Council to take action, pressing that the junta “does not offer any viable path to stability or an end to the human rights crisis in Myanmar because it is the very cause of this crisis”, and that the junta “lacks even a shred of constitutional or democratic legitimacy”. The latest tranche of United States sanctions joins a growing movement of measures against the junta. In February, the European Union imposed a sixth round of sanctions that targeted the junta’s oil and gas revenues, building on earlier measures aimed at stripping the junta of access to arms, munitions and dual-use items. The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the United States for its sustained commitment to the Myanmar people and calls on other members of the international community to take equal action..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
2023-03-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar and The Sentry welcome the adoption of sanctions today by the United States on Star Sapphire Group of Companies, Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited, Star Sapphire Group Pte. Ltd., and two of their owners, Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe. Star Sapphire Group of Companies is a Myanmar conglomerate with diversified interests in trading, power, hospitality, and mining. As revealed by Justice For Myanmar in an April 2022 report, Star Sapphire Group of Companies has substantial business links with theMyanmar military. The United Kingdom sanctioned Star Sapphire Group of Companies in August 2022. According to the Department of the Treasury’s press release, Tun Min Latt has used his companies “to import military arms and equipment, including drones and aircraft parts” and has acted as Myanmar’s agent with the US-sanctioned Chinese arms manufacturer NORINCO.Alongside institutional links between Star Sapphire Group of Companies and the Myanmar military, significant ties exist between Tun Min Latt and his wife Win Min Soe and the family of junta leader and commander-in-chief of the Myanmar military Min Aung Hlaing. Research by Justice For Myanmar and Reuters published in January 2023 revealed that Tun Min Latt held assets in the names of Min Aung Hlaing’s adult children at the time of Tun Min Latt’s arrest by the Thai police in Bangkok in September 2022. The arrest was carried out after Tun Min Latt and his associates were charged with drug trafficking and money laundering; he remains incustody in Thailand where his trial is ongoing. Thai police found at the time of his arrest that Tun Min Latt was in possession of the property deed for a luxury Bangkok condominium in the name of Aung Pyae Sone and a checkbook for a Thai bank account in the name of Khin Thiri Thet Mon. Aung Pyae Sone and Khin Thiri Thet Mon are the adult son and daughter, respectively, of Min Aung Hlaing; both children were sanctioned by the US in March 2021 for having “directly benefitted from their father’s position and malign influence.” The Sentry and Justice For Myanmar welcome the decision by the US to sanction these military cronies and call for likeminded jurisdictions,including the European Union, United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, to coordinate efforts to ensure that all of the Star Sapphire entities and owners are sanctioned by each jurisdiction. Yadanar Maung, spokesperson for Justice For Myanmar, stated: “We welcome the latest round of US sanctions against StarSapphire entities and two of their owners, who have aided and abetted the Myanmar military’s genocide, war crimes, and crimesagainst humanity through financial support and the brokering of arms. These sanctions are also significant for targeting aSingaporean entity for the first time and help send a message that Singapore is no longer safe for Myanmar cronies. Tun Min Lattalso has deep personal ties with the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing and his family, helping them profit from the military’s illegal coup attempt and hide assets offshore. We urge the US and its allies to extend sanctions to the whole Star Sapphire network, including Htet Aung, Khine Wint Mon, Sithu Maung, and Thant Lwin Moe, as well as all other enablers of the illegitimate Myanmar military junta.” Justyna Gudzowska, director of illicit finance policy at The Sentry, said: “Tun Min Latt, Win Min Soe, and the Star Sapphireentities epitomize the enablers that facilitate business transactions with the Myanmar military in ways that benefit both the genocidal institution and its leadership. These welcome designations act as a warning and deterrent to businesspersons, corporate entities, and financial institutions from Myanmar and beyond that engaging in transactions with the Myanmar military will incur legal and reputational consequences.” ‍ For media inquiries or interview requests for The Sentry, please contact: Greg Hittelman, Director of Communications, [email protected] For media inquiries for Justice For Myanmar, please contact: Yadanar Maung, Spokesperson, [email protected] ‍ About Justice For Myanmar Justice For Myanmar is a collective of covert activists working to create a just, peaceful, and federal democratic Myanmar. The collective uses painstaking research, data visualization, and hard-hitting reporting to expose multinational corporations with business ties to the Myanmar military—money that funds inequality, corruption, violence, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Their work has helped pressure multinational corporations to divest hundreds of millions of dollars from the Myanmar military, led to targeted sanctions, and raised international awareness of the situation in Myanmar. About The Sentry (Short descriptor for press use: “The Sentry, an investigative organization that tracks corruption”) The Sentry is an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Pull back the curtain on wars, mass atrocities, and other human rights abuses, and you’ll find grand corruption and unchecked greed. These tragedies persist because the perpetrators rarely face meaningful consequences. The Sentry aims to alter the warped incentive structures that continually undermine peace and good governance. Our investigations follow the money as it is laundered from war zones to financial centers around the world. We provide evidence and strategies for governments, banks, and law enforcement to hold the perpetrators and enablers of violence and corruption to account. These efforts provide new leverage for human rights, peace, and anti-corruption efforts..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-03-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Representatives of the illegal Myanmar military junta have been invited to attend the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) Workshop on Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism this week, according to a Justice For Myanmar source. The workshop is set to take place in Bali, Indonesia from March 8 to 10, 2023 and will be co-chaired by the European Union, Indonesia and Laos, with apparent financial support from the German development agency, GIZ. As part of the workshop, the EU is hosting a welcome dinner on March 8. The ASEAN Regional Forum’s secretariat invited representatives of the Myanmar junta via its Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which then invited the junta’s Ministry of Home Affairs and Central Bank of Myanmar. The Ministry of Home Affairs houses the junta’s police force and prisons department and is directly responsible for ongoing crimes against humanity. The EU has sanctioned the junta’s home affairs minister and deputy home affairs minister, as well as the junta’s State Administration Council. The workshop aims to build knowledge and capacity to address the security risks of money laundering and terrorist financing, focussing on the prevention of the financing of terrorism by non-profit organisations related to the intergovernmental Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Recommendation 8. FATF blacklisted Myanmar in October 2022 over serious deficiencies in countering money laundering, urging countries to conduct enhanced due diligence against the risks emanating from Myanmar. A group of former United Nations experts, the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, have established that the Myanmar military junta is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law, and it should be treated as such by the international community. In 2021, the junta illegally declared the National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, as a terrorist group. It also designated the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and People’s Defence Forces (PDFs) as terrorist organisations. Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, the junta has created a state of terror, committing deliberate killings, arbitrary arrests, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, rape and torture, using counter-terrorism as a pretext. The junta has killed more than 3,100 people, and arbitrarily arrested over 20,000. As part of its attempt to gain control, the junta illegally introduced an organisation registration law in October 2022 to force non-profits to register with the junta, and disclose funding sources and details about their operations, under threat of imprisonment. Analysis by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) found that the junta’s organisation registration law is “wholly incompliant” with international law and standards, violating the right to freedom of association, assembly, opinion, expression, and political participation. The junta has also increased surveillance of the financial sector. An August 2022 directive by the junta’s Central Bank of Myanmar to mobile money businesses requires users to register a photo of their face, their ID card and phone number, increasing the grave risks of retaliation by the junta to those making payments to the NUG, CRPH, PDFs, civil society and other forces successfully resisting the military’s attempted coup and providing humanitarian aid and basic services to the people. Justice For Myanmar wrote to the co-chairs of the ARF workshop to express dismay at the invitation of illegal military junta members, to urge that they are disinvited and that an invite is instead extended to the National Unity Government, and to seek clarification on funding arrangements. A representative of the EU denied responsibility for the Myanmar junta’s participation, saying that invitations for ARF activities are distributed through the ARF Secretariat, and clarified that the EU is not funding the participation of representatives from Myanmar. GIZ responded that they are not financially supporting participants to attend the workshop. Meanwhile, no response was received from Indonesia or Laos. Justice For Myanmar requests the co-chairs of the workshop to immediately disinvite the Myanmar military junta and to ban the junta from this and all future ASEAN Regional Forum workshops and events. Instead, these invitations should be extended to the National Unity Government. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is nonsensical for ARF to invite representatives of the Myanmar junta, a terrorist organisation, to a workshop on countering the financing of terrorism. The invite not only legitimises the junta but also provides it with an opportunity to improve their understanding of measures to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing, which may help them to better circumvent these measures as part of their organised, criminal activities. “By providing the junta with capacity to regulate the transactions of non-profit organisations, ARF is in effect supporting the junta’s crackdown on freedom of association, assembly, opinion, expression, and political participation, which violates international law. “The invite also undermines the integrity of ARF’s important work to address the security and economic risks linked to money laundering and terrorist financing activities. “The Myanmar junta is systemically corrupt and uses a vast network of business to fund its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people. ARF should treat the junta as a threat to regional economies and security, rather than as a partner. “JFM calls on ARF to immediately revoke the invite to the military junta, and instead extend an invite to the National Unity Government. “The EU should use its leverage as a co-host to urge the exclusion of the junta in the upcoming workshop, the EU hosted welcome dinner and all other international meetings and events the EU is part of. Instead, the EU should support and recognise the NUG as the legitimate government of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "State-owned arms company Yantra India Limited has shipped multiple 122mm barrels to the Myanmar military in October 2022 in likely breach of international law, a Justice For Myanmar investigation has found. The 122mm barrels appear to be for howitzers that are produced in Myanmar by the Office of the Chief of Defence Industries (OCDI), also known as the Directorate of Defence Industries, a unit of the military that is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada. The barrels were sent to a company owned by the Myanmar military arms broker, Kyaw Kyaw Htun, who Justice For Myanmar previously exposed for importing fuzes from the Indian company Sandeep Metalcraft to be used by the Myanmar military for the detonation of munitions. Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his network not yet been sanctioned. Yantra India Limited is an official public sector undertaking operating under the Department of Defence Production of the Indian Ministry of Defence. Yantra’s exports of 122mm barrels to Myanmar follows several other known exports of weapons and weapon components from Indian companies after the Myanmar military’s attempted coup, including a remote controlled weapon station from the majority state-owned company, Bharat Electronics Limited. Since the military’s illegal coup attempt, the junta has murdered protesters, shelled villages and conducted indiscriminate airstrikes, killing more than 3,000 people and displacing over 1.2 million. The latest shipment comes as the military junta continues to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity, including with howitzers. The Myanmar army has recently been recorded firing 122mm howitzer rounds into civilian areas. For example, on 6 December 2022, the military fired rounds from a 122mm howitzer to the outskirts of Namsai Hkahku in Hpakant Township, Kachin State. On 13 December 2022, 122mm howitzer rounds were fired in Bhamo Township, Kachin State. The fact that Yantra India Ltd is a fully state-owned company, coupled with the fact that Indian arms manufacturing companies have continued to supply weapons after the attempted coup, show India’s serious disregard for international humanitarian law and norms of conduct contained in the Wassenaar Arrangement. Justice For Myanmar calls on India to immediately impose an arms embargo on the Myanmar military junta, which is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law, and cease all training and other military support. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "India is directly supporting the junta’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians by allowing the export of barrels that that the junta will use in its continued gross violations of international law. “As a democracy and a neighbour of Myanmar, we appeal to the Indian government to stand with the people of Myanmar, not war criminals and their illegitimate junta. “India must immediately stop arming the Myanmar military junta and uphold its obligations under international humanitarian law. “We urge fellow members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), Australia, Japan and the USA, to use their influence to stop the flow of arms from India to the Myanmar military. “It is disappointing that Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his network has not been sanctioned, despite clear evidence of their complicity in the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity through the brokering of arms and surveillance equipment. “We call for urgent sanctions against Kyaw Kyaw Htun, his businesses and associates, along with all other enablers of the junta.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-03-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As evidence grows of British companies’ involvement in Burma’s gas industry, Burma Campaign UK is calling on the British government to sanction the military-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. The British government must take action to prevent British companies being involved in Burma’s gas industry, which earns the Burmese military more than $2bn a year. They must also work with allies to prevent gas revenue reaching the Burmese military. British involvement in Burma’s gas industry includes: InterMoor, a subsidiary of British company Acteon Group, has been working on the Shwe gas project in Burma. A holding company in Bermuda, a British overseas territory, is being used by Canadian company MTI Energy to purchase a 41% stake in the Yadana gas project. Burma Campaign UK is working to confirm information about British insurance companies insuring vessels and infrastructure for gas projects in Burma. “British companies involved in the gas industry in Burma are facilitating an industry which enables the Burmese military to receive billions of dollars,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “Gas sales provide revenue which the Burmese military can use for the purchase of arms and equipment, including the jets used for airstrikes against civilians.” The British government has a policy of systematically identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military. However, the policy is being implemented too slowly. Burma Campaign UK is calling on Foreign Secretary James Cleverly MP to speed up the implementation of sanctions against other sources of revenue and arms. The British government should seek to find creative ways of preventing gas revenue reaching the Burmese military, such as the creation of escrow accounts and sanctioning international bank accounts of MOGE. Burma Campaign UK is asking supporters to write to the Foreign Secretary calling on him to sanction MOGE..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-02-27
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Western sanctions should be welcomed but the country’s opposition must do more.
Description: "Ever since the West turned on the military taps and flooded Ukraine with weapons capable of stopping the Russian advance, the backers of Myanmar’s ousted government have asked: “what about us?” It’s an understandable question. The National Unity Government (NUG) and its armed wing, the People’s Defense Force (PDF), are in dire need of weaponry as they push the civil war from the jungles into junta-held provincial zones where the military responds with Russian-made fighter jets and artillery. But the Western response has been limited to sanctions. The latest sanctions just announced by the European Union include travel bans on 16 individuals and entities, including the junta’s energy minister, high-ranking officers, the ministry of defense and private companies thought to be supplying fuel, arms, and funds to the military. A number of sources who have advised the PDF on strategy, the NUG on policies and sought military help from the West, including Washington D.C., say perennial issues remain. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. “I have spoken with Congressmen who want to provide military aid but they don’t know who to deal with. The NUG and PDF have no public face. There is no leader that people can rally around, there’s no central point,” said one ASEAN politician who recently returned from the United States. Unlike Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, few would recognize the leader and acting president of the NUG, Duwa Lashi La, and that’s more than two years after the Myanmar military – also known as the Tatmadaw – ousted an elected government headed by Aung San Suu Kyi. Observers close to Lashi La, who does not speak English, say he lacks charisma and is reluctant to fill the shoes of Aung San Suu Kyi, who is languishing behind bars, because of old loyalties and his sense of hierarchy. Aung San Suu Kyi is deservedly recognized by the United Nations as the legitimate leader of Myanmar, despite her fall from grace over her backing of the military during the slaughter of the Rohingya in 2017. Her ability to carry an audience was formidable and her cult of personality well documented, but her days as Myanmar’s savior are over. There’s just not that much she can do. Meanwhile, those around Duwa Lashi La have proved barely competent when dealing with journalists outside their comfort zone. Disunity remains a persistent issue among the official 135 major ethnic groups and seven ethnic minority states that contribute to opposition forces. Latest estimates say the PDF has more than 65,000 troops serving in more than 250 units but there is no single command structure and it would be impossible for each ethnic group to negotiate military aid with countries like the U.S. on their own. According to the Human Rights Foundation of Monland, a local NGO, much of the latest fighting has taken place in Karen and Mon state and in Tanintharyi Region, which border Thailand. It says the people in Karen State have been harshly impacted, which along with Mon State and the Tanintharyi Region, are being relentlessly and indiscriminately attacked by the junta. “Destruction of property, including the burning of villages, is ongoing,” it said. “Thousands more are being forced to flee their homes daily as military impunity and a lack of international action only encourage the junta to commit more atrocity crimes.” Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Thus the NUG leadership desperately needs to step up or move on, more so with Indonesia taking the helm of ASEAN for 2023. It has opened up the prospect of direct negotiations with the NUG, and hopefully, put an end to the dithering and silly political theatrics of the last two years. The shift in direction matters with the military looking to shore up its legitimacy through rigged, stage-managed elections, which the U.N. special rapporteur for Myanmar, Tom Andrews, has already described as fake because “these are not the conditions for a free and fair election.” “These are conditions for a fraud that is going to be attempted to be perpetrated against the people of Myanmar,” he quite rightly said. Hence, the NUG needs to get its political act together..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Prime Minister Should Fulfill Pledge by Stopping Payments, Imposing Sanctions
Description: "During a televised parliamentary budget session on Wednesday, February 22, Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida said his government will “appropriately handle” a development aid project in Myanmar that is benefiting the country’s abusive military. Yoshimasa Hayashi, the Japanese foreign minister, echoed the prime minister’s public pledge to take appropriate action. The leaders’ comments came in response to questions from an opposition politician about Japan’s Bago River Bridge Construction Project, being built partly by Japanese construction giant Yokogawa Bridge Corp. In March 2021, Myanmar Now reported that a steel mill owned by the military-owned conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) was supplying steel for the project and “profiting enormously.” Financial transactions analyzed by Human Rights Watch show that from July 2022 to January 2023, Yokogawa Bridge Corp. transferred around US$2 million to MEC for the project, with United States government approval. MEC generates vast revenue through businesses in sectors including manufacturing, mining, and telecommunications, according to a 2019 report by the United Nations-backed Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar. The US, United Kingdom, European Union, Canada, and Australia have sanctioned MEC and Myanmar’s other military conglomerate, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, for their role in generating significant revenues that help fund military abuses. Since the February 2021 military coup, Myanmar’s military has been responsible for widespread and systematic human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians that amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s security forces committed crimes against humanity and genocidal acts against the Rohingya Muslim minority in Rakhine State, forcing thousands to flee to Bangladesh, where about 900,000 Rohingya are currently living in overcrowded camps. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State, where they are subject to persecution and violence, confined to camps and villages without freedom of movement, and cut off from access to adequate food, health care, education, and livelihoods. If Japan’s prime minister and foreign minister are serious about “swiftly restor[ing] Myanmar’s democratic political system,” they should fulfill their own pledge and take concrete action. This means stopping payments to MEC, suspending all non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar, and imposing targeted economic sanctions on military leaders and military-owned conglomerates..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-02-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The #NUG welcomes the 6th round of #EU sanctions against 9 individuals and 7 entities in response to escalation of violence, human rights violations and crimes against humanity. The 9 individuals include the Minister of Energy and high-ranking officers from the military, home affairs, police force, members of SAC and arms brokers. The 7 entities include Military arms procurement bodies and private companies supplying fuel and arms to the military. These new sanctions are significant measures to tackle a worsening conflict and in particular ongoing air strikes against civilians amid a range of other barbaric attacks by the military. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes. Coordinated and targeted sanctions such as these are necessary to lessen human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the military regime. We are grateful for the work of the EU government in placing these important sanctions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit. We once again request that all governments and the international community immediately place aggressive, targeted sanctions on the military regime and those who support and supply them. Myanmar Spring Revolution will prevail!..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-02-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 28.32 KB 143.47 KB
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by the EU on members of the terrorist Myanmar military junta, its arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers, more than two years after the military’s illegal coup attempt. Arms brokers targeted in the latest round of sanctions include Aung Hlaing Oo, Sit Taing Aung and Kyaw Min Oo, along with the companies Dynasty International, International Gateways Group and Sky Aviator Company Limited. Aung Hlaing Oo and Dynasty International have both had business with EU companies, and future activities will be prevented through these sanctions. Aung Hlaing Oo has been a longstanding business partner of the Finnish energy corporation, Wärtsilä, and won two junta power plant tenders in 2022 in a consortium with Dongfeng Electric International Corporation. Wärtsila have told Justice For Myanmar they ended business with MCM after US sanctions, but refused to disclose details. Dynasty International brokered the supply and maintenance of G120TP aircraft from the German corporation, Grob Aircraft SE. In response to recent questions in parliament from Die Linke, the German government stated they are not aware of the sale of Grob G120TP aircraft to the Myanmar Air Force. The EU has also importantly designated Asia Sun Group, which brokers the supply of jet fuel to the junta and stands complicit in its international crimes. This will help disrupt the supply of jet fuel to the junta, which it needs for its continued indiscriminate airstrikes. The new designations fill major gaps in the EU’s sanctions regime, targeting key arms brokers and military institutions. These include the Myanmar military’s Office of the Quarter Master General, Directorate of Procurement and Directorate of Defence Industries, which were sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada in December 2021 and January 2022. The new EU sanctions come as the people of Myanmar continue to courageously resist the junta in the face of its nationwide campaign of terror, ensuring its attempted coup fails. The junta’s response to mass resistance has been the continued commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity, murdering over 3,000 people, arbitrarily arresting over 19,000 more, displacing 1.1 million people and carrying out indiscriminate attacks across Myanmar, enabled by the supply of funds, arms and jet fuel. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from the EU, targeting junta members and agencies, along with their arms brokers and jet fuel suppliers, which are complicit in ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. “The people of Myanmar have sustained mass resistance to the military’s brutal and illegal coup attempt and its campaign of terror, ensuring that the coup and the junta’s sham so-called ‘elections’ will not succeed. “While these latest sanctions are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources, far more needs to be done to coordinate sanctions that systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms and jet fuel. “In particular, we call on the US to follow the EU, UK and Canada in targeting the military’s jet fuel supply chain, and we call on the US, UK and Canada to follow the EU and swiftly sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, which is the junta’s biggest source of foreign revenue. “The EU needs to urgently expand its sanctions to target more individuals and businesses that enable the junta's access to funds and arms, in coordination with its allies. “Democracies in the region, including Japan, South Korea and India, must also step up, end business with the junta, and impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its conglomerates.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Two years after the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1st February 2021, the Council adopted today restrictive measures against 9 persons and 7 entities in view of the continuing escalation of violence, grave human rights violations and threats to the peace, security and stability in Myanmar/Burma. The sanctioned individuals include the Minister for Energy, prominent businessmen who have supported the regime’s repression with arms and dual use goods, and high-ranking officers in the Myanmar armed forces that are closely associated with the regime. Also listed are politicians and administrators from the Yangon Region involved in the process of death sentences and execution of four democracy activists in July 2022, and in Kachin State, where they oversaw air strikes, massacres, raids, arson and the use of human shields committed by the military. The listed entities include departments of the Ministry of Defence and a state-owned enterprise under its jurisdiction, as well as private companies supplying fuel, arms and funds to the military. Restrictive measures currently apply to a total of 93 individuals and 18 entities. Those designated are subject to an asset freeze and a travel ban, which prevents them from entering or transiting through EU territory. In addition, EU persons and entities are prohibited to make funds available to those listed. Other EU restrictive measure will remain in place: the embargo on arms and equipment and export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications which might be used for internal repression, the export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, and the prohibition of military training and cooperation with the Tatmadaw. The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta. The EU condemns in the strongest possible terms the grave human rights violations, including sexual and gender-based violence, the persecution of civil society, human rights defenders and journalists, attacks on the civilian population, targeting also children and persons belonging to ethnic and religious minorities across the country, and recent deadly air strikes on civilian targets, including on schools and hospitals, by the Myanmar armed forces. Those responsible for the coup, as well as the perpetrators of violence and gross human rights violations, should be held accountable. The EU reiterates its call for increased international preventive action, including an arms embargo in order to cease the sale and transfer of arms and equipment, as they facilitate the military’s atrocities. All hostilities must stop immediately. The military authorities must fully respect international humanitarian law, and put an end to the indiscriminate use of force. The European Union supports ASEAN’s and the UN´s efforts to help Myanmar to find a peaceful solution to the crisis and welcomes the UN Security Council’s adoption of Resolution 2669 on Myanmar. Myanmar should swiftly and faithfully implement ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus, as reiterated at the 40th and 41st ASEAN Summits in November 2022, and at the EU-ASEAN Commemorative Summit in December 2022. The relevant legal acts have been published in the Official Journal of the European Union. Background In February 2021, the Council adopted conclusions condemning in the strongest terms the military coup carried out in Myanmar/Burma. On 31 January 2023, the High Representative issued a declaration on behalf of the EU on the 2nd anniversary of the military take-over stating that, in the absence of any swift progress on the situation in Myanmar, the EU stood ready to adopt further restrictive measures against those directly responsible for and those abetting the undermining of democracy and the serious human rights violations in the country. The Council has imposed restrictive measures against those responsible for the military coup staged in Myanmar/Burma on 1 February 2021, and the subsequent military and police repression against peaceful demonstrators on 22 March, 19 April and 21 June 2021, and 21 February and 8 November 2022..."
Source/publisher: Council of the European Union
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new European Union sanctions targeting the Burmese military and associates facilitating their crimes. Nine people and seven companies/entities have been added to the list of those sanctioned. This round of sanctions is well targeted, focusing on suppliers of aviation fuel, arms brokers, military procurement entities and members of the Burmese military and associated bodies. The new sanctions apply to: Aviation fuel supplier Asia Sun Group 9 Individuals Hlaing Oo, Chair of Myanmar Chemical and Machinery (MCM), who has brokered arms and equipment to the Burmese military. Sit Taing Aung, who has brokered arms and equipment to the Burmese military. Kyaw Min Oo, Director of Sky Aviator, who has brokered arms and equipment to the Burmese military. Moe Aung, Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy. Maung Maung Aye, Chief of General Staff for the Myanmar army, navy, and air force. Myo Myint Aung, Yangon Region economic Minister of the State Administration Council (SAC). Zin Min Htet, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs and Chief of the Myanmar Police Force. Ko Ko Maung, Regional Military Commander in Kachin State. Myo Myint Oo, Union Minister for Energy. 3 Military arms procurement bodies Myanmar Office of the Quarter Master General, Myanmar Directorate of Defense Industries, Myanmar Directorate of Defense Procurement. 3 Arms Brokers Dynasty Group of Companies, International Gateways Group of Company Limited (IGG), and Sky Aviator Company Limited. The new sanctions legislation is available here. “These new EU sanctions are right on target, aimed at limiting airstrikes and supplies of arms and equipment, as well as targeting individuals responsible for serious human rights violations,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “The EU has the right approach, but they are moving too slowly to implement these sanctions. The delay in cutting off sources of revenue, arms, and equipment is costing lives.” There were only two rounds of EU Burma sanctions in 2022, despite the increased use of airstrikes against civilian targets, the first executions of political prisoners in decades, and the number of political prisoners reaching an all-time record high of more than 13,000. Last week, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma reported that the number of those killed since the attempted coup began has reached 3,000. This figure is an underestimate because of the challenges of documentation in many parts of the country. “Two years on from the coup, there are hundreds of companies and individuals which should be sanctioned, but have not been,” said Anna Roberts. “The people of Burma are doing everything they can to resist military rule and defend human rights, but the same can’t be said for the EU, UK or USA. The EU is implementing the right policy, but far too slowly.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-02-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) welcomes the new sanctions imposed by the governments of Australia, Canada, UK and USA on members of the illegal Myanmar military junta, its businesses, and jet fuel suppliers to mark the second anniversary of the military’s attempted coup. “Governments worldwide should urgently deny the illegal junta weapons, funds, and legitimacy. For two years, the junta has continued to commit genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity with complete impunity,” said Kyaw Win Executive Director of BHRN. “The international community must act immediately to cut all resources to this terrorist regime and hold them accountable for their crimes.” Over the last two years, the people of Burma have bravely resisted the junta’s violent attempt to take total control of the country. In the face of mass, unwavering public resistance, the junta continues to increase its campaign of brutality and savagery as it carries out killings, torture, forced disappearances, sexual violence, and daily airstrikes against the civilian population throughout the country. The junta’s continued commission of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, has been enabled by the supply of funds, arms, and jet fuel. The steps taken by the Australia, Canada, UK and USA shows solidarity with the people of Burma in their fight to topple the dictatorship. The sanctions announced by Canada on January 31 prohibit the export, sale, supply, or shipment of aviation fuel to Myanmar, making Canada the first jurisdiction in the world to ban the supply of jet fuel to the junta. Meanwhile, the measures taken by the UK targeted two Myanmar companies and two individuals who have played an essential role in importing, handling, and transporting aviation fuel to the junta’s air force. Complementing these efforts, the US imposed new sanctions targeting the senior leadership of Myanmar’s ministry of energy, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), its air force, as well as an arms dealer and a family member of a previously designated business associates of the military. The US also sanctioned the Union Election Commission. Australia, which has been slow to impose sanctions on the junta has finally announced measures against 16 people, including the head of the junta, senior general Min Aung Hlaing as well as the military owned Myanmar Economic Corporation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd. Together, these new measures are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources and deterrent to their ongoing crimes. However, immediate and coordinated action is still needed from the international community to systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms, and jet fuel. BHRN calls on: Governments worldwide to urgently sanction the junta, its businesses, and arms brokers and impose a coordinated global arms embargo. The US, UK, EU, and Australia to follow Canada’s lead in imposing a complete ban on the supply of jet fuel to the junta. The US, UK, Canada, and Australia to follow in the EU’s footsteps and sanction MOGE, which finances the junta. Organisation’s Background BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
2023-02-04
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 192.52 KB
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Description: "A Justice For Myanmar investigation using open source and leaked documents has identified 22 international oilfield services companies active in Myanmar since the military’s illegal attempted coup. The oil and gas sector in Myanmar is illegally controlled by the junta and is its biggest source of foreign revenue, bankrolling the military’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. These oilfield services companies provide critical support and equipment to the sector, from drilling to maintenance to supply. By doing so, they help to keep the gas revenues flowing to the junta, making them complicit in its international crimes. 8 of the companies identified are either fully or partially based in the USA, including the biggest companies in the sector: Halliburton, Schlumberger and Baker Hughes, which have branch offices in Myanmar that remain active. Tax filings for the first year of the military’s coup attempt, provided by Distributed Denial of Secrets, show earnings in the millions of US dollars. The activities of US oilfield services companies have been encouraged by the failure of the US government to sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), an agency illegally controlled by the junta. MOGE regulates the sector and acts as both a state revenue collector and commercial partner in oil and gas projects, ensuring the junta gets lucrative tax and royalty payments, as well as a vast share of profits. Concerningly, the continued presence of US companies has been encouraged by the US Department of Commerce’s International Trade Administration, which lists the oil and gas industry in Myanmar as a “best prospect industry” and encourages US companies to seek opportunities, including applying for junta tenders. With the National Defense Authorization Act signed into law in December, the US must act now and impose sanction on MOGE, in coordination with its allies the UK, Canada and Australia. Oilfield services companies outside the EU, where sanctions on MOGE are already in place, must uphold their international law and due diligence responsibilities and stop their activities in Myanmar unless the projects they are working on suspend payments to the junta, and withhold them in protected accounts. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Oilfield services companies in Myanmar have blood on their hands for operating in an industry that bankrolls the illegal Myanmar military junta, as it wages a campaign of terror against the people. “It is deplorable that giants such as Halliburton, Diamond Offshore Drilling and Schlumberger that are listed on US stock exchanges have maintained operations in Myanmar, helping to keep oil and gas revenue flowing to the junta. Their business has helped the junta purchase the bullets, bombs and jet fuel that it needs for its indiscriminate attacks. “These companies have breached their international legal responsibilities and are complicit in the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity by knowingly servicing oil and gas projects that fund the junta’s atrocities. “We call on all oilfield services companies to suspend operations on projects that are funding the junta. “The activities of US oilfield services companies following the military’s coup attempt demonstrates a failure of the US Government to take decisive action against the junta and its terror campaign by sanctioning MOGE. “The Biden Administration’s contradictory approach to Myanmar has allowed US oil and gas corporations to continue business as usual in Myanmar, enabling the junta’s international crimes. “While the Department of State has warned that dealing with MOGE risks money laundering, furthering corruption and contributing to serious human rights violations, the US Department of Commerce is advising US companies to seek profits in the oil and gas sectors in Myanmar and to compete for MOGE tenders. “We call on the US and its allies Australia, Canada and the UK to stand with the people of Myanmar by imposing sanctions on MOGE and helping to cut the flow of funds to the junta.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "On the anniversary of the Myanmar military’s brutal coup on 1 February 2021 and two years of violence inflicted on the people of Myanmar, Myanmar Campaign Network welcomes the announcement by the Australian government to introduce sanctions against 16 senior military and political leaders, and against two military owned entities. Australia now joins our democratic allies in sanctioning military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings LTD (MEHL). We must join the international community in sanctioning the extractive and natural resource sectors by targeting Myanmar Mining Enterprises No.1 and No.2, Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, Myanma Gems Enterprise (MGE), Myanma Timber Enterprise (MTE), and Myanmar Pearl Enterprise (MPE) among others. The UK, US, EU and Canada have issued 543 sanctions on 185 individuals and 180 entities in response to the atrocity crimes against the Rohingya in Rakhine state and since the coup. Sanctions announced today by the US, UK and Canada target human rights abusers, state-owned enterprises, aviation fuel suppliers and the military-appointed Union Election Commission. Australian sanctions constitute only 4% of the international sanctions response on human rights abuses in Myanmar. The Myanmar Campaign Network encourages the Australian government to continue urgent consideration of further sanctions in line with its international allies. Daw Zin Mar Aung, Foreign Minister, National Unity Government of Myanmar, said, “As the military has been using its resources to perpetuate the dictatorship, especially killing and suppressing the people, it is necessary for us to cut off the military council’s every way of making money.” Charles Santiago, Chairperson, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights said, “Many of us have been highly frustrated with the passivity shown by Australia in dealing with the Myanmar crisis over the last two years, but this new round of sanctions is a step in the right direction and, hopefully, it heralds a new approach by the Albanese administration. The sanctions on the military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) are particularly welcome, as they could serve to obstruct the money flows for the junta. Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States have also imposed new rounds of sanctions on the Myanmar junta coinciding with the second anniversary of the attempted coup staged by Min Aung Hlaing and his men. But much more needs to be done and now these countries should improve their coordination in putting pressure on the junta, beginning with sanctioning the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). Only the European Union has done so at the moment, and Australia, Canada, the UK, and the US should follow suit. Yet isolating the junta is not enough. Australia and like-minded democratic countries should also recognize the National Unity Government (NUG), as the legitimate authority in Myanmar, and provide all their support they can, including funding and capacity building initiatives; increase their humanitarian assistance to Myanmar, and open its doors to refugees fleeing the country.” Clancy Moore, CEO of Transparency International Australia said, “The sanctions on with military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC) and Myanma Economic Holdings LTD (MEHL) are good first step as they provide large sources of revenue to the military. Other countries have also sanctioned state-owned enterprises in the lucrative resources sector, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) which lines the pockets of the military generals to the tune of more than 1 billion US dollars every year.” Tasneem Roc, Campaign Manager, Myanmar Campaign Network said, “The junta forcibly prevented the democratically elected government from fulfilling its mandate, and looks for international legitimacy by holding sham elections later this year. Australia must further show its support for the democratic process and the will of the people by continuing to assess and introduce further sanctions. Since the coup the death toll of those murdered by the military has risen to over 2,940 people and over 17,572 people have been unlawfully arrested. Over 38,000 civilian properties including places of worship have been destroyed by attacks by the Myanmar military. There are 128 cases of rape and gang rape by military personnel since the coup being investigated by the National Unity Government Ministry of Women Youths and Childrens Affairs..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Campaign Network
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
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Description: "US oil major Chevon is selling its 41.1% stake in the Yadana Gas Project to a subsidiary of the Canadian oil company MTI Energy. Chevron first disclosed the deal to the Guardian. Yadana is the biggest gas project in Myanmar, within an industry that is the largest source of foreign revenue for the illegal military junta. Gas revenue bankrolls the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Yadana project was formerly operated by TotalEnergies, which withdrew in 2022, increasing Chevron’s stake to 41.1%, the largest in the consortium. Other stakeholders in the project are PTTEP, the current operator, and Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), a state agency illegally controlled by the junta. Through the sale, MTI Energy and Chevron will ensure funds continue to flow to the junta, making them complicit in the junta’s international crimes. Who is MTI Energy? MTI Energy Inc, based in Edmonton, Alberta, is an offshoot of oilfield equipment manufacturer Mitey Titan Industries and located at the same address. MTI Energy CEO Mehtab (Tab) Khehra has been described as heading “a whole galaxy of service companies active in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and especially Nigeria.” An Alberta registry search shows that the company has four directors, including Toronto corporate lawyer, Ralph Lean, and Adewale Olorunsola (AKA Wale Sola), who heads the Nigerian-Canadian merchant bank, Rein Capital. Rein Capital subsidiary, Rein Energy, is a shareholder in MTI subsidiaries Shibah Energy and Caxes Energy, according to data from the Dutch corporate registry. In 2021, Shibah Energy and Caxes Energy took over Chevron’s stake in Brazil’s Papa-Terra field. MTI Energy also secured four blocks in 2021 in Angola. MTI Energy is registered as having no shareholders and it is unclear who the company’s profits are distributed to. MTI Energy is purchasing Chevron’s stake through its Bermuda subsidiary, Et Martem Holdings. Bermuda is a tax haven and secrecy jurisdiction. As a UK overseas territory, Bermuda has implemented UK sanctions on Myanmar under the territory’s International Sanctions Regulations 2013. However, with MOGE unsanctioned in either jurisdiction, Canadian and UK sanctions appear insufficient in preventing the transaction. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Chevron’s irresponsible sale of its stake in the Yadana Project to MTI Energy will ensure that gas funds keep flowing to the illegal Myanmar junta, bankrolling their campaign of terror in response to two years of mass resistance that has prevented the junta from gaining control of Myanmar. “MTI Energy’s investment will make the company complicit in the junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. “We condemn MTI Energy’s total disregard for the lives and democratic will of the people of Myanmar, and its blatant breach of the company’s obligations under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises and UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. “This sale is the result of failures of the Canadian and UK governments to sanction Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). “Is the Canadian government willing to stand by while a Canadian company takes over the largest stake in such a significant gas project that enriches the murderous, illegal junta? “We call on the Canadian and UK governments to immediately sanction MOGE and prevent companies in their territories from financing the junta’s international crimes."..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
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Description: "The NUG welcomes the long-awaited sanctions imposed by the Australian government targeting 16 military individuals including Min Aung Hlaing himself and his deputy Soe Win and 2 entities (Myanmar Economic Cooperation and Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Ltd) on the second anniversary of the Coup. The NUG also appreciates another wave of sanctions released by the US, UK and Canadian governments. The US has sanctioned six individuals: 3 from MOGE, 2 former and current military officials, 1 individual, daughter of Tay Za, as financial support to military regime and three entities: the Union Election Commission (UEC), and Mining Enterprises No 1 and 2. The new sanctions by the UK government target two individuals and two companies that play an important role in aviation fuel supply to the junta. The Canadian government targets 6 individuals and imposes a prohibition related to the export, sales and supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar military - the first such embargo in the world, and one we hope other nations will follow as a necessary step to limiting the junta's ability to bombard civilians from the air. These new sanctions are significant measures to tackle a worsening conflict and in particular ongoing air strikes against civilians amid a range of other barbaric attacks by the military. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes. Coordinated and targeted sanctions such as these are necessary to lessen human rights violations and crimes against humanity by the military regime. We are grateful for the work of the Australian, US, UK and Canadian governments in placing these important sanctions to slow the military's capacity to continue their campaign of terror and repression. We are hopeful that further targeted sanctions will follow, and we hope that more countries follow suit. We once again request that all governments and the international community immediately place aggressive, targeted sanctions on the military regime and those who support and supply them, in particular restricting the supply of munitions, weapons, and jet fuel..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-02-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-01
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes sanctions imposed by Australia, Canada, the UK and USA on members of the terrorist Myanmar military junta, its businesses and jet fuel suppliers to mark the second anniversary of the military’s illegal coup attempt. The new sanctions come as the people of Myanmar continue to courageously resist the junta in the face of its nationwide campaign of terror, ensuring its attempted coup is failing. The junta’s response to mass resistance has been the continued commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity, murdering over 2,900 people, arbitrarily arresting over 17,000 more, displacing 1.1 million people and carrying out indiscriminate air strikes across Myanmar, enabled by the supply of funds, arms and jet fuel. Canada and the UK have both responded to a grassroots and international campaign to stop jet fuel sales to the military. Canada is the first jurisdiction in the world to ban the supply of jet fuel to the junta, while the UK has sanctioned crony companies Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Company Limited, both part of Asia Sun Group, which broker the supply of jet fuel to the junta and stand complicit in its international crimes. In November, Amnesty International released Deadly Cargo, a report into the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain with research supported by Justice For Myanmar. The report named Asia Sun Trading and Cargo Link. At the time, Justice For Myanmar also published a list of Asia Sun Group companies, directors and shareholder for targeted sanctions. The US has sanctioned the illegal junta’s energy minister and the managing director and deputy managing director of Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), responsible for the junta’s biggest source of foreign revenue. But the US has disappointingly failed to sanction MOGE. The US has also sanctioned Mining Enterprise No. 1 and Mining Enterprise No. 2, lucrative state agencies illegally controlled by the junta. Australia has sanctioned military conglomerates Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and 16 junta members, including war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win, after refusing to sanction them in response to their role in the military’s genocide against the Rohingya. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the latest round of sanctions from Australia, Canada, the UK and USA, which target military conglomerates, state-owned enterprises illegally controlled by the junta, and the military’s jet fuel supply chain. “The people of Myanmar have sustained mass resistance to the military’s brutal and illegal coup attempt and its campaign of terror, ensuring that the coup and the junta’s sham so-called ‘elections’ will not succeed. “The military junta’s ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity are enabled by the flow of funds, arms and jet fuel. “While these latest sanctions are a positive step in cutting the junta’s access to resources, far more needs to be done to coordinate sanctions that systematically target the junta’s sources of revenue, arms and jet fuel. “So far, only the EU has sanctioned MOGE, which bankrolls the junta. We call on the US, UK, Canada and Australia to follow the EU and also sanction MOGE. “We call on the US, UK, EU and Australia to follow Canada in imposing a complete ban on the supply of jet fuel to the junta. “Democracies in the region, including Japan, South Korea and India, must also urgently step up and sanction the junta, its businesses and arms brokers. “The international community must take concerted action against the junta, a terrorist organisation, hold perpetrators of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity to account, and stand with the people of Myanmar. “The Spring Revolution will prevail.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
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Description: "January 31, 2023 – Ottawa, Ontario - Global Affairs Canada On the eve of the second anniversary of the coup d’état by the Myanmar military, the Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today announced additional sanctions under the Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations against six individuals and a new prohibition on the export, sale, supply or shipment of aviation fuel to the Myanmar military regime. Within two years, the regime has completely reversed a decade of democratic progress, plunging the country into political, economic and humanitarian crises, killing thousands of men, women, and children, detaining many thousands more, and forcing the displacement of over one million. The worsening crises in Myanmar continue to undermine peace, prosperity, and stability for the country’s neighbours and the broader region. The sanctions announced today, in coordination with our international partners, including the United Kingdom and the United States, respond to the ongoing repression of the people of Myanmar by the military. Canada’s measures are in direct response to worsening armed conflict, in particular the increased use of aerial attacks against civilians, in contravention of international humanitarian law. They also respond to deeply concerning reports of serious violations of international human rights law by the military regime. These latest measures are complementary to broader ASEAN efforts and its Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar. These sanctions are in line with Canada’s commitments under its Indo-Pacific Strategy, including promoting peace, resilience and security, and upholding democracy and human rights. On the second anniversary of the Myanmar coup, Canada reiterates continued support for the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for an inclusive and democratic society, and for the range of pro-democracy actors advancing a peaceful return to a democratic, peaceful and inclusive Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Government of Canada
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new UK sanctions targeting suppliers of aviation fuel to the Burmese military. Limiting the ability of the Burmese military to carry out airstrikes is one of the single most effective steps the international community can do to address the human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma. The British government today announced sanctions on: Asia Sun Trading Company Limited and Cargo Link Company Limited both part of what is known as the Asia Sun group which dominates the aviation fuel sector in Myanmar and are involved in the transfer of aviation fuel to the Myanmar Air Force. Zaw Min Tun: Director and sole shareholder of Asia Sun Trading. Win Kyaw Kyaw Aung: former Director and shareholder of Asia Sun Trading. The British government statement is here. “The British government is spot on, targeting suppliers of aviation fuel to the military, but they need to go further and faster to cut supplies to Burma, as the military seize civilian supplies of aviation fuel,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. However, Burma Campaign UK is extremely disappointed by the incredibly slow pace of the implementation of sanctions. “Two years on from the attempted coup starting there are still numerous sources of revenue and arms which have yet to be sanctioned,” said Anna Roberts. “The snail’s pace of sanctions implementation allows the military to access more revenue and arms. Foreign Office ministers need to devote more resources to the speedy implementation of sanctions.” As the military fails to consolidate its coup in the face of growing resistance, it is using increasingly desperate tactics, including daily airstrikes and artillery strikes against civilians, displacing more than a million people. Last year Amnesty International published a report exposing aviation fuel suppliers to Burma: The report is available here...https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2022/11/myanmar-the-supply-chain-fueling-war-crimes/..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
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Description: "Action Taken in Coordination with the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada WASHINGTON – Today, on the day before the two-year anniversary of the brutal military coup d’état that deposed Burma’s democratically elected government, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is designating six individuals and three entities connected to Burma’s military regime pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 14014. This action will occur in conjunction with actions taken by both the United Kingdom and Canada. On February 1, 2021, Burma’s military overthrew the democratically elected government and removed the civilian government leaders from power, including President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. Over the past two years, the military has continued to use violence and oppression to deny the people of Burma the ability to choose their own leaders. Burma’s military regime has used its military aircraft to conduct aerial bombings and other attacks against pro-democracy forces, killing and displacing countless civilians. “Two years after Burma’s military forcibly overthrew the democratically elected government of Burma, the United States, along with partner nations like the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, continue to stand with the people of Burma as they seek freedom and democracy,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson. “The United States will continue to promote accountability for those who provide financial and material support to, and directly enable, the violent suppression of democracy in Burma.” BURMESE GOVERNMENT ENTITIES Following the 2021 coup, Burma’s military regime appointed new members to the UNION ELECTION COMMISSION (UEC) — including Thein Soe, who was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on April 21, 2021 — to oversee a post-coup do-over vote after rejecting the results of the November 2020 democratic election. The UEC is the constitutionally mandated body that is responsible for election-related procedures and activities, including organizing, verifying, and announcing election results. Additionally, the regime has continued to control and benefit from the extraction and export of natural resources of Burma and has utilized various state-owned entities (SOEs) that are fully owned by the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation (MONREC) to act as joint venture partners, as well as regulators and policymakers. MINING ENTERPRISE NO 1, which was previously designated by the European Union on February 21, 2022, and MINING ENTERPRISE NO 2 are two such SOEs that play a dominant role in Burma’s mineral sector. The UEC, Mining Enterprise No 1, and Mining Enterprise No 2 are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being a political subdivision, agency, or instrumentality of the Government of Burma. BURMESE ENERGY OFFICIALS Since the 2021 coup, Burma’s military regime has continued to benefit from the substantial revenue provided by the production and export of oil and gas, which generates over $1 billion in revenue annually and is the single largest source of foreign currency revenue for the regime. Burma’s Ministry of Energy is controlled by the State Administration Council, which was designated on April 21, 2021 pursuant to E.O. 14014; manages the energy sector; and controls the SOEs involved in the production of oil and gas, including the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). Myo Myint Oo is the Union Minister of Energy. The Union Minister of Energy represents the Government of Burma in international and domestic energy sector engagements, while also managing the state-owned entities involved in the production and export of oil and gas. Aung Min is the Managing Director and Than Min is the Deputy Managing Director of MOGE. As managing director and deputy managing director, both individuals are directly involved in the day-to-day operations and management of the regime’s single largest revenue generating SOE. Myo Myint Oo, Aung Min, and Than Min are being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being or having been leaders or officials of the Government of Burma on or after February 2, 2021. FORMER AND CURRENT BURMESE MILITARY OFFICIALS Additionally, despite the international condemnation of the collateral damage caused by aerial attacks, Burma’s Air Force has continued to launch airstrikes against pro-democracy forces that have killed civilians and caused the displacement of tens of thousands of people. General Maung Maung Kyaw, who was previously the head of Burma’s Air Force and was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on February 22, 2021, was replaced by Htun Aung, who was previously the Air Force’s Chief of Staff, on January 12, 2022. Htun Aung is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being or having been a leader or official of the military or security forces of Burma. Hla Swe is an ex-military official and a former lawmaker under the military-associated Union Solidarity and Development Party who has admitted to helping to provide training and secure arms for pro-regime militias. Hla Swe is considered the man behind a pro-regime publication that regularly publishes death threats against members of minority groups. Hla Swe is being designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 for being responsible for or complicit in, or having directly or indirectly engaged or attempted to engage in, actions or policies that threaten the peace, security, or stability of Burma. FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO BURMA’S MILITARY REGIME Htoo Htwe Tay Za is the adult daughter of Tay Za, who was designated pursuant to E.O. 14014 on January 31, 2022. The Tay Za family, including Htoo Htwe Tay Za, are directors and shareholders of numerous subsidiaries and associated companies of Htoo Group of Companies, which was designated pursuant to E.O 14014 on March 25, 2022, including at least one subsidiary developing properties on land leased from the Burmese military. Htoo Htwe Tay Za is being designated for being an adult child of Tay Za, a person whose property and interest in property are blocked pursuant to E.O. 14014. On January 26, 2022, the U.S. government issued a business advisory to inform the public of the heightened risks associated with doing business in Burma, “Risks and Considerations for Businesses and Individuals with Exposure to Entities Responsible for Undermining Democratic Processes, Facilitating Corruption, and Committing Human Rights Abuses in Burma (Myanmar).” SANCTIONS IMPLICATIONS As a result of today’s action, all property and interests in property of the persons named above that are in the United States, or in the possession or control of U.S. persons, are blocked and must be reported to OFAC. In addition, any entities that are owned, directly or indirectly, 50 percent or more by one or more blocked persons are also blocked. Unless authorized by a general or specific license issued by OFAC, or otherwise exempt, OFAC’s regulations generally prohibit all transactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States that involve any property or interests in property of designated or otherwise blocked persons. The prohibitions include the making of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person or the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person. The power and integrity of OFAC sanctions derive not only from OFAC’s ability to designate and add persons to the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List (SDN List), but also from its willingness to remove persons from the SDN List consistent with the law. The ultimate goal of sanctions is not to punish but to bring about a positive change in behavior. For information concerning the process for seeking removal from an OFAC list, including the SDN List, please refer to OFAC’s Frequently Asked Question 897. For detailed information on the process to submit a request for removal from an OFAC sanctions list, please refer to OFAC’s website..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of the Treasury (USA)
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
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Sub-title: The UK announced sanctions to increase pressure on the Myanmar military junta, coinciding with the 2-year anniversary of the coup that ousted an elected government.
Description: "UK announces further round of sanctions to ratchet up pressure on Myanmar military junta announced ahead of 2-year anniversary of 1 February coup sanctions target enablers of air force bombing campaign and repression of the civilian population Companies supplying the Myanmar Air Force with the aviation fuel to carry out its relentless bombing campaign against innocent people have been targeted by the UK in the latest round of sanctions, announced to coincide with the second anniversary of the brutal coup that ousted Myanmar’s elected government. Two companies and 2 individuals, all associated with what is known as the Asia Sun group, and integral to the aviation fuel industry in Myanmar, have been sanctioned. The group supplies fuel to the Myanmar Air Force enabling its barbaric air raiding campaign in an attempt to maintain power, killing thousands and displacing hundreds of thousands of Myanmar’s people in the process. The first of February 2023 marks 2 years since the Myanmar military overthrew the democratically-elected government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and installed a military regime. Since then, they have used violence and atrocities to maintain power and supress any opposition voices. Foreign Secretary James Cleverly said: Our sanctions are meticulously targeted to deliver maximum impact, reducing the military’s access to finance, fuel, arms and equipment. The junta must be held to account for their brutal crackdown on opposition voices, terrorising air raids and brazen human rights violations. The UK has led a strong, coordinated international response to support the people of Myanmar, their democratic demands and right to fundamental freedoms. The UK has worked with partners including Canada, the United States and the European Union since the coup to impose coordinated and targeted sanctions against the military regime, its business interests and those who facilitate and profit from its brutal campaign. Since the coup, the UK has now sanctioned 18 individuals and 30 entities, targeting those responsible for the coup, the subsequent violence, and those facilitating it. These sanctions raise the cost for those aligned with and supporting the regime’s campaign of terror. The UK will continue to use economic statecraft to restrict the military’s access to finance and arms and increase the pressure on them to engage with calls for a return to democracy. As part of its commitment to a free and open Indo Pacific, the UK has led the international community’s work to support a peaceful resolution in Myanmar and a return to democracy; and pushing for progress towards accountability and justice. It has also played a key role in calling on countries around the world to end the sale and transfer of arms and equipment which facilitate the military’s atrocities. At the United Nations, the UK successfully passed a Security Council Resolution on the crisis, the first of its kind, to apply further pressure on the military junta to end its violence. It also strongly supports ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus, which demands the military immediately ceases its violence and engages in constructive dialogue with all parties..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
2023-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-31
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Description: "Since the Myanmar military’s attempted coup in February 2021, over 60 foreign governments and international organisations (including United Nations entities) have provided support for the illegal military junta, directly and indirectly supporting its campaign of terror. The report, titled Developing a Dictatorship: How governments and international organisations are supporting the illegal Myanmar military junta - and what must be done to stop this, provides details of the organisations and the forms of support they have provided. Key findings include: 22 foreign governments; 26 intergovernmental organisations (including 14 United Nations entities); 8 foreign financial institutions; and 8 other international organisations are implicated. The report covers four main types of support for the military junta: political support through diplomatic relations and actions that legitimise and enable the junta to take decisions on behalf of Myanmar in international forums; technical cooperation that enables the transfer of knowledge and skills to the junta and those who serve their interests; financial support that may flow through development initiatives, loan disbursements, direct purchases from, or indirect business dealings with, companies and other entities controlled by the junta, as well as the development of infrastructure that may serve the junta financially and strategically; and renting property such as hotel rooms, office spaces and residences from military-linked businesses. The report includes 18 detailed case studies and provides clear recommendations for what must be done to prevent the illegal military junta from gaining further funds, resources and power. It also provides an analysis of the legal considerations and consequences for international organisations found to be supporting the military junta. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It has been two years since the Myanmar military’s attempted coup. Over 2,700 people have been killed and more than 13,600 people are still detained. “The junta is waging a scorched earth campaign against the people of Myanmar, carrying out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, and has caused a humanitarian catastrophe with more than 1.1 million displaced. “So far, the international community has taken insufficient action to end the flow of funds and resources that enables the military junta’s campaign of terror. “It’s clear that some foreign governments and international organisations are not only neglecting to help the people of Myanmar, but they are also actively supporting the military junta that is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people. “All forms of support for the military junta are unacceptable – from inviting the military junta to represent Myanmar at international meetings to providing training to junta members and spending millions of dollars at military-linked hotels. “The National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar needs to be invited to international meetings on behalf of Myanmar. “All financial ties to the Myanmar military must be cut, and targeted sanctions must be imposed. “We call on foreign governments and international organisations to take immediate action to end all forms of support for the military junta.” Among the organisations named in the report, 13 have recently taken action towards ending their support for the military junta..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-01-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 130.19 KB 96.55 KB
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Description: "An application for a criminal investigation into the activities of the NASDAQ-listed Israeli surveillance firm Cognyte Software Ltd and officials from the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been filed with Israel’s Attorney General, over the suspected aiding and abetting of crimes against humanity in Myanmar. The application concerns Cognyte winning a tender from the state-owned Myanma Posts and Telecommunications (MPT) for a fixed data lawful interception gateway in 2020, with knowledge that it would provide the Myanmar military with capabilities to tap the calls of activists, journalists and politicians, thereby supporting the military’s international crimes. At the time, no safeguards were in place to protect the people of Myanmar from military surveillance. The application: argues that Cognyte and officials in Israel’s Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs aided and abetted crimes against humanity by supplying the Myanmar military with access to surveillance equipment knowing that the military was committing atrocity crimes; calls for concerned individuals to be prosecuted under Israel’s Penal Code; calls on Israeli authorities to immediately seize relevant documents from the offices of Cognyte, the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to avoid the concealment of evidence and potential disruption to the investigation. The application was filed with Israel’s Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara on January 2 by the advocate Eitay Mack on behalf of more than 60 Israeli citizens, among them the former speaker of the Knesset Avraham ("Avrum") Burg, prominent academics Prof. Eva Illouz, and Prof. Ruth HaCohen Pinczower, and human rights activists. JFM calls on Israel’s Attorney General to take urgent action in response to the application. Cognyte’s Myanmar tender was revealed in leaked documents published by Justice For Myanmar. Since the illegal coup attempt, the junta has built up a digital arsenal that supports its crimes against humanity, which have included the murder of more than 2,700 people and the arbitrarily arrest of more than 17,200, who face widespread torture. In its 2021 country report on human rights in Myanmar, the US State Department found that “the regime regularly monitored private electronic communications through online surveillance; there were numerous reports that the regime monitored prodemocracy supporters” and that the military bought surveillance technology before its coup attempt. MPT is controlled by the junta, and is jointly operated by the Japanese multinationals KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation. In addition to the complaint for a criminal investigation, a letter has been sent to Israel’s Defense Exports Controls Agency (DECA) of the Ministry of Defense demanding it immediately cancel export and marketing licences granted to Cognyte for interception equipment to Myanmar. Cognyte, formerly Verint Systems, has a history of selling surveillance technology to notorious regimes, including South Sudan, and it has been banned from Facebook. Last month, Norway’s sovereign wealth fund decided to exclude Cognyte over human rights concerns. Cognyte has partnered with Khine Thitsar Company Limited, a Myanmar company whose owner Justice For Myanmar recently identified as brokering the supply of arms through an associated company, Bamar Pte Ltd. Khine Thitsar updated its website in the past weeks to list Cognyte as a partner and vendor. According to a Justice For Myanmar source, Khine Thitsar received a payment from Cognyte in October 2021, more than eight months after the military launched its coup attempt. The application for a criminal investigation follows a similar 2018 submission by Eitay Mack into the aiding and abetting of atrocity crimes by Israelis who exported arms to Myanmar; and a 2022 application requesting a criminal investigation into corruption over Israeli arms companies’ dealings with the Myanmar broker Dr Tun Min Latt and his conglomerate, Star Sapphire Group. Justice For Myanmar is concerned that the 2018 complaint has not yet led to a criminal investigation and calls for it to be expedited. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The complaint filed against Cognyte and Israeli officials raise urgent questions over Israeli support for the Myanmar military’s surveillance capabilities, which it uses to commit crimes against humanity. “Cognyte’s contract with MPT comes in the aftermath of the Myanmar military’s crime of genocide against the Rohingya, and in a context where there were no safeguards to protect the people of Myanmar from military surveillance. “It is inexcusable that Israeli officials approved Cognyte’s business in Myanmar, which has continued following the military’s coup attempt. “Israeli officials and those in Cognyte who have enabled the supply of arms and dual use goods to the Myanmar military, aiding and abetting international crimes, must be held accountable. “Cognyte’s business with MPT also raises serious questions for its joint operators, KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation, who have failed to fulfil their international human rights responsibilities. “We call on KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation to immediately end all technical and financial support to the Myanmar junta, or responsibly divest. “Investors in Cognyte, KDDI and Sumitomo Corporation should use their leverage to pressure these companies to end support for the junta immediately, or divest. “Governments must urgently do more to cut the junta’s access to surveillance equipment, arms and funds, including through sanctions on Khine Thitsar Company Limited, the individuals involved and all other military brokers.” Eitay Mack, Advocate, says: “The state of Israel has played a very important role in the establishment and organisation of the Myanmar military through its military aid, which has included weapons, training and military knowledge. The Myanmar military has used these with the intention to attack the people of Myanmar in an attempt to illegally seize power. “Until now it was known that due to a petition to the High Court of Justice and huge public and media outrage in Israel, at the beginning of 2018 Israel’s Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to stop all Israeli military exports to Myanmar and all Israeli defense companies stopped their activities there. This is what was said repeatedly to journalists, Knesset members and other individuals who contacted the MOD and the MFA. “Now, JFM managed to prove that Israel’s MOD and MFA have lied, and again prioritised their interests with the Myanmar military over international law and any sense of morality. “The danger is not theoretical. Cognyte's interception system could help the military’s manhunting of democracy activists and journalists. The fate of anyone in Myanmar located and arrested with the help of Cognyte's interception system would be to suffer the worst horrors. “Cognyte didn't operate in Myanmar on its own. In order to transfer the company's system to Myanmar, it needed an export license, and even the participation of Cognyte in the tender in Myanmar required a marketing license, both from Israel’s MOD and MFA. “This is why Cognyte and all the Israeli officials who allowed its operation in Myanmar must be brought to justice.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2023-01-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-15
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Sub-title: ASEAN Countries Should Adopt Tough Sanctions against Junta
Description: "(Jakarta) – Myanmar’s junta has been responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity since the military coup in February 2021, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2023. The security forces have been implicated in mass killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture, sexual violence, and attacks on civilians in conflict areas. Amid a post-coup economic crisis, the junta has severely hindered the delivery of humanitarian aid to communities most at risk. Member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which Indonesia will chair in 2023, should coordinate to support targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military’s major revenue streams. “Ending the Myanmar junta’s widespread abuses needs a global commitment to impose pressure through targeted sanctions and accountability for atrocities,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Indonesia as ASEAN chair should take the lead in imposing concrete measures that will curtail the junta’s ability to violate the rights of its citizens.” In the 712-page World Report 2023, its 33rd edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in close to 100 countries. In her introductory essay, acting Executive Director Tirana Hassan says that in a world in which power has shifted, it is no longer possible to rely on a small group of mostly Global North governments to defend human rights. The world’s mobilization around Russia’s war in Ukraine reminds us of the extraordinary potential when governments realize their human rights obligations on a global scale. The responsibility is on individual countries, big and small, to apply a human rights framework to their policies, and then work together to protect and promote human rights. Since the coup, Myanmar’s security forces have arbitrarily arrested more than 16,000 pro-democracy activists and supporters and killed at least 2,300, according to the nongovernmental Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. In July, the military executed four political prisoners in Myanmar’s first use of the death penalty in over three decades. The National League for Democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is serving a 33-year sentence after closed military trials for corruption, incitement, breaching the Official Secrets Act, and other politically motivated charges. The Myanmar military has carried out indiscriminate ground and air attacks that have resulted in numerous civilian deaths. Fighting since the coup has displaced over one million people internally, with another 70,000 refugees fleeing into neighboring countries. The junta has blocked desperately needed humanitarian aid from reaching millions of displaced people and others at risk, in violation of international humanitarian law. Across the country, security forces imposed new travel restrictions and attacked aid workers, blocked access to roads and aid convoys, destroyed non-military supplies, and shut down telecommunications services. In Rakhine State, new restrictions on movement and aid affecting ethnic Rohingya camps and villages exacerbated water scarcity and food shortages, increasing cases of preventable diseases and severe malnutrition. Escalating hostilities between the Arakan Army armed group and the Myanmar military resulted in Rohingya and Rakhine civilian deaths, arbitrary arrests, and displacement. Key international actors such as the European Union, United States, United Kingdom, and Canada have imposed targeted sanctions on senior military and junta officials and some junta entities. However, countries in the Asia-Pacific region, notably ASEAN member countries, Australia, and Japan have not taken meaningful actions against the junta, undermining efforts by other governments, Human Rights Watch said..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2023-01-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group is divesting from Yoma Bank, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed through a source with knowledge of the transaction. IFC owns 4.5% of Yoma Bank and is selling all its shares to First Myanmar Investment (FMI) for US$5 million, which equals the value IFC used to convert its 2014 loan to equity, which it completed in 2019. IFC signed a share sales agreement with FMI and Yoma Bank on December 12, 2022. The IFC’s divestment comes amid the Spring Revolution, with mass pressure from the people of Myanmar for companies to cut ties with the junta and its conglomerates. Yoma Bank has a record of doing business with the military and its conglomerates, which stand accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. In 2020, Yoma Bank gave a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a Myanmar company owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported the company to build towers for the military-owned mobile operator, Mytel. Last month, Justice For Myanmar disclosed that as of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for Telecom International Myanmar, the owner of Mytel. Also in November, a release of records from the military owned Innwa Bank by Distributed Denial of Secrets exposed over 200 transactions with Yoma Bank. Innwa Bank’s parent company, Myanmar Economic Corporation, is sanctioned by the US, EU, UK and Canada. Last month, the Australian bank ANZ announced it is exiting Myanmar after its transactions with Innwa Bank were exposed. Yoma Bank is controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors. Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, owns 10.6%. FMI is buying out IFC’s shares through a transaction with Pun Holdings (HK) Limited, a holding company in Hong Kong. Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank’s remaining international investors, Norfund and GIC, to use their leverage to stop the bank’s business with the military junta, its conglomerates and partners or responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights obligations. IFC did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding responsible disengagement from Yoma Bank. ‍Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "IFC’s divestment from Yoma Bank is a positive step if it cannot prevent the bank from doing business with the Myanmar military, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. “We urge IFC to responsibly disengage from Yoma Bank, in consultation with the National Unity Government, which is the legitimate government of Myanmar. “IFC should be transparent over their divestment plans, human rights due diligence and any attempts they made to prevent Yoma Bank’s business with the junta and its conglomerates. “IFC acquired equity in Yoma Bank following the Myanmar military’s 2017 campaign of genocide against the Rohingya, and should have done its due diligence at the time on the bank’s support for the Myanmar military, its businesses and associates. “The fact that IFC failed to prevent Yoma Bank’s support for military businesses and Min Aung Hlaing’s own family suggests serious human rights failings that requires investigation and rectification if IFC plans to continue operating in Myanmar. “IFC also must also stop renting an office in Sule Square, a development on land leased from the US sanctioned Quarter Master General Office, and end any remaining business with the junta, its conglomerates and partners. “We call on Yoma Bank’s remaining international investors, Norfund and GIC, to ensure Yoma Bank cuts all ties with the Myanmar junta, its businesses and partners or responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-12-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The BURMA Act allows the US to engage with the National Unity Government and mandates a plan for sanctions.
Description: "The U.S. government will be able to engage directly with Myanmar’s government-in-exile and must develop a program of sanctions against the military junta that seized power in last year’s coup, according to a new law passed by Congress as part of a military spending bill. The Burma Unified through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2022 – or BURMA Act – was passed by the Senate as part of the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act on Thursday night, after the House passed the gargantuan annual spending package a week prior. The act enables the United States to engage directly with groups opposing the junta, including the National Unity Government, National Unity Consultative Council, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, and to provide non-lethal support to the People’s Defense Forces and Ethnic Armed Organizations in Myanmar. It also forces the Biden administration to introduce a program of sanctions against the junta and its supporters, as well as anyone who has helped to undermine the country’s democratic institutions. Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.), the outgoing chair of the House Foreign Relations Committee, on Dec. 8 said the BURMA Act was “a major victory for the people of Burma who are fighting for democracy” and “a critical step in holding the murderous Burmese military accountable.” The law would add “targeted sanctions on those responsible for the coup, those responsible for committing human rights abuses, and the state-owned companies bankrolling the junta,” Meeks said. Government-in-exile The act was welcomed by Myanmar’s government-in-exile. "The National Unity Government (NUG) and the pro-democracy forces of Myanmar applaud passage today by the US Congress of the Burma Act,” NUG Acting President Duwa Lashi La said in a statement on Friday, praising the mandate for more sanctions against the junta. “This important law clearly sets out United States policy to support the people of Myanmar … and our allied organizations in our struggle against the junta for democracy, human rights, and justice,” he said. Nicole Cochran, the Burma program officer at the United States Institute for Peace, told Radio Free Asia that one of the biggest impacts of the law would be in allowing U.S. authorities to engage with the anti-junta organizations hoping to restore civilian government. “Historically, the U.S. has been precluded from engaging with these actors. The authorization is important because they will be a critical part of the solution to the current crisis,” Cochran said, adding the bill would also force “stability and coherence” to American sanctions. “Without this legislation, the State Department’s Office of Sanctions Coordination could have created a comprehensive policy on Burma-related sanctions,” she said. “With this legislation, they will have to.” Zachary Abuza, a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, said the BURMA Act represented “Congress's way of forcing the administration's hand,” which he said had been resisting introducing some sanctions “largely due to Thai pressure.” In particular, he noted Thai opposition to sanctions on the junta’s Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise company, which the new law explicitly targets for sanctions by the administration in one section. “In the 2022 NDAA, [Congress] pushed the administration to increase its contacts with the NUG, which it did,” Abuza said. “This act paves the way for more aid and assistance to the NUG, PDFs, and EAOs, but it's really not clear how the administration will implement it.” Abuza added it was not clear the bill would make a big difference in returning Myanmar to democracy, explaining that the U.S. government was “still not doing enough to cripple the regime economically” “The sanctions have been inconsistent and insufficient,” he said. “The longer this conflict drags out, the more it favors the junta.”..."
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Source/publisher: "RFA" (USA)
2022-12-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes the latest round of Canadian sanctions in response to the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, to mark Human Rights Day. Canada is the first jurisdiction to impose sanctions on Myanmar military jet fuel suppliers, designating Asia Sun Group, a Myanmar conglomerate. Asia Sun Group is a local partner of the Myanmar military and is involved in procuring, storing and distributing jet fuel. Asia Sun has been found to import aviation fuel and directly deliver it to the Myanmar military. Asia Sun Group’s role in the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain was detailed in the Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, with research supported by Justice For Myanmar. The illegal junta relies on its air force to wage a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. Recent indiscriminate air strikes have included an attack on a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 80 people and an attack on a school in Sagaing, killing at least 12 people. Canada also sanctioned key Myanmar military arms brokers, Dynasty International Company Limited and International Gateways Group. Dynasty International Company Limited has brokered the purchase of arms and related equipment for the Myanmar military from Belarus, Russia and Germany. International Gateways Group is a key broker of arms for the Myanmar military from China. Dynasty International and International Gateways Group have also been sanctioned by the US and UK. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome Canada’s latest round of sanctions, the first in the world to target the Myanmar military’s aviation fuel supply chain, as the junta carries out repeated aerial attacks that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. “This is a win for the Spring Revolution, in which the people of Myanmar have categorically rejected and resisted the terrorist military junta, effectively preventing them from taking control of Myanmar, and for civil society that has campaigned for sanctions on jet fuel. “However, far more needs to be done to cut the military’s supply of jet fuel and arms. “We call on the US, UK, EU, Australia, Japan and South Korea to urgently follow Canada and coordinate sanctions against Asia Sun Group and all individuals involved. “Governments should also immediately sanction Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE), ban the export of aviation fuel to Myanmar and sanction all arms brokers to stop the junta’s ability to carry out its war of terror against the people of Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-12-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Backgrounder Effective immediately, Canada is imposing sanctions against the following individuals and entities in relation to the coup perpetrated by Myanmar’s armed forces on February 1, 2021. Canadian measures The Special Economic Measures (Burma) Regulations impose on listed persons a prohibition on any transaction (effectively, an asset freeze) by prohibiting persons in Canada and Canadians outside Canada from engaging in any activity related to any property of these listed persons or providing financial or related services to them. The specific prohibitions are set out in the regulations. The names of the individuals and entities added to the schedule of these regulations are the following: Individuals (1) Zaw Min Tun; (2) Maung Maung Ohn; (3) Tun Tun Naung; (4) Khin Maung Yi; (5) Myo Myint Oo; (6) Thaung Han; (7) Win Shein; (8) Ko Ko Lwin; (9) Aung Soe; (10) Zin Min Htet; (11) Hlaing Moe Myint; and (12) Myo Thitsar. Entities (1) Dynasty International Company Limited; (2) International Gateways Group; and (3) Asia Sun Group..."
Source/publisher: Government of Canada
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed new sanctions announced by the British government, this time focused on perpetrators of sexual violence. The British government has announced the following sanctions: The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs The 33rd Light Infantry Division (33 LID) of the Myanmar Army The 99 Light Infantry Division (99 LID) of the Myanmar Army The Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs has been sanctioned because of its responsibility for the use of torture, including sexual violence, against human rights and democracy activists who are illegally detained in Burma. Light Infantry Divisions 99 and 33 have belatedly been sanctioned for their use of sexual violence during the military offensives against the Rohingya more than six years ago. “These new sanctions are welcome, but the pace of implementation of sanctions is far too slow,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There were reports of sexual violence against arrested protesters in March 2021, and the mass rape of Rohingya women took place in 2016 and 2017. Why is there such a big time-lag between these crimes and the sanctions? Ministers must allocate more resources to swiftly implementing targeted sanctions. There are numerous companies funding the Burmese military which haven’t been sanctioned yet. British companies are still involved in the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar, despite airstrikes against civilians causing a human rights and humanitarian crisis.” Burma Campaign UK has praised the British government for leading international efforts to cut off supplies of arms and money to the Burmese military, which launched an attempted coup in February 2021. However, successive Foreign Office ministers have failed to allocate enough resources into swiftly doing everything they can to cut off supplies of revenue, arms and equipment to the Burmese military. Today 516 civil society organisations wrote to British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly calling on him to swiftly implement sanctions on the supply of aviation fuel to Burma..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2022-12-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A legal compliance review of Emerging Towns & Cities Singapore (ETC) released on Friday outlines steps for the company to evade sanctions and continue its business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office. ETC commissioned Kelvin Chia Partnership (KCP) for the review in response to regulatory actions taken by Singapore Exchange regulators in February 2021. Regulatory actions followed Justice For Myanmar’s publication of an investigation into ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office for the Golden City real estate development. Justice For Myanmar’s investigation found that ETC’s payments to the Quartermaster General Office, which purchases weapons, finances the military’s international crimes. The ETC legal review’s executive summary outlines steps for the company to avoid being caught by unilateral sanctions, advising the company to ensure that its businesses, shareholders, management and staff, are not US or UK persons; that those persons do not own any property or have financial interests in the US, UK or EU; and that the company does not do any sales or other business activities in the US, UK or EU. The legal review also advises ETC to use third-party independent contractors to keep an arms length if the company or its customers need to import and install any equipment or machinery from the US, UK or EU for use in Golden City. The review states that conclusions regarding potential sanctions enforcement are contingent on payments to the Myanmar army being made in kyat, although the lease agreement with the army and the land lease account is in US dollars. This advice may encourage ETC to increase measures to evade sanctions, continue its business with the Myanmar army and attempt to resume trading in Singapore, while financing ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity in Myanmar. ETC, its directors, shareholders and subsidiaries have continued links to jurisdictions that have imposed targeted sanctions on the Myanmar military in response to its coup attempt. The subsidiary ETC uses to channel investment into Myanmar, Uni Global Power, has four shareholders that are entities registered in the British Virgin Islands, a UK overseas territory with sanctions in place on the Myanmar military. These entities include Asiabiz Services Limited, whose sole shareholder is ETC director Zhu Xiaolin, D3 Capital Limited, whose sole shareholders are immediate family members of ETC director Teo Cheng Kwee, and Consortium Investments Limited, fully owned by ETC’s Senior Vice President and Regional General Manager for Myanmar, Lai Xuejun. While the legal review’s executive summary does not directly address Uni Global Power’s shareholders in relation to their legal status in the British Virgin Islands, it notes that “there is a continuing risk that the activities of Minority Shareholders may be imputed to the Company or GL, first, upon the broad exercise by relevant authorities of their broad discretion to enforce relevant sanctions regulations and second, by virtue of the minority rights in favour of the Minority Shareholders, and UGP’s minority shareholders indirect rights to block shareholders’ resolutions”. ETC’s legal review warns the company that “particular care should be exercised by the Company and GL in its financial dealings, specifically with banks and financial institutions” and notes continued legal risks from its relationships with banks that have transacted the company’s funds with US banks. ETC’s creditors include E.SUN Commercial Bank of Taiwan, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and the Myanmar crony owned Kanbawza Bank, which are named in the legal review’s executive summary. The company also remains in a “strategic collaboration” with Yoma Bank to finance Myanmar buyers of apartments in Golden City. Yoma Bank’s shareholders include the Norwegian development finance institution, Norfund, and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group, based in jurisdictions with sanctions against the Myanmar military. Yoma Bank and Golden City were jointly advertising discounted financing for local buyers as recently as November 2022. The review warns against the use of goods, services and technology of US, UK or EU origin – presumably to avoid sanctions – in the maintenance and upkeep of machinery and equipment used in the Golden City complex. This suggests that the company’s business with Jardine Schindler, a joint venture of Schindler Group of Switzerland, may also be implicated in sanctions breaches. As of 2015, there were 27 Schindler elevators installed in Golden City, yet Switzerland has sanctions in place against the Myanmar military. Exclusion of international law from review Concerningly, ETC knowingly excluded the serious international legal implications of ETC’s business with the Quarter Master General Office in its legal review. These implications were the subject of a legal memo written by Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang and published by Justice For Myanmar in October 2021. The legal memo found that Singapore has an international legal obligation “to investigate, prevent and cease transactions that amount to wrongful acts”, such as transactions from ETC to the Myanmar army, and raised the possibility of reputational and sanctions risks for the SGX, its regulator the Monetary Authority of Singapore, and by extension, the Government of Singapore, should it not prevent continued payments from ETC to the Myanmar army. The legal memo warned of ETC and SGX’s responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, and liability under international human rights and humanitarian law. The legal memo also warned that the legal review then underway did not appear to consider international laws within its scope, inconsistent with the expectations of SGX in its own guidance to listed companies and their sponsors. According to ETC announcements, the company received comments from SGX RegCo in October 2021 and undertook a follow-on engagement with KCP to address issues raised in the legal memo within the then ongoing legal review. However, KCP states that they “have not considered as part of the Report the risk of liability under international law, including particularly international human rights law”, noting the exposure of ETC and its shareholders, directors and employees to the company’s business with the Myanmar army’s Quarter Master General Office. In circumstances where SGX RegCo has told them specifically to respond to the legal memo authored by the barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang, it appears evasive that ETC has excluded international law from KCP’s review. Review legitimises junta The Myanmar military junta was formed illegally in an attempted coup, and is a terrorist organisation under Myanmar law and as defined in international law. The National Unity Government (NUG), which is the legitimate government of Myanmar, based on a popular mandate from the people of Myanmar through the 2020 election, designated the Myanmar military as a terrorist organisation under Section 3 of Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law on June 7, 2021. However, ETC’s legal review states that the Myanmar military has not been designated a terrorist organisation under Myanmar’s Counter Terrorism Law and, therefore concludes that lease payments to the Quarter Master General Office do not amount to terrorist financing. The review could only adopt this conclusion if the laws accepted to be the laws of Myanmar are those of the junta rather than those of the NUG. The people of Myanmar exercised their right to choose their own government, a right protected under international law, and the legal review has chosen to recognise the laws of an illegally installed occupier. Justice For Myanmar asked ETC why its liability under international law was excluded from the review, why the review advised on sanctions evasion and why the review chooses to adopt junta law over NUG law, thereby recognising the illegal junta as the government of Myanmar. ETC did not respond. ‍Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "ETC’s legal review is a bad faith attempt to resume business as usual with the Myanmar army, which is waging a war of terror against the people of Myanmar. “ETC’s review encourages the evasion of sanctions on the Quarter Master General Office, while continuing its payments that help finance the bombs and jet fuel the military needs for its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. “Shockingly, ETC has omitted discussion of its liability under international criminal law, presumably because it knows the result will further outline the company’s complicity with the Myanmar military’s international crimes. This is unacceptable. “As Barristers Felicity Gerry QC and Daye Gang have demonstrated, SGX and the Singaporean government may be liable under international law for ETC’s continued business with the Myanmar army. “We urge SGX RegCo and the Government of Singapore to delist ETC unless the company ends all direct and indirect business links with the Myanmar military junta, and prevent its payments to the Myanmar army.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-12-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-12-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Yoma Bank is providing banking services to Telecom International Myanmar Company Limited, the operator of the Myanmar military’s Mytel mobile network. As of March 2022, Yoma Bank held over $10 million in a US dollar account for the company, Justice For Myanmar has confirmed. Yoma is a Myanmar bank controlled by FMI, a holding company listed on the Yangon Stock Exchange. It is led by Serge Pun and backed by major international investors. Greenwood Capital, an affiliate of Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund, GIC, owns 19.7% of Yoma Bank. The Norwegian development finance institution Norfund owns 10.6%. The International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group owns 4.5%. Telecom International Myanmar is a joint venture of the miliary conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), which is sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada. Other Mytel shareholders are Viettel Global Investment of Vietnam’s Ministry of National Defence, and Myanmar National Telecom Holdings, an investment vehicle for Myanmar cronies. Mytel is incredibly lucrative. Myanmar’s generals benefit through access to Vietnamese investment and technology, and future profits. Justice For Myanmar estimates that Mytel’s Myanmar military owners are projected to earn more than US$700 million in a decade from Mytel’s fifth year of operation. Mytel also provides the Myanmar military leadership with capabilities for surveillance of troops and the public. The Myanmar army’s signals directorate is operationally linked to Mytel and the mobile network uses and maintains the military’s network of fibre optic cables. Mytel operates towers on military bases, which are likely used to supplement military communications. Transaction records from the MEC-owned Innwa Bank, recently released by Distributed Denial of Secrets, revealedmore than 200 transactions with Yoma Bank, including transactions with MEC. In 2020, Yoma Bank issued a loan to Pinnacle Asia, a tower company co-owned by Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of military chief and war criminal Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The loan supported Pinnacle Asia to build towers for Mytel. After Justice For Myanmar exposed the Yoma Bank loan to Pinnacle Asia, Norfund spokesperson Ylva Lindberg told Bistandsaktuelt that Yoma Bank will now use the UN Fact-Finding Mission as part of its standard background checks. However, she went on to say that “the military in Myanmar has a very extensive role in society and business, which makes it a demanding exercise to set a limit for indirect connections to the military… It is difficult to draw a clear line for how far the responsibility extends.” Telecom International Myanmar was identified by the UN Fact-Finding Mission as a military business, yet it has remained a Yoma Bank customer. After the latest revelations, Norfund told Bistandsaktuelt that, according to Yoma Bank, it cannot block transactions between its customers and Innwa Bank unless those accounts are blacklisted by the junta’s central bank, and that Yoma Bank cannot deny accounts to companies. As the Myanmar junta’s war of terror intensifies, Justice For Myanmar calls on Yoma Bank and its investors to immediately end its business with Telecom International Myanmar and all other companies owned by the Myanmar military, which stands accused of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. ‍Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: "Mytel is a strategic resource of the illegal Myanmar military junta and the company aids and abets the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity. “By providing banking services to Mytel, Yoma Bank is supporting its international law violations. “Norfund, IFC and GIC have been warned about Yoma Bank's business with the Myanmar military and its associates, yet Yoma Bank’s business with the Myanmar military is continuing. “If Norfund, IFC and GIC cannot stop their investee, Yoma Bank, from providing services to Mytel and transacting with Innwa Bank, then they should responsibly divest, in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities."..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The German Federal Foreign Office is funding the training of Myanmar military junta personnel through a Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law project for the promotion of maritime peace and security in Southeast Asia, in potential violation of EU sanctions. As part of the program, the Max Planck Foundation has invited the junta to nominate three representatives for a workshop to be held in Singapore from November 28 to December 2, 2022 on maritime security and the law of the sea, confirmed by a Justice For Myanmar source. Topics to be covered in the workshop include military operations at sea, maritime terrorism, and ways to respond to unilateral sanctions. The German government is paying the travel and accommodation costs for senior and mid-level junta personnel, including from the junta’s defence ministry. The Myanmar participants are under the control of and serve the State Administration Council (SAC), which is the illegal junta’s executive body. Earlier this month, the EU sanctioned SAC, and it has previously sanctioned the junta’s leader, Min Aung Hlaing, the junta’s defence minister, Mya Tun Oo, and other junta ministers. The EU’s recent designation states that “SAC is engaged in actions that threaten the peace, security and stability of Myanmar/Burma”. Similarly, the war criminals Min Aung Hlaing and Mya Tun Oo have both been sanctioned for “[having] been directly involved in and responsible for decision-making concerning state functions and [are] therefore responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma”, and for “[being] directly responsible for [SAC’s] repressive decisions and for serious human rights violations”. The Max Planck Foundation project supports SAC and at least two EU-sanctioned individuals through the financing of international travel that rewards loyal personnel under their control and equips them with knowledge and skills that assists the junta’s illegal coup attempt. The benefits of the junta’s participation in the Max Planck Foundation project is all the more strategically important to the sanctioned entity and individuals as the junta only has stable control of 17 per cent of Myanmar territory, meaning capacity-building is of assistance in increasing its control, as the junta intensifies its war of terror against the people. The Max Planck Foundation project provides specific skills to assist the junta’s illegal attempt to take control of Myanmar’s coastline and maritime borders. Participation in the Max Planck Foundation project also legitimises the junta as the government of Myanmar, an outcome the people of Myanmar have been courageously rejecting for the past 22 months, effectively preventing the junta’s illegal power grab. By the enablement of such benefits to a sanctioned entity and sanctioned individuals through the provision of funds, the German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Plank Foundation may be in breach of Article 4a(2) of EU sanctions. The upcoming Singapore workshop is the fifth in a series of six planned activities. Two in-person workshops have been held since the military’s illegal coup attempt, one in Vietnam in September 2022 and one in the Philippines in July 2022. Junta representatives were funded by the German government to attend the workshop in Vietnam, according to a post by the Max Planck Foundation, which stated that “all ASEAN Member States nominated their representatives, with 26 engaged participants from all 10 ASEAN Member States being able to participate.” Representatives from nine ASEAN states attended the Philippines workshop and Justice For Myanmar cannot confirm if junta representatives were included. The Max Planck Foundation maritime peace and security project started in October 2020, before the Myanmar military’s illegal attempted coup, with the objective “to strengthen preventive diplomacy and regional cooperation in SEA to improve maritime peace and security”. Max Planck Foundation continues to list the program on its website under “current projects in Myanmar”. Germany has repeatedly spoken out for human rights and democracy in Myanmar through UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council resolutions. German support for the Myanmar military junta through the Max Planck Foundation is inconsistent with its public positions on the crisis in Myanmar and its international human rights obligations. The German Federal Foreign Office and the Max Planck Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law did not reply to Justice For Myanmar’s requests for a response. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “By providing support and legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta, the German government and the Max Planck Foundation are emboldening the its atrocity crimes, undermining democracy and potentially breaching EU sanctions. “The junta is the cause of war and human insecurity in Myanmar. It is deplorable that the German government sees it as appropriate to use public funds to financially support the junta’s participation in a program that purportedly aims to promote peace and security. “The provision of these funds enable a sanctioned entity and persons and personnel under their control to reward loyalty, gain legitimacy and acquire skills and knowledge that supports the junta’s illegal attempted coup. “In launching its coup attempt, the junta has killed more than 2,500 and arrested over 16,000 people, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. “The Myanmar military uses its navy to commit atrocity crimes and other human rights abuses, including the regular interception and arbitrary arrest of Rohingya trying to flee the junta’s ongoing campaign of genocide. “It is junta officials involved in abuses at sea or people under junta control that are being rewarded with all expenses paid international travel. “We call on the German government and the Max Planck Foundation to immediately exclude the junta from remaining activities in the “Promoting Maritime Peace and Security in Southeast Asia” program and all other programs, meetings and events. “We call on the German parliament to urgently investigate why taxpayer money has been used to support members of the Myanmar military junta, and whether such acts constitute breaches of EU sanctions. “We call on the European Union to further impose targeted sanctions on the junta and its businesses, including a complete ban on the supply of aviation fuel to Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-11-24
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar cautiously welcomes ANZ’s announcement that they will exit Myanmar by early 2023. ANZ will be the first international bank to leave Myanmar and its decision follows the blacklisting of Myanmar by the FATF. Earlier this month, Justice For Myanmar exposed ANZ transactions with Innwa Bank, a subsidiary of the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), found in data released by Distributed Denial of Secrets. MEC and Innwa Bank are sanctioned by the US, UK, EU and Canada. ANZ has also facilitated payments from its customers to the military junta. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We cautiously welcome ANZ’s decision to leave Myanmar and call on them to responsibly exit. “This must involve mitigating and remedying the impact on their staff and ensuring that they repatriate all funds so they do not leave a windfall for the terrorist military junta. “Since the military’s illegal attempted coup, ANZ has transacted with the US, UK and EU sanctioned Innwa Bank and facilitated customer payments to the military junta, enabled by the refusal of the Australian government to sanction the junta and its businesses. "The Australian government's appalling inaction in response to the crisis in Myanmar undermines its democratic values and international obligations. “We call on the Australian government to support the people of Myanmar and take a clear stand for democracy and human rights by sanctioning the illegal junta and its businesses. “ANZ is the first international bank to leave Myanmar and their planned exit is another sign of the destruction the junta is causing to Myanmar’s economy through the military’s coup attempt, war of terror and proliferation of illicit business activities under control of or profiting the military and its associates.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ တွင် တရားမဝင် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ၎င်းတို့နှင့်ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့် ခရိုနီများကို စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှု အသစ်များ ထပ်မံ တိုးမြှင့်ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့မှုအပေါ် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ လှိုက်လှဲစွာကြိုဆိုပါသည်။ ယခုအချိန်သည် နိုဝင်ဘာ ၈ ရက် ၂၀၂၀ နေ့က ကျင်းပခဲ့သည့် အများစုက လွတ်လပ်၍ တရားမျှတသည့် ရွေးကောက်ပွဲအဖြစ် အသိအမှတ်ပြုလက်ခံခဲ့ကြသည့် ၂၀၂၀ ခုနှစ် အထွေထွေ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲ၏ ၂ နှစ်ပြည့် အချိန်ကာလလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ယခု ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်သည့် အရေးယူ ဆောင်ရွက်မှုများသည် မြန်မာပြည်သူများနှင့် မြန်မာပြည်သူများအား တရားဝင်အသိအမှတ် ပြုနိုင်သည့် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ အပေါ် ထောက်ခံအားပေးကြောင်း သတင်းစကားပါး လိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ တဖက်တွင်လည်း စစ်ရာဇဝတ်မှုများကို တိုးမြှင့်လုပ်ဆောင်နေသည့် အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်အုပ်စုအားလည်း သတိပေးလိုက်ခြင်းလည်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂ၏ ထပ်မံတိုးမြှင့်လိုက်သည့် စီးပွားရေးပိတ်ဆို့မှုများသည် လူပုဂ္ဂိုလ် ၁၉ ဦးနှင့် စစ်အုပ်စုနှင့် ဆက်နွယ်နေသည့်အဖွဲ့အစည်းတခုကို အရေးယူလိုက်ခြင်းဖြစ်ပြီး ယခုအကြိမ်သည် ၅ ကြိမ်မြောက် ထပ်လောင်း အရေးယူခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စု၏ ယခုအကြိမ် အရေးယူမှုသည် စစ်အုပ်စု၏ စစ်လေယာဥ်နှင့် ဆက်စပ်အစိတ်အပိုင်းများ ဝယ်ယူ‌ထောက်ပံ့နေ သူများကို ဦးတည်အရေးယူခြင်း ဖြစ်သည်။ အဆိုပါအရေးယူမှုသည် အောက်တိုဘာ ၂၃ ရက် ၂၀၂၂ ခုနှစ်က အကြမ်းဖက် စစ်အုပ်စုက ကချင်တိုင်းရင်းသားတို့၏ ဖျော်ဖြေရေးအခမ်းအနားတခုကို လေကြောင်းမှ တိုက်ခိုက်ခဲ့ပြီး လူပေါင်း တရာခန့် ထိခိုက်သေဆုံးခဲ့ရသော အကြမ်းဖက်ဖြစ်စဥ် နောက်ပိုင်းဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ မြန်မာပြည်သူများ အရေးအတွက် အမေရိကန်ပြည်ထောင်စုနှင့် ဥရောပသမဂ္ဂတို့မှ ဦးစီး ဦးဆောင်ပြု၍ ဆောင်ရွက်နေမှုများကိုလည်း အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရမှ ကျေးဇူးတင်ရှိအပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar strongly welcomes the new swathe of European Union (EU) and United States sanctions against the illegal military junta and its cronies announced on 8 November 2022. Timed to mark the second anniversary of the general elections held on 8 November 2020, which were independently determined to have been free and fair, the new measures are a strong message of support to the people of Myanmar and to the National Unity Government as their legitimate representative. Importantly, they also send a sharp signal to the illegal junta that its appalling atrocities will be met with escalating action. The EU’s new sanctions, which target 19 individuals and one entity associated with the junta, comprise its fifth round of restrictive measures. While the United States’ new designation, which targets a key supplier of military aircraft parts to the junta, follows the junta’s egregious 23 October 2022 aerial attacks on an ethnic community festival in Kachin State, which killed as many as 100 concertgoers. The National Unity Government extends its gratitude to the EU and to the United States for their international leadership and for their sustained commitment to the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Myanmar - NUG
2022-11-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar calls for an immediate ban on the export of jet fuel to Myanmar and targeted sanctions against the Myanmar individuals and entities involved in the military’s jet fuel supply chain, as the junta’s indiscriminate air strikes intensify. The Amnesty International report, Deadly Cargo, published today with research supported by Justice For Myanmar, reveals the Myanmar military’s jet fuel supply chain and shows how some of the companies involved are linked to the commission of atrocity crimes. In conjunction with the release of Deadly Cargo, Justice For Myanmar has published a comprehensive list of the subsidiaries and associated companies of the crony conglomerate Asia Sun Group and members of the junta-controlled Myanma Petrochemical Enterprise (MPE). Asia Sun Group is a local partner of the Myanmar military and is involved in procuring, storing and distributing jet fuel. Asia Sun has been found to import aviation fuel and directly deliver it to the Myanmar military. The report finds that Asia Sun has contributed to the Myanmar military’s war crimes. MPE, which is under the illegitimate junta’s Ministry of Energy, controls the jet fuel supply chain in Myanmar. The report finds that MPE has contributed to the Myanmar military’s war crimes. We call on Australia, Canada, the EU, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, the UK and the USA to urgently sanction Asia Sun Group and MPE. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “The illegitimate Myanmar military junta uses its air force to commit mass murder, as it wages a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, in the face of nationwide resistance. “In recent weeks, the junta carried out aerial attacks at a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 80, and bombed a school in Sagaing, killing at least 11 children. “These indiscriminate air strikes require a coordinated international response, including through a ban on jet fuel exports to Myanmar and targeted sanctions against Asia Sun Group and MPE. “Asia Sun Group supports the junta’s atrocity crimes and has continued business as usual in Myanmar and Singapore following the military’s illegal coup attempt. The Singapore government must stop Asia Sun from operating in its territory and using Singapore banks. “Singapore must end its support for the Myanmar military junta, which makes it complicit in the junta’s international crimes. Its time Singapore takes a stand to support the Myanmar people’s struggle to end the military’s tyranny and establish peace and federal democracy. “Justice For Myanmar calls on Puma Energy to responsibly disengage, preventing the junta from gaining control of its jet fuel infrastructure that would support the Myanmar military's indiscriminate air strikes. “Air strikes are a major weapon of the junta and are destroying lives. The UN Security Council and ASEAN has a responsibility to stop the junta’s air attacks and must act now.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Category: Sanctions
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 145.75 KB 126.67 KB
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Description: "A trove of Innwa Bank records released by Distributed Denial of Secrets reveal transactions with the international banks ANZ, UOB and BIDV in Myanmar kyat. The files include almost 20,000 records and show that major international banks continued to transact with Innwa Bank after its parent company, Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), was sanctioned by the US, UK and EU in response to the grave human rights violations and atrocity crimes committed by the junta in their illegal attempted coup. ANZ is based in Australia and UOB is based in Singapore. The Australian and Singapore governments have refused to sanction MEC, thereby allowing their banks to transact with Innwa Bank. Innwa Bank is one of two banks controlled by military conglomerates and is used to support the military’s network of businesses and pay military salaries. In 2019, the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmarfound that Innwa Bank plays an important role in sustaining the military’s economic interests, providing military conglomerates, their subsidiaries, and owners with access to the international financial system. The Innwa Bank files also provide evidence of MEC’s institutional relationship with the Myanmar military, showing transactions between the military conglomerate and army units, including those in regional commands responsible for genocide against the Rohingya, and war crimes and crimes against humanity. These include payments to No. (962) Construction Engineering Unit of the Western Command, No. (961) Construction Engineering Unit of the North Western Command and No. (958) Construction Engineering Unit of the Central Command, following the military’s coup attempt. The Innwa Bank files include more than 200 transactions with Yoma Bank, a Myanmar bank whose investors are the Norwegian development finance institution Norfund, Singapore’s sovereign wealth fund and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) of the World Bank Group. Since February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military junta has waged a war of terror against the people of Myanmar, murdering more than 2,400 and arbitrarily arresting over 15,000, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Over one million have been displaced by the junta in its violent attacks, which involve indiscriminate air strikes and shelling. In recent weeks, junta aircraft attacked a concert in Kachin State, killing more than 80 people, bombed a school in Sagaing, killing at least 12 people, and beheaded a school teacher. These crimes are enabled by the junta’s business interests. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We call on companies and investors in Myanmar to cut ties with Innwa Bank and all other Myanmar military businesses immediately. “Innwa Bank enables the Myanmar junta to carry out its terrorist acts against the people of Myanmar and it is inexcusable for ANZ, UOB, BIDV and others to continue to do business with it. “ANZ, UOB and BIDV must end their relationship with Innwa Bank now or exit Myanmar in accordance with their international human rights responsibilities. “ANZ and UOB transactions with MEC are a direct result of the failure of the Australian and Singapore governments to sanction the illegitimate Myanmar junta and its conglomerates, which has emboldened their banks to do business with Innwa Bank. “We call on Australia and Singapore to immediately sanction the junta and its businesses, including MEC, its directors and the directors of Innwa Bank. “Business with Innwa Bank supports the Myanmar military, its illegal coup attempt and its ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity. Even small transactions can help finance the military’s international crimes and enrich war criminals. “It is shameful that the Norwegian and Singapore governments and IFC remain invested in Yoma Bank, which does regular business with Innwa Bank. We call on them to use their leverage to end Yoma Bank’s business with the Myanmar military immediately or divest. “The military junta’s terror campaign is intensifying, amid the international community’s failure to act. “We demand the UN Security Council impose sanctions on the Myanmar junta’s business interests, including Innwa Bank, and a global arms embargo to stop the flow of arms to the junta.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-11-02
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Category: Sanctions
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Size: 135.24 KB 171.96 KB
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Sub-title: Tokyo Should Immediately Suspend Non-Humanitarian Aid to Junta
Description: "Tokyo) – Myanmar’s junta used Japan-funded passenger ships donated for civilian use for military purposes in September 2022, Human Rights Watch said today. Letters from Myanmar officials, analyzed by Human Rights Watch, stated that two of three vessels delivered by Japan between 2017 and 2019 were used to transport more than 100 soldiers and material to the town of Buthidaung on the Mayu River in Rakhine State, where the military is fighting the Arakan Army ethnic armed group. The Japanese government should suspend non-humanitarian aid to Myanmar and sanction junta officials implicated in serious human rights violations. “The Myanmar junta’s misuse of Japanese development aid for military purposes effectively makes Japan a backer of the junta’s military operations,” said Teppei Kasai, Asia program officer at Human Rights Watch. “The Japanese government needs to urgently reassess its obviously failing approach to curtailing the junta’s abuses.” On September 13, 2022, the Rakhine State government’s transport minister ordered the Rakhine Department of the Inland Water Transport (IWT) to “ready” the Japan-provided “Kisapanadi I” and “Kisapanadi III” vessels for “Sittwe-Buthidaung-Sittwe voyages,” said a letter labeled confidential from the national IWT to the Ministry of Transport and Communications, on September 21. The letter stated that, on September 14, the two ships transported “over a hundred Tatmadaw [Myanmar] troops, as well as their supplies and materials” to Buthidaung. The transport minister “instructed that the voyages were top secret and that their destination was also classified and no report [to a third party] should be made,” the letter said. Evidently recognizing that this was problematic, IWT noted that it “already had a discussion” with the Rakhine transport minister and “the vessels are no longer used for [military] purposes.” On September 23, the Rakhine State chief of police and the transport minister, on behalf of Rakhine State’s chief minister, wrote to the national transport and communications minister and specifically confirmed that the two vessels had been used for “military purposes.” In the letter, the Rakhine authorities sought to justify this use of ships, citing provision no. 250 of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution, which states that “the Region or State Government shall have the responsibility to assist the Union Government in the preservation of the stability of the Union, community peace and tranquility and prevalence of law and order.” An informal ceasefire between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army, in place since November 2020, has broken down in recent months. In August, the military reinforced its troops in northern Rakhine State, where fighting has since escalated in intensity and scope, including airstrikes, heavy artillery shelling, and landmine use, with growing civilian casualties. Since mid-August, the military has isolated and terrorized civilians in Rakhine and southern Chin States to weaken the Arakan Army, using abusive means embodied in the military’s longstanding “Four Cuts” policy. The junta has imposed broad new travel restrictions on humanitarian workers, blocked access to roads and waterways, and arbitrarily arrested aid workers, in violation of international humanitarian law. On September 15, the junta issued a directive banning United Nations agencies and international nongovernmental organizations from six Rakhine State townships – Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Rathedaung, Mrauk-U, Minbya, and Myebon – and shut down boat lines and public transportation. The fighting has displaced more than 18,000 people since August, joining over 70,000 others who are internally displaced, many of whom are facing shortages of food and medicine exacerbated by the junta’s restrictions. In response to a Human Rights Watch inquiry on September 20, a Japanese Foreign Ministry official said on October 3 that the “Japanese government, based on the principle of ‘avoiding any use of development cooperation for military purposes’ in the Development Cooperation Charter, will work to secure appropriate use of facilities and equipment provided through ODA [Official Development Assistance] programs.” The official added that Japan “is taking appropriate measures regarding the issue in question,” but refrained from disclosing further details because it was a “diplomatic matter.” Japan provided the three vessels to Myanmar under the 500 million yen (US$3.5 million) Economic and Social Development Programme, signed on September 12, 2016. The Japanese embassy in Myanmar said the program “aims to improve the ability of the water transport in Myanmar and to contribute to the Economic and Social Development of Myanmar, by donating passenger ships for the coastal transport in Rakhine State.” Following the February 1, 2021 military coup in Myanmar, the Japanese government stated it would refrain from carrying out new non-humanitarian ODA programs in Myanmar, but did not suspend ongoing projects. As of November 2021, Japan had provided about 1.4 trillion yen ($9.6 billion) in loan assistance, 360 billion yen ($2.5 billion) in grant aid, and 100 billion yen ($690 million) in technical assistance to Myanmar. The Japanese government should trigger human rights-based conditions enshrined in its Development Cooperation Charter, which states that “Japan will pay adequate attention to the situation in the recipient countries regarding the process of democratization, the rule of law and the protection of basic human rights, with a view to promoting the consolidation of democratization, the rule of law and the respect for basic human rights.” With respect to humanitarian aid, Japan should maintain such projects but redirect the funds through nongovernmental groups to ensure it is used effectively and directly benefits populations in need, Human Rights Watch said. “Japan’s halfhearted approach to sanctions has not slowed down the Myanmar junta’s abuses at all,” Kasai said. “Japan should make full use of its reputation as a rights-respecting democracy by using all diplomatic tools available to hold the Myanmar military accountable.”..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Watch (USA)
2022-10-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "CSW is calling on the Council of the European Union (EU) to introduce a fifth round of sanctions against the Myanmar/Burma military, with a particular focus on arms sales. The EU has introduced four rounds of sanctions against the Myanmar army and its enterprises, and notably took the lead in sanctioning Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) in February 2021. However, the EU’s last round of sanctions was over seven months ago, during which time Canada, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US) have initiated new rounds of sanctions. In a letter dated 29 September, signed by CSW’s Founder President Mervyn Thomas, and addressed to the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Vice-President of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, and the Foreign Ministers of the EU member states, CSW urges the recipients to “expedite the introduction of new sanctions, targeting the sources of arms, equipment, and revenue of the Myanmar military.” Since the February 2021 coup, the military junta’s increasing use of airstrikes against civilians and civilian structures has been a major driver of displacement, occasioning a humanitarian crisis. In its letter, CSW contends that limiting the military’s access to parts, ammunition, and aviation fuel could assist in reducing its ability to wage war on civilians from the air, and by extension save lives. The letter suggests that targets for additional sanctions should include “the numerous arms brokers exposed by the advocacy group Justice for Myanmar.” CSW Senior Analyst for East Asia Benedict Rogers said: “Since the coup in February 2021, the people of Myanmar have suffered crimes against humanity, violations of human rights and humanitarian law, and war crimes. We commend the EU for its first four rounds of sanctions. However, seven months after last the round, it is beginning to fall behind its allies, and is missing vital opportunities to further obstruct the military’s ability to continue its brutal campaign against civilians. By acting swiftly to sanction arms brokers highlighted by Justice for Myanmar, the EU will assist in saving civilians lives.”..."
Source/publisher: Christian Solidarity Worldwide
2022-09-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: EU must introduce a new round of sanctions against the Myanmar military
Description: "Your Excellencies will be aware of the horrific human rights violations that have taken place in Myanmar since the military coup last year. Severe violations of human rights and humanitarian law, including war crimes and crimes against humanity, are occurring on a daily basis. More than a million people are now displaced internally, and more than 15,000 people are detained arbitrarily. Military tribunals have handed down extremely harsh verdicts, including the death sentence. The people of Myanmar continue to resist the military junta in the face of air and ground attacks on villages, mass arrests, severe repression, and the use of the death penalty for the first time in decades. They believe that there will be no positive future for their country for as long as the military remain in power, and have been calling for international action to cut off the supply of revenue and arms to the Myanmar military. The people’s unwavering commitment to struggle for their freedoms is being paid for with lives. However, the European Union (EU), which initially surpassed other countries in sanctioning the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), has now fallen behind in sanctioning arms brokers. The military junta is currently using aerial bombardment on an unprecedented scale. Airstrikes are a major driver of displacement and have occasioned a humanitarian crisis. Sanctioning the suppliers of parts, ammunition, and aviation fuel alongside further revenue sources could save lives by reducing the military’s ability to wage war on civilians from the air. It is now seven months since the EU introduced new sanctions against the Myanmar military, and there is an urgent need for further sanctions, including against the numerous arms brokers exposed by the advocacy group Justice for Myanmar. May I, therefore, urge you to expedite the introduction of new sanctions, targeting the sources of arms, equipment, and revenue of the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher: Christian Solidarity Worldwide
2022-09-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-29
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Description: "Over seven months have passed since the EU’s last round of sanctions on Myanmar, and the illegitimate military junta’s campaign of terror has intensified, with indiscriminate airstrikes, shelling, the execution of political prisonersand the murder of school children. In the past week, at least eleven school children have been killed, the highest recorded number of children killed in an attack since the Myanmar army’s attempted coup in February last year. The junta’s ongoing atrocity crimes are enabled by their continued access to funds, arms and related equipment, including from within the EU. Justice For Myanmar calls for an urgent round of EU sanctions, focussing on arms brokers who aid and abet the junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity. We have identified 31 companies that have been involved in these activities since the coup attempt that must be sanctioned. Among the 31 companies documented, only one – Htoo Group of Companies – has been sanctioned by the EU to date. Some arms brokers we identified have confirmed business links to the EU. These include: Dynasty Group & its subsidiaries, which imported parts for Mi-17 helicopters from Russia since the coup attempt. Dynasty International Company Limited procured a fleet of aircraft, and later, parts from the Germany company Grob Aircraft SE. Dynasty Group has been sanctioned by the UK and its director, Aung Moe Myint, has been sanctioned by the UK and Canada. KT Group, Ky-Tha Group & their subsidiaries, which have produced arms and equipment for the Myanmar military, including coastal surveillance radar from the French corporation Thales. They have ongoing business with the Myanmar military, financing atrocity crimes. KT Services & Logistics and its director, Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung, have been sanctioned by the US. Mega Hill General Trading, which brokered a deal for an air defence weapon station since the coup attempt, and has procured equipment for the military from EU and US companies. Miya Win International, which has procured unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) from the Austrian company Schiebel Corporation and received parts following the coup attempt. Miya Win International has been sanctioned by the UK. Myanmar Chemical & Machinery (MCM), which has procured arms and related materiel including tanks and has also been involved in arms production and a technical transfer project producing K-8 trainer jets in Myanmar with the Chinese state-owned arms company, CATIC. MCM’s energy business involves a partnership with Wartsila Corporation. MCM and its director, Aung Hlaing Oo, have been sanctioned by the UK, US and Canada. Other major arms brokers that have been sanctioned by the US, UK and/or Canada while the EU has delayed action include International Gateways Group, Star Sapphire Group, Sky Aviator and Synpex Shwe. Last Saturday, a prominent arms dealer to the Myanmar military junta was arrested in Thailand on drug trafficking and money laundering charges. Despite arms dealer Tun Min Latt’s well-known involvement in arms trading, he has so far escaped international sanctions. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Last year, EU members voted in the UN General Assembly to stop the flow of arms to the Myanmar military. “The EU must take concrete steps to cut the junta’s access to arms, intensifying sanctions against arms brokers and all other business interests of the military junta. “As long as the junta has access to arms, equipment and funds, it will be able to continue its terror campaign against the people of Myanmar, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity. “This week, the junta murdered at least 11 children attending school, and will continue its rampage as long as it has access to resources. “We call on the EU to stand with the people of Myanmar and sanction arms brokers now!” More information: Read our investigation into companies brokering arms and equipment for the Myanmar military here Read our investigation into companies supplying the Myanmar miliary with arms and equipment from Russia here..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-22
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Description: "20 September 2022, London, UK - The European Union must push further actions against the Burmese military and its interests. The EU led the way in sanctioning Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, but further action is required as the junta continues a campaign of rape, murder, and widespread destruction. BHRN calls on EU members, particularly France and Germany, to push for further sanctions to undermine the junta’s access to funds, weapons, and legitimacy. “The EU’s sanctions on MOGE were a tremendous help in bringing the world together to stop the genocidal rampage of the Burmese military, but seven months have passed since the EU has issued any new sanctions. In that time, the military has only become more brazen in disregarding human dignity and rights. The attacks in the Sagaing Region have increased steadily, and murder and rape by junta soldiers are now common. The junta feels the pressure of being sanctioned, but they are fighting desperately to cling to power. We cannot let them win,” said BHRN’s Executive Director, Kyaw Win. Fighting between the junta and democratic forces has spread throughout the country, and the military is struggling to maintain control. The junta is using its most inhumane tactics to reclaim territory and snuff out resistance. A democratic Burma remains possible, and the least the international community can do to help is to deprive the Burmese military of the money and weapons they use to terrorise the population. BHRN calls on the European Union to take further steps to sanction the business interests of the Burmese military and its leaders, cut off Burma’s access to weapons, deny the junta any credibility internationally, and create a path of justice and accountability. While doing this, the international community, including the EU, must make greater efforts to support the National Unity Government and civil society organisations inside of Burma. The EU must also hold the NUG accountable for implementing a plan allowing full human rights and citizenship for all of Burma’s ethnics and religious minorities. Organisation’s Background BHRN is based in London and operates across Burma/Myanmar working for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in the country. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders..."
Source/publisher: Burma Human Rights Network
2022-09-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-20
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Description: "Qatari telecom Ooredoo’s operation in Myanmar is now de facto owned by Zaw Win Shein, a military crony and the adopted son of a general who served as a minister in the military proxy Thein Sein administration, which ran Myanmar from 2011 to early 2016. Ooredoo Group announced on Sept. 8 the sale of its telecom business in Myanmar to Nine Communications Pte. Ltd. at an enterprise value of US$576 million. Nine Communications is a Singapore-based subsidiary of Link Family Office and Nyan Win. While details about Link Family Office are unknown, according to data from the Directorate of Investment and Company Registration, Nyan Win is a director of Horizon Telecom International Company Limited based in Myanmar. Two other directors of that telecom company are Ne Ne Hlawn Moe and Ye Myat Soe. Ne Ne Hlwam Moe is the managing director of Ayeyar Hinthar Construction Co. Ltd, and Ye Myat Soe, who has been the CEO of Horizon Telecom, is also the managing director of A Bank. A Bank and Ayeyar Hinthar Construction are businesses of Ayeyar Hinthar Holdings Company Limited, which is owned by Zaw Win Shein, according to the companies’ websites. Zaw Win Shein is an adoptive son of Soe Maung, who was a key President’s Office minister when the military proxy Thein Sein administration was in power. Soe Maung is a retired major general and also a former judge advocate-general. The Thein Sein government was replaced by a civilian government led by the NLD in 2016. Soe Maung founded the Democratic Party of National Politics (DNP) in 2019 with other retired generals and contested in the 2020 general election. He was also a close confidant of former military regime leader Than Shwe and a member of the military commission that drafted the 2008 Constitution. According to business circles familiar with Zaw Win Shein and his conglomerate, Ayeyar Hinthar group’s capital mainly came from Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo, who is a former general and vice president during the Thein Sein administration; when the group was established in 2006, it was widely reported to be an asset of Naing Lin Oo, a former military captain who is the son of Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo. An executive committee member of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry confirmed this. Naing Lin Oo and his wife Hnin Yee Mon are on a UK list of financial sanctions. When the country entered a so-called democratic transition after a quasi-civilian government emerged in 2011, the transparency of the private sector was promoted and Ayeyar Hinthar group became Ayeyar Hinthar Holding. It is known as a conglomerate owned and operated by crony Zaw Win Shein. Some of the leading businesspeople in Myanmar wondered how a conglomerate owned by Zaw Win Shein can afford half of a billion dollars to buy a telecom operator like Ooredoo during such a chaotic time, and suspected there could be unknown and/or invisible investors behind him. “It is very risky to invest in such a big telecom during these days of economic decline. There might be some other investors behind it, even if it is publicly and officially bought by Ayeyar Hinthar,” said a businessman who is also a chair of a group of companies in Myanmar’s automobile industry. The Ayeyar Hinthar group has engaged in several businesses with the Myanmar military. In one notorious example, it acts as a proxy company for the military at the Y Complex project in Yangon. The Y Complex is built on land belonging to the Myanmar military, and, according to a copy of the lease revealed to the public by Justice for Myanmar, the money for the rent flows to the Quartermaster General’s office via a proxy company. On March 20, 2021, French energy giant Électricité de France (EDF) suspended a hydropower project worth more than $1.5 billion in Myanmar’s Shan State over human rights concerns as the military regime continues to use lethal force to crack down on anti-coup protesters across the country then. Électricité de France notified human rights groups that it has halted development of the Shweli-3 Project, including the activities of its subcontractors. Led by EDF, the 671 MW project was being jointly developed with a Japanese company and locally owned Ayeyar Hinthar. “Now, Myanmar citizens have no choice at all as all the operators here in the country are owned or are still fully or de facto managed by the military regime, and also now, there is no operator too who would defend our rights to privacy,” said a female poet activist who has also been working for digital freedom..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-12
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Sub-title: The UK announces new sanctions and legal action in support of Myanmar’s Rohingya community.
Description: "UK takes fresh action against the Myanmar Armed Forces on 5th anniversary of the military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya new sanctions against military-linked companies to target the military’s access to arms and revenue UK confirms its intention to intervene in The Gambia v. Myanmar International Court of Justice Case to support international justice efforts The UK has announced a further round of sanctions to target military-linked businesses in Myanmar. Those being sanctioned include Star Sapphire Group of Companies, International Gateways Group of Companies Limited (IGG) and Sky One Construction Company Ltd. They are being sanctioned in an effort to limit the military’s access to arms and revenue. Minister for Asia Amanda Milling has also confirmed the UK’s intention to intervene in the case of The Gambia v. Myanmar before the International Court of Justice. The case will determine whether Myanmar has violated its obligations under the Genocide Convention in relation to the military’s acts against the Rohingya in 2016 and 2017. The Myanmar Armed Forces launched a devastating attack on the Rohingya communities living in Rakhine State, Myanmar on 25 August 2017. A UN Fact Finding Mission report stated that over 10,000 Rohingya were killed and 740,000 displaced into neighbouring Bangladesh. The report also claimed Myanmar Armed Forces engaged in a campaign of sexual violence, grave violations against children, torture and village burnings. These are the hallmarks of a military acting with impunity, and the UK notes its grave concern that they are employing these tactics in their current operations against pro-democracy groups in Myanmar. The UK has been clear that what happened to the Rohingya was ethnic cleansing and remains committed to taking action to stop the brutality of the Myanmar Armed Forces and hold them to account. Minister for Asia Amanda Milling said: The UK will always face down those who seek to undermine and destroy our values of freedom and democracy. Five years on, we continue to stand in solidarity with the Rohingya people and condemn the Myanmar Armed Forces’ horrific campaign of ethnic cleansing. Our decision to intervene in The Gambia v. Myanmar case and a further round of sanctions sends a strong signal of our continued support to seek accountability for the atrocities in 2017 and also restrict the military junta’s access to finance and the supply of arms. The violence in 2017 was the result of an attempt, over generations, to destroy the Rohingya identity. The 600,000 Rohingya remaining in Rakhine State have been stripped of their citizenship and face systemic discrimination restricting the freedom of movement and access to healthcare. The UK now reiterates the call for the abolition of the 1982 Citizenship Law and the restoration of Rohingya citizenship. Since 2017 the UK has provided £330 million in aid to the camps, supporting food needs, shelter, sanitation, education, medical and protection services..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
2022-08-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-25
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Description: "Euromoney has awarded the military linked United Amara Bank (UAB) as “Best Bank” in Myanmar. Euromoney is a UK-based banking and finance media corporation. Asiamoney, Euromoney’s sister publication, also gave UAB best bank in Myanmar awards for “Best Domestic Bank”, “Best Bank for ESG” and “Best Bank for SMEs”. UAB is connected to the crony conglomerate, IGE Group of Companies, whose core entity, International Group of Entrepreneur Co. Ltd. was sanctioned by the EU on February 21, 2022. In its sanctions designation, the EU stated, “IGE provided the Tatmadaw [Myanmar military] with financial support in 2017 in connection to the Rakhine ‘clearance operations’ and thus contributed to serious human rights violations in 2017 against the Rohingya population. IGE has also provided the Tatmadaw with indirect financial support by taking financial participations in several projects and companies linked to the Tatmadaw and its conglomerates. Therefore, it provides support to and benefits from the Tatmadaw.” IGE is owned by Ne Aung, brother of the Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung. Ne Aung’s father, Aung Thaung, now deceased, was a minister in the former military junta and was a notorious hardliner who was sanctioned by the US in 2014 for “perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption”. A 2008 US embassy cable, released by Wikileaks, called Ne Aung and his other brother, Pyi Aung, “rising cronies” and described how they “use their family connections and close ties to the regime to amass great wealth”. According to Myanmar’s company registry, Ne Aung and his wife, Khin Moe Nyunt, were the sole owners of UAB Bank Limited until March 8, 2022, when they transferred their shares to two shell companies: Future Growth Investment Co. Ltd., owned by Myo Aung, and Capital Link Investment Co. Ltd., owned by Aye Aye Swe. Future Growth Investment and Capital Link Investment were both established on March 1, 2022. Myo Aung and Aye Aye Swe do not appear on directors lists of any other current or former Myanmar registered companies. Myo Aung may be a cousin of Ne Aung, who is an army colonel. Colonel Myo Aung was court marshalled for his involvement in the killing of five detained villagers in northern Shan State in 2016, and was reportedly the manager of an IGE subsidiary. Corporate filings show Ne Aung left the UAB board of directors on February 25, four days after the EU sanctions designation against IGE. Ne Aung had previously acted as the bank’s chairperson. The restructure of UAB, days after EU sanctions on IGE, appears to be an attempt to evade sanctions by creating a false separation between UAB, IGE and Ne Aung. UAB remains linked to IGE Group through common directors. The most significant is IGE Group’s CEO, Than Win Swe, who remains a director of UAB after the ownership restructure. Than Win Swe and Ne Aung are the sole directors of the EU-sanctioned entity, International Group of Entrepreneur Co. Ltd. Thant Zin, another UAB director, remains on the board of UAB infrastructure development subsidiary Future Creator Group Construction, and, until early 2022, was a director of IGE Land. It is likely that Myo Aung and Aye Aye Swe are proxy shareholders, and that Ne Aung maintains ownership of the bank. Ne Aung’s control may be exercised through IGE, which would make UAB subject to EU sanctions. Asiamoney also gave a CSR award to the crony bank KBZ, part of KBZ group of companies. KBZ is linked to the UK, US and EU sanctioned military conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), and has used its philanthropic arm, the Brighter Future Foundation, to make major donations to the military in support of the 2017 Rohingya genocide. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar recommended that KBZ be criminally investigated for making a direct and substantial contribution to crimes against humanity. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Despite attempts at concealment, UAB is clearly linked to Ne Aung’s IGE group, a business empire that has built immense wealth from dealings with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates, profiting from the military’s systemic corruption and enriching war criminals. “IGE’s complicity in the Rohingya genocide and financial relationships with a murderous military are well established, including in the recent EU sanctions designation. “It is inexcusable that Euromoney has given its “Best Bank in Myanmar” award to UAB, reputation laundering for a bank that is deeply connected to an EU sanctioned company. “Since the military’s attempted coup, the junta has murdered more than 2,100 people and arrested over 15,000, according to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners. “The junta’s international crimes are enabled by IGE, KBZ and other crony companies that provide the junta with sources of revenue to finance its campaign of terror. “Euromoney and Asiamoney must act responsibly and revoke their awards to UAB and KBZ immediately.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
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Sub-title: Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the U.S. and other governments to impose further sanctions on its army-controlled government
Description: "BANGKOK -- Recent executions of four democracy activists in Myanmar have reenergized efforts to get the United States and other countries to impose further sanctions against military leaders who ousted an elected government early last year. Human rights advocates and comments by U.S. lawmakers suggest the Senate is inching toward passage of the Burma Act, legislation already passed by the House of Representatives. Among other actions, it would pave the way for sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, or MOGE, a state-controlled company that is a vital source of hard cash for the impoverished nation. That makes MOGE a key target in the push to cut off funding for the military’s efforts to quash a widespread public backlash against its February 2021 seizure of power. Myanmar, also called Burma, has been ruled by the military for most of the past 70 years. The army’s takeover interrupted a gradual transition toward democratic civilian government and a more modern, open economy and resulted in a slew of sanctions against the military, which controls many industries, army family members and cronies. The hangings in late July of four political activists prompted condemnation and stronger calls from U.S. lawmakers and others f or Myanmar’s neighbors, especially the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, to exert more pressure on the country’s military rulers. “It is time for them to impose meaningful consequences on the junta in Burma that is literally getting away with murder,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a supporter of ousted Myanmar civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said in a recent statement. If Myanmar’s neighbors and ASEAN won’t do more, the U.S. should “turn up the heat” on the army and its sources of financial support, he said. “This should include sanctions on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise,” McConnell said. In February, the European Union announced sanctions against MOGE, saying the military’s control means the company is “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma.” Two of the other biggest Myanmar state companies, Myanma Economic Holdings Ltd. and Myanmar Economic Corp., already have been designated for U.S. sanctions. Advocates of sanctions say they could make a difference if they are well-targeted and enforced. So far, Myanmar's economy has been insulated somewhat from the penalties imposed by the U.S. and other Western governments after the military takeover. Most of its trade — especially lucrative sales of gems, rare earths and timber — is with nearby countries, especially China, which has been signaling growing support for the military-controlled government. Most big Western energy companies already have pulled out of oil and gas projects in the country. That leaves only financial levers. Exports of oil and gas to China and Thailand earn about $2 billion a year, according to reports in its state media, and are a key source of the foreign exchange Myanmar needs to pay for imports of all kinds, including weapons used to fight opposition forces who took up arms after the army crushed peaceful protests. The EU sanctions led the Bank of China to advise operators of the Shwe oil and gas field in northwestern Myanmar that it will not handle payments in euros to MOGE out of concern they might fall afoul of those restrictions, according to activists briefed by two of the companies operating the project, Posco International and Kogas. Two other people familiar with the situation confirmed that euro payments to MOGE were being kept in escrow accounts. The people spoke on condition they not be identified out of concern over risks for themselves, family members and associates. The billions that other global banks have paid for violating sanctions against other countries are a strong incentive for compliance. The EU, in announcing its sanctions, said that since MOGE was controlled by and generates revenue for the military, it was “contributing to its capabilities to carry out activities undermining democracy and the rule of law in Myanmar/Burma." A 770 kilometer (475 mile) pipeline connects the Shwe field to China’s Yunnan province. It is the only major project whose contracts call for revenue from gas sales to be paid in euros, rather than U.S. dollars. A spokesman for Posco International, which has a 51% stake in the project, confirmed that those revenues were being paid into an escrow account. Posco is being paid its share as normal, Song Chan, the spokesman, said in an emailed reply to questions. He said he could not comment on the status of payments to the other companies participating in the oil and gas pipeline. Otherwise, the project was operating as normal, he said, referring further questions to China National United Oil Co., which buys gas from the Shwe project and pays sales revenue. That company, a subsidiary of state-owned China National Petroleum Corp., did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Neither did CNPC nor the Bank of China. Korea Gas Corp., which has an 8.5% stake in the Shwe fields, did not reply to a request for comment. The fact that the Shwe project has continued to send gas to China suggests that sanctions can be implemented without disrupting livelihoods or supplies of natural gas in Myanmar, said Keel Dietz, a policy adviser at the environmental non-profit Global Witness. Critics of sanctions have often contended that they might harm employees of companies involved in the projects or worsen power shortages in the country. The Burma Act itself calls for assessing the potential impact of any sanctions against MOGE on people in Myanmar. The president could impose such sanctions if they would hinder abuses by Myanmar's military after ensuring they would be in the U.S. national interest, with benefits outweighing any harm. Even though the EU sanctions, imposed in February, have only affected the Shwe project, “it’s clear that EU sanctions had a meaningful impact on the thinking of at least one bank in a way that at the very least has raised costs for the junta in accessing their money," Dietz said. “All of this was done with zero negative humanitarian impacts in Myanmar and Thailand." A lack of impact on gas supplies to Thailand from other projects would alleviate concerns that U.S. sanctions against MOGE might harm relations with Bangkok. The executions that Myanmar carried out recently have deepened frustrations for its neighbors. Human rights advocates say dozens of democracy activists remain on Myanmar’s death row. “If more executions are conducted, then things will have to be reconsidered,” said Prak Sokhonn, Cambodia's foreign minister and ASEAN's special envoy for Myanmar. Outside ASEAN, the countries with closest ties and most sway over Myanmar, China and Russia, have signaled support for the military and are unlikely to do much to apply pressure. The nine other ASEAN members are waiting to see what happens in coming months ahead of an annual summit meeting in November, Malaysian Foreign Minister Saifuddin Abdullah told reporters in Bangkok last week. Saifuddin acknowledged that ASEAN countries, which tend to refrain from imposing economic sanctions against other members, are discussing that option as they search for ways to exert leverage on Myanmar's military leaders. “We did discuss this measure, but there was no conclusion," Saifuddin said..."
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Source/publisher: "ABC News" (Sydney)
2022-08-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "116 Myanmar and Singapore companies with 262 directors and shareholders have brokered the supply of weapons and other equipment worth many millions in US dollars to the Myanmar military, including since the illegal attempted coup of February 1, 2021. The known brokers include 31 companies with 77 directors and shareholders that Justice For Myanmar has identified as suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had active business with the military since its coup attempt. These brokers of arms and equipment for a military that has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide must be urgently sanctioned. Justice For Myanmar has also identified 27 companies with 51 directors and shareholders that brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military since 2017– the year of the Rohingya genocide. Justice For Myanmar also calls for sanctions against these companies and individuals. Linked to the total of 78 Myanmar-based companies supplying the military are at least 38 subsidiary or associated companies in Singapore. Singapore has long been a known financial and trade hub for the Myanmar military’s arms procurement and this poses an imminent threat to the lives of millions of Myanmar people. As a member of ASEAN, Singapore has an obligation to play an instrumental role to resolve the Myanmar crisis, as well as a moral responsibility to act. It must end its complicity in the junta’s international crimes. We are calling for international sanctions on arms brokers and their directors and shareholders in order to halt the flow of arms to the military junta. We call on Singapore to impose immediate sanctions to ban the use of its territory, including its banks and ports, for the supply of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military. The Myanmar military’s resources are used by the junta in its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar. The military junta has killed 2,158 civilians and imprisoned over 15,000 more since the military’s illegal attempted coup on February 1, 2021. Since the attempted coup, the military junta has carried out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murdered villagers, committed rape, destroyed homes and crops, forcibly displacing an estimated 866,400 people. Under the Arms Trade Treaty, to which 111 states are parties, it is prohibited to transfer arms with knowledge they would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies seeks to prevent the transfer of dual-use goods to countries of concern. Singapore is not party to the Arms Trade Treaty or the Wassenaar Arrangement. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “So far, only a few of the companies supplying arms and equipment to the military junta have been sanctioned. The vast majority are continuing to operate freely. This is unacceptable. “When only a few countries impose sanctions, the junta is still able to get the arms, equipment and funds it needs to terrorise the people of Myanmar. “Sanctions are only effective when they are imposed by all relevant countries, on all businesses and individuals enabling the junta and its atrocity crimes. “JFM is calling for coordinated international sanctions on these companies and their directors and shareholders in order to stop the flow of arms and equipment to the military junta. “Governments and companies – especially Singapore – have significant power to end the military junta’s war crimes and crimes against humanity. Without meaningful action, Singapore will remain complicit in the Myanmar military’s atrocity crimes. “Singapore and other governments imposed swift and coordinated sanctions on the Russian government and its arms businesses in response to its aggression against Ukraine. The time is well overdue for governments to take a decisive and coordinated response to the Myanmar military’s international crimes.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "116 Myanmar and Singapore companies with 262 directors and shareholders have brokered the supply of weapons and other equipment worth many millions in US dollars to the Myanmar military, including since the illegal attempted coup of February 1, 2021. The known brokers include 31 companies with 77 directors and shareholders that Justice For Myanmar has identified as suppliers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had active business with the military since its coup attempt. These businesses and their directors and shareholders are complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes. Justice For Myanmar calls for urgent sanctions against these companies and individuals. Justice For Myanmar has also identified 27 companies with 51 directors and shareholders that brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military since 2017– the year of the Rohingya genocide, preceding the coup attempt. They have been complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes and must be prevented from pursuing further business with the military. Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions against these companies and individuals. Linked to the total of 78 Myanmar-based companies brokering for the military are at least 38 subsidiary or associated companies in Singapore. Singapore has long been a known financial and trade hub for the Myanmar military junta and this poses an imminent threat to the lives of millions of Myanmar people. As a member of ASEAN, Singapore has an important role to play to resolve the Myanmar crisis. It must start by ending its complicity in the junta’s international crimes. Myanmar’s military resources have long been used in its campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, in aggression against ethnic minorities who resisted its attempts to suppress their equal rights in the union. The military has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity against ethnic minorities and in 2017, committed genocide against the Rohingya. Since the 1 February 2021 attempted coup, that deliberate violence is directed against people across the country who continue to reject and resist the military’s ongoing attempt to seize power. The suppliers of arms to the Myanmar military have had knowledge of the war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed by the brutal military. Those who continue to provide arms are complicit in the military’s atrocity crimes. Since the military’s attempted coup, the military has carried out indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, murdered villagers, committed rape, destroyed homes and crops, and forcibly displaced an estimated 866,400 people. Under the Arms Trade Treaty, to which 111 states are parties, it is prohibited to transfer arms with knowledge they would be used in the commission of genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. The Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies seeks to prevent the transfer of dual-use goods to countries of concern. 42 states are parties to the Wassenaar Agreement. However, Singapore is not a party to the Arms Trade Treaty or the Wassenaar Arrangement. So far, only a few of the companies supplying arms and other products to the military junta have been sanctioned, while the vast majority are continuing to operate freely. ‍ Companies brokering arms to Myanmar military The following companies are confirmed to have brokered arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, and are divided into three categories, based on the current status of their identified business activities. Category “A” lists brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military since the attempted coup. Category “B” lists brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have conducted business with the Myanmar military following the Rohingya genocide from 2017 or later. Justice For Myanmar calls for companies, directors and shareholders listed in category “A” and “B” to be sanctioned for their involvement in supplying the Myanmar military. Category “C” includes brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have conducted business with the Myanmar military from 2015-2016, or where dates are not confirmed. The companies, their shareholders and directors should be monitored as there is a risk that they may have continued business with the Myanmar military. Any ongoing business with the Myanmar military must result in sanctions. The sources are based on documents from the Myanmar Ministry of Defence's procurement department that have been leaked to JFM, previous disclosures made public by JFM, industry sources and other online and media sources. Download the list of Myanmar military arms broker companies and individuals (11 August 2022): Download Excel File (65 kb) ‍ Category A: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military since its coup attempt ‍ A1 Group of Companies & subsidiaries: Yadanarbon Fibre Services Co. Ltd, Com & Com Co. Ltd, Terabit Wave Co. Ltd & Bright Sky Group Pte Ltd A1 Group through its subsidiaries Yadanarbon Fibre Services Company Limited, Com & Com Company Limited, Terabit Wave Company Limited and Bright Sky Group Private Limited provide telecommunications technology and services to the Myanmar military. According to Yadanarbon Fibre Services Co. Ltd’s website, the company has provided CCTV surveillance services to the Ministry of Defence, which is controlled by the war criminal Min Aung Hlaing. Terabit Wave Co. Ltd and Com & Com Co. Ltd, which has business links to German and Israel companies, have had business with the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Signals since 2014. According to JFM sources, purchases are made through Bright Sky Group Pte Ltd, a Singaporean business unit of the A1 Group. In 2017, Terabit Wave brokered or attempted to broker the procurement of optical transmission systems from the Korean firm Coweaver for the Directorate of Signals, according to a leaked letter sent by the company to the Directorate of Procurement in September 2017. The four companies share common directors and shareholders. In addition, Yadanarbon Fibre Services Company Limited is also a shareholder in Telecom International Myanmar (Mytel), a military-controlled telecommunications operator in Myanmar, through Myanmar National Telecom Holdings. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Creative Exploration Ltd Creative Exploration Limited (formerly known as mySpace International or My Space International Company Limited) has imported fuzes from India to the Myanmar military since the attempted coup. The most recent shipment was on March 25, 2022 and consisted of 3,000 fuzes, according to records from the Panjiva trade database. This followed a similar shipment in 2020 and 2019. The company has also imported digital forensics technology from the United States (US) firm Oxygen Forensics and a digital forensics examination station from the US firm Sirichie, both via Indian suppliers. Creative Exploration Ltd is also a major broker of arms and equipment for the Myanmar police force. The company is owned by Dr Kyaw Kyaw Htun, a former military officer and graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy and his wife, Zar Phyu Tin Soe, is the daughter of a former military officer who was Myanmar’s ambassador to Russia. For more details, see JFM’s feature ‍ Dynasty Group & its subsidiaries Dynasty Group of Companies, which has carried out business in the European Union (EU), supplied aircraft and spare parts manufactured by the German company Grob to the Myanmar Air Force. A subsidiary of Dynasty Group, Dynasty International Company Limited, is also a key arms supplier to the Myanmar military, with links to companies in Russia, Belarus and Germany. Dynasty International imported parts for Mi-17 helicopters since the attempted coup, according to data from the trade database, ImportGenius. The Group’s director, Dr Aung Moe Myint, is the Belarus Honorary Consul to Myanmar. His business unit registered in Singapore, Dynasty Excellency Pte Ltd, is highly likely to be used to facilitate arms transactions to Myanmar. Aung Moe Myint is now targeted by sanctions from the United Kingdom (UK) and Canada, and his business Dynasty International Company Limited is also sanctioned by the UK. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Galaxy Shine Co. Ltd Galaxy Shine Company Limited (formerly known as Aung Sein Hein Company Limited) has imported Mi-17 helicopter parts to Myanmar from Simplex LLC, a Russian supplier of aircraft parts, since the attempted coup. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Htoo Group of Companies & its subsidiaries: Myanmar Avia Export, Htoo Trading, YAECO The Htoo Group of Companies (HGC) is a major crony conglomerate owned by arms broker Tay Za and his family. Tay Za is a significant business associate of the Myanmar military, who has supplied the military with aircraft and parts through his companies, Myanmar Avia Export and Htoo Trading Company Limited. Myanmar Avia Export Company has imported Mi-35P aircrafts and Mi-17 aircrafts parts worth millions of euros from Ukrainian firm Motor Sich and Russian firms including JSC Russian Helicopters, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY and a leaked letter from the Myanmar Air Force to the Directorate of Procurement, sent in November 2017. The company is now in liquidation. The Group’s aviation service company Yangon Aircraft Engineering Company Limited (YAECO) has also provided services to the Myanmar Air Force. The Htoo Group of Companies and some of key directors and shareholders have been sanctioned by the US, the UK and the EU for providing financial support and arms to the Myanmar military. HGC has ongoing business with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ International Gateways Group of Companies, Myanmar Consultancy Co. Ltd & Venture Sky International Ltd International Gateways Group of Companies (IGG) through its subsidiary Gateways Hongkong Company Limited – was awarded contracts worth millions of US dollars to supply equipment including spare parts and upgrades for the air force’s fighter jets and other aircraft and weapons for warships to the Myanmar military. According to JFM sources, IGG is one of the biggest arms suppliers to the Myanmar Air Force and Navy, especially in trade from China. IGG’s managing director, Dr. Naing Htut Aung, is sanctioned by the US. Dr. Naing Htut Aung was a key director and shareholder of Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited (MCC), which has procured equipment from ALLWE, a Russian trading company that specialises in the supply of aircraft parts and related equipment for Mi-8 and Mi-17 helicopters. In 2019, Myanmar Consultancy attempted to supply a CASA CN-235 military transport aircraft, according to a leaked proposal. MCC was an online exhibitor at the MAKS 2021 air show in Russia, which the Myanmar military coup leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing attended in person. For details, see JFM’s feature. Dr. Naing Htut Aung’s Singapore business Venture Sky International Ltd has directly supplied aircraft spare parts to the Myanmar military. The company had at least 12 contracts with the Myanmar Air Force to provide aircraft spare parts in 2016 alone. Notably, this is the same year the company was established, indicating that the company was likely to have been set up as an intermediary for the Myanmar military amidst sanctions that were in place at the time. According to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement, the 2016 purchases include: 53 spare parts for MiG-29 fighter planes worth over USD$ 3.3 million 213 spare parts for G-4 planes worth USD$ 800,000 197 spare parts for K-8w trainer jets worth USD$ 700,000 30 spare parts for Y-12 multi-use planes worth USD$ 100,000 7 spare parts for Mi-17 military helicopters worth USD$ 10,901 25 spare parts for Mi-17 military helicopters worth USD$ 47,203 289 spare parts for Cessna Citation CCII planes worth USD$ 1.4 million 4 spare parts for main components of CCII planes worth USD$ 43,640 57 spare parts for F-7 fighter planes worth USD$ 200,000 3 pieces of lifting equipment for Myanmar Navy worth USD$ 359,750 11 main components for MiG-29 fighter planes worth USD$ 1.1 million 5 main components for Bell-206 helicopters worth USD$ 44,650 In 2017, when the Myanmar military carried out a campaign of genocide against the Rohingya, Venture Sky International Ltd also sold spare parts for PC-7 aircraft and Mi-17 helicopters to the Myanmar military. Venture Sky International Ltd was dissolved in October 2021 after JFM reported on arms shipments involving Dr Naing Htut Aung’s companies. Dr Naing Htut Aung is a key arms dealer to the Myanmar military and his businesses are currently only sanctioned in the US and continue to operate freely elsewhere. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ KT Group, Ky-Tha Group & their subsidiaries KT Group of Companies and Ky-Tha Group of Companies have procured arms and dual use goods for the Myanmar military through their subsidiaries. A subsidiary Kyaw Htet Kyaw Company is a key broker for the procurement of equipment and services for the Myanmar military, including the air force and the army’s Directorate of Procurement. The company won a one-million-euro tender for the purchase of a Sub-Atlantic Super Mohawk remotely operated vehicle (ROV), manufactured by the US-based Forum Energy Technologies. According to a leaked document, the transaction was made through subsidiary Ky-Tha Trading in Singapore. KT Group subsidiary, MWG Limited, has procured Fokker planes for the Myanmar Air Force, according to the New York Times. Subsidiaries Ky-Tha Trading and Ky-Tha Industrial Development have also procured and provided services related to Thales Coast Watcher 100s – a French-designed long-range coastal surveillance radar – for the Myanmar Navy. These companies are owned by Moe Kyaw Thaung and his son Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung, who is the Chief Executive Officer of KT Group. Jonathan Myo Kyaw Thaung is currently sanctioned by the US for being a business associate of the Myanmar military. Yet, no other country has sanctioned his arms-dealing companies and their directors. KT Group has ongoing business with the Myanmar military and its conglomerates. For more details, see New York Times reporting and JFM’s feature. ‍ L T Resources Co. Ltd L T Resources Company Limited is linked to the procurement of aircraft for the Myanmar Air Force. The company is owned by Linn Htet and Mon Yee and Thida Myint (niece, nephew and sister of the junta’s State Administration Council member, Maung Maung Kyaw). For more details, see Reuters reporting. ‍ Mega Hill General Trading Co. Ltd Mega Hill General Trading Company Limited has procured arms, dual use goods and spare parts for the Myanmar military, including after the attempted coup. The company also has a history of procuring technology and providing services through the army’s Directorate of Procurement. It also provides medical supplies to the Myanmar military's Defence Services Medical Academy. The company has business links to German companies. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Miya Win International & Asia Golden Phoenix Consultancy Services These two companies procure arms and dual use goods for the Myanmar military, including from Austria and Germany. Miya Win International procured Austrian-made Schiebel Camcopter S-100 unmanned aerial vehicles for the Myanmar military, in breach of the EU arms embargo. Asia Golden Phoenix Consultancy procured an ATR flight simulator from the Austrian firm Axis Simulation, and registered it with the European Air Safety Authority. Miya Win International has imported parts and a full-scale training model for Camcopter S-100s since the illegal coup attempt. Miya Win International is now subject to sanctions from the UK for its role in procuring arms on behalf of the Myanmar military. For more details, see JFM’s feature. Myanmar Chemical & Machinery Co. Ltd & its subsidiaries Myanmar Chemical & Machinery Company Ltd (MCM) is owned by arms dealer Aung Hlaing Oo. The company’s subsidiaries are suppliers of arms and related materiel to the Myanmar military and are also involved in arms production and a technical transfer project producing K-8 trainer jets in Myanmar with the Chinese state-owned arms company, CATIC. K-8 trainers were last commissioned during the junta’s air force anniversary celebrations in December 2021. MCM was part of a project with the Ukrainian state-owned arms manufacturer Ukroboronprom and the army’s Directorate of Defence Industries to produce BTR-4 armoured personnel carriers (APCs), MMT-40 light tanks and 2SIU self-propelled howitzers. MCM has supplied spare parts, tools and accessories for T-72 tanks to the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps. MCM has also procured arms from Serbia for the Myanmar military. A 2019 MCM proposal for the Myanmar Air Force, leaked to Justice For Myanmar, details aircraft-mounted rocket launchers, rockets, free-fall bombs, a multiple bomb launcher for use “on large surfaces” and fuses. A Singaporean subsidiary of MCM Pacific Pte Ltd has provided parts for Mi-2, Mi-17 and Bell 206 helicopters to the Myanmar Air Force. The company has also imported spare parts for a MTU12V 331TC 92 marine diesel engine as well as an engine display unit, propulsion system, lifesaving equipment and stern arrangement worth millions of US dollars for the Myanmar Navy. MCM Pacific Pte Ltd supplied BTR-3U armoured personnel carrier parts to the Myanmar army’s Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps worth millions of euros. MCM has been sanctioned by the US, UK and Canada. For more details, see JFM’s feature and comany profile. ‍ Myanmar New Era Trading Co. Ltd & Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, owned by Aung Myo Win, former managing director of arms supplier Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited, has procured goods for the Myanmar military. Data from the trade database Import Genius reveals that Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited has shipped parts for Mi-17 and Mi-8 helicopters from Russia 83 times. Yatanarpon Aviation Support Company Limited, which is linked to Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited, has received aircraft parts from Ukroboronservice on behalf of the Myanmar military since 2020, including following the military’s attempted coup. Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd was formerly a company of Sit Taing Aung, Mexico's honorary consul to Myanmar, who has been sanctioned by the US and Canada for brokering arms on behalf of the Myanmar military. Yatanarpon Aviation Support Co. Ltd is now in liquidation. For more details, see JFM’s features here and here. ‍ Sky Aviator Co. Ltd Sky Aviator is a Myanmar miliary arms broker that has procured equipment from Russia and Ukraine since the attempted coup, including YAK-130 support equipment from Concern Radio-Electronic Technologies (KRET), refitted turbojet engines from United Engine Corporation and engine parts from Rosoboronexport and Motor Sich. According to a proposal leaked to JFM, Sky Aviator represents JSC Russian Helicopters in Myanmar. Sky Aviator is subject to UK sanctions. For more details, see JFM’s feature and details of recent shipments received from Russia by Sky Aviator Co. Ltd. ‍ Star Sapphire Group A subsidiary of Star Sapphire Group – Star Sapphire Trading Company Limited – has played a key role in brokering deals for arms and military equipment on behalf of the Myanmar military over many years. Equipment procured has included defence technology and products from China and, previously from Israel. The company’s Managing Director, Dr Tun Min Latt, is directly involved in these arms deals and has direct access to military coup leader Senior-General Min Aung Hlaing. His wife Dr Tun Min Latt jointly formed a company with Khin Thiri Thet Mon, daughter of Min Aung Hlaing. The company has ongoing business with the Myanmar military. For details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Synpex Shwe Co. Ltd The Synpex Shwe Company Limited procured material for the Myanmar Air Force in March 2021 and the company is also a supplier for the Directorate of Defence Industries. Synpex Shwe is now subjected to sanctions from the UK for its role in procuring arms on behalf of the Myanmar military. For more details, see the JFM feature. ‍ Trident Marine Co. Ltd, Amber Star General Trading Co. Ltd, Atland Services Pte Ltd and D&K Intertrade Pte Ltd These companies have supplied equipment and services worth many millions of US dollars for the Myanmar navy, as part of a major frigate construction project. In the aftermath of the junta’s illegal coup attempt, Trident Marine Co. Ltd staff together with a Myanmar navy delegation travelled to Ukraine as part of the frigate project. The deal was brokered in partnership with the Ukrainian-owned Singaporean company, Atland Services Pte Ltd, according to an industry source. Trident Marine Co. Ltd also procured ship parts for the Myanmar Navy in 2015-16, including navigation equipment, electrical fittings and steering equipment. For more details, see Myanmar Now reporting and JFM’s feature. ‍ Category B: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who have had business with the Myanmar military during the 2017-18 financial year or later Aero Sofi Co. Ltd & Asia Trading Group Pte Ltd Aero Sofi Company Limited is a supplier to the Myanmar Air Force. The company’s agreements with the Myanmar Air Force include the luxury refurbishment of an Airbus A319-112 plane worth millions of US dollars, which was cancelled after it was exposed, and a proposed US$38.6 million deal to purchase two Airbus CASA C-295 military transport planes from the Royal Jordanian Air Force. The company is wholly owned by an arms broker, Sai Kham Park Hpa, who holds a stake in the Singapore-based Asia Trading Group Private Limited, a company which is facilitates the transactions. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Asia Energy Supply & Services Co. Ltd This company supplied a pump to the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ D S T Business Group Co. Ltd In 2017-18, the company supplied an engine room ventilation system and accessories, an anchor winch and an F12 PLC industrial computer control card, a shipboard power cable, electrical hardware, a watertight cable sealing system, a navigation lamp, a search light, a signal light, a marine electrical lamp fitting and a steering system to be used by the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ General Machinery Trading Co. Ltd and General Machinery Trading Pte Ltd General Machinery Trading Company Limited, a port equipment supply company, has provided welding accessories, a welding electrode, panelling materials and packing and joining materials to the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. The purchases were made through its Singapore business unit, General Machinery Trading Private Limited. Another leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement shows General Machinery Trading Company also supplied a Laser Tracker System for the Myanmar Navy in 2017 The company is the official authorised distributor in Myanmar of a wide range of port equipment from international brands – such as cranes and lifting equipment from Konecranes in Finland, V-belts products from Bando in Japan, a mobile shredder from Metso in Denmark and products from Terex Fuchs in Germany, according to the company website. ‍ Interstellar Ltd This company is an official sales agent for the import of aviation parts from Ukroboronprom in Ukraine to the Myanmar air force, according to a leaked proposal, and was an online exhibitor at the MAKS 2021 air show in Russia. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ King Royal Technologies Co. Ltd This company has had contracts with the Myanmar Air Force and the Myanmar army’s Directorate of Signals, and has reportedly been engaged in military research and manufacturing. It is subject to US Department of Commerce restrictions. For more details, see JFM’s report and feature on the arms trade with Russia, and a leaked proposal. ‍ Life and Challenge Co. Ltd and LANC Pte Ltd Life and Challenge Company Limited, a company which has links to the EU, provided an engine room ventilation system and accessories, an anchor winch, a F12 PLC industrial computer control card, and a piping machine and tools for the Myanmar navy, according to leaked Ministry of Defence documents concerning procurement. In 2018, Life and Challenge Co. Ltd and its partner TBSS, a Singaporean company that specialises in radars and electronic warfare, and training and engineering services, were jointly awarded a contract to design and deliver a radar capability development programme for the Myanmar military officers from the Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), Defence Services Technological Academy (DSTA), Directorate of Signals and Directorate of Defence Industries. Life and Challenge Co. Ltd has also supplied dozens of items to the DSSTRC through its Singapore business LANC Pte Ltd. Life and Challenge Co. Ltd’s co-owner Wunna is also director and shareholder of Myanmar Consultancy Company Limited (MCC), a key arms supplier to the Myanmar military. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Lion Zone Co. Ltd This company was contracted to supply a plating machine and other tools for the Myanmar Navy in 2017. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Machinery & Solutions Co. Ltd This company supplied spare parts for a MTU12V 331TC 92 marine diesel engine and an engine display unit for the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ Mega Dynamic Co. Ltd and Achiever Marine Service These two companies have jointly provided items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for dozens of marine equipment items including ship wiring cables, navigation and marine electrical fittings, a propulsion system, a stern arrangement, a steering system, a ventilation blower, welding machines, mooring and towing equipment and other accessories, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY In 2017, Mega Dynamic Co. Ltd also provided a propulsion system, a stern arrangement, a steering system and ventilation blower to Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2017-18 FY. ‍ Monday International Co. Ltd This company supplied an engine room ventilation system and accessories for the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ Myan Shwe Pyi Tractors Ltd This company sold a propulsion system and stern arrangement to the Myanmar Navy in 2014 and 2017, respectively, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ Myanmar Future Science Co. Ltd This company has procured Elbit drone parts that were sent to the Myanmar military. For more details, see a proposal leaked to JFM, and reporting in the New York Times. ‍ One Success Co. Ltd This company was awarded a contract to supply foundry shop accessories to the Myanmar Navy in 2017, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. Royal Shune Lei Co. Ltd The Royal Shune Lei Company Limited has supplied arms and related materiel from Russia and Serbia to the Myanmar military. See the leaked 2019 proposal involving procurement from Serbia and this feature on the arms trade with Russia. ‍ Shwepoe May Co. Ltd Shwepoe May Company Limited is run by a former instructor at the Myanmar military’s Defence Services Academy. The company has supplied rockets and missiles to the military, according to a JFM source. It has also provided spare parts for BTR-3U armoured personnel carriers to the Commander in Chief (Army) Directorate of Artillery and Armour Corps. See 2019 proposal leaked to JFM. ‍ Sixth Ocean Ltd & Midway Pte Ltd Sixth Ocean Limited has procured equipment for the Myanmar military. The company’s purchases were made through Midway Pte Ltd, a company that was registered in Singapore, but has since been struck off the company registry. In addition, Sixth Ocean also has links to Allwe, a Russian company which provides parts to the Myanmar military. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Sun & Moon 777 Sun & Moon 777 works closely with the Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Navy, Moe Aung. The company brokered French Zodiac Milpro inflatable rubber boats to Myawaddy Trading, a subsidiary of the Myanmar military’s conglomerate, Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL), in August 2020, for delivery in 2021, according to leaked documents. The Myanmar Navy is known to be the end user of these boats according to an industry source with knowledge of the transaction. ‍ TBSS Group and TBSS Center for Electrical and Electronics Engineering TBSS, a sole proprietor company owned by Singapore engineer Lee Kar Heng, has provided equipment, training and support for the Myanmar military to development its radar capabilities, in partnership with Myanmar military broker Life and Challenge Company Limited. This has included the provision of a 9-month radar capability development program for the Defense Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC) and Defence Services Technological Academy (DSTA) in 2018. Lee Kar Heng is a former staff of Singapore’s Defence Science and Technology Agency. TBSS Group has involved its international partners in supplying equipment and training to the Myanmar military, including Keysight Technologies (USA), SkyRadar (Luxembourg/Germany), Dspnor (Norway) and RFBeam (Switzerland). For details, see JFM’s feature and Straits Times reporting. ‍ Trio Core Distribution Co. Ltd Trio Core Distribution Company Limited is linked to arms broker Miya Win International. This company was a business partner to Victorinox and arranged a meeting for Victorinox with the Myanmar military on August 22, 2017, as the military was committing genocide against the Rohingya. It led to the supply of knives with an imprint for the 72nd anniversary of the Myanmar Air Force in 2019. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ True North Co. Ltd True North is a known arms dealer and the agent of the Indonesian state-owned enterprise, PT Pindad. PT Pindad has exported ammunition to Myanmar. True North is owned by Htoo Htoo Shein Oo, the son of the Myanmar military junta’s planning and finance minister, Win Shein. For more details, see JFM’s feature. ‍ Trust And Honesty International Co. Ltd / UK Logix Security International Co. Ltd Aung Min Nyo (also known as Kevin Nyo) and these two companies that he co-owns have provided defence security consultation, services and technology to the Myanmar military, according to JFM sources. Category C: Brokers of arms and equipment to the Myanmar military, who had business with the Myanmar military from 2015 to 2016, or where dates are not confirmed Asia Resource Developments Trading Co. Ltd This company has had contracts with the Myanmar Navy to supply marine items including an engine room ventilation system and accessories, marine diesel gensets, a main switchboard, marine spare parts and an oxygen plant for a naval dockyard, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. ‍ Bamar Pte Ltd Bamar Pte, a Singapore based company owned by Myanmar citizens, has supplied arms and aircraft spare parts for the Myanmar military in 2016. The items supplied include spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters and 37mm twin barrel AA guns worth millions in US dollars, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement, according to leaked Ministry of Defence documents concerning procurement. The company has registered an overseas branch office in Yangon, Myanmar. ‍ Eternity Star Co. Ltd and Pollux Marine Pte Ltd Eternity Star Company Limited and Pollux Marine Private Limited have jointly imported ship wiring cables, marine navigation electrical fittings and a steering system for the Myanmar Navy, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. Both companies are owned by a Myanmar citizen, Ye Linn. Eternity Star Co. Ltd is the authorised distributor of products from marine brands ESAB, Mercury Marine and Delfin in Myanmar. ‍ Future Gift International Ltd This company has provided an aviation jet refuelling vehicle for the Myanmar Air Force in 2016, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ Lucky Bird Trading Company Limited A leaked August 2017 Myanmar Air Force letter to the Directorate of Procurement shows that Lucky Bird Co. Ltd attempted to broker EWR 600 and EWR 750 weather radar manufactured by its partner. According to an arms industry source, Lucky Bird Trading has also won IT contracts from the Myanmar military. ‍ Marinetech Limited A Myanmar military broker with links to France. In July 2017, Marinetech together with a French partner CNIM met with the Myanmar army to negotiate the provision of a modular assault bridge system, according to a leaked letter sent to the Directorate of Procurement. ‍ Mascot Company Limited The company has supplied communications equipment to the Myanmar army from the South African firm Reutech, according to an industry source. The UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFMM) reported that Reutech has supplied ground-to-air radio transmitter V/UHF transceivers (Reutech/PAE 3060), according to the Ministry of Defence budget documents. ‍ Moezac Company Limited A leaked July 2017 Directorate of Procurement letter shows representatives from MoeZac Co., Ltd. is partnered with Russian firm UAZ LLC and met with Directorate of Defence Industries regarding the supply of armoured and other vehicles. ‍ Nanova Company Limited and Nanova Pte Ltd Nanova Company Limited supplied equipment including pneumatic fenders for the Myanmar Navy. It has also provided scientific equipment for the Myanmar military’s Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. Since 2014, Nanova has been purchasing Radar Absorbent Paint (RAP) manufactured by Micromag Co., Ltd. for the Myanmar military. According to a brief report, Myanmar Navy representatives travelled to Spain in Feb 2014 regarding Micromag purchases. Nanova is registered in Myanmar as well as in Singapore as a supplier of medical, scientific and industrial equipment. It has offices in Yangon, Naypyidaw and Mandalay. ‍ Oro Vittorio Co. Ltd. This company supplied spare parts for a flight simulator to the Myanmar Air Force in 2016, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ Proven Technology Industry Co. Ltd. This company has supplied thousands of vehicle batteries to the Myanmar military, according to a leakedMinistry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. ‍ Pyae Naing Thu Co. Ltd and Xinde Marine Engineering Pte Ltd Xinde Marine Engineering Private Limited had a joint agreement with Pyae Naing Thu Company Limited to provide items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for gyrocompass equipment and stabiliser systems, and an external firefighting system in 2015-16, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. ‍ Royal Pyae Phyo Company Limited Royal Pyae Phyo, a trading and logistics company has involved in supplying the Myanmar military with nitrate from the Thai firm, Thai Nitrate Company, according to an industry source. According to Royal Pyae Phyo’s website, their partners include the Chinese arms conglomerate AVIC, and the Chinese drone manufacturer Beihang UAS Technology Co. Ltd. ‍ Sea Technology International Ltd and Sea Technology Cooperation Pte Ltd Sea Technology International Limited is a major supplier of marine communication and navigation equipment in Myanmar. The company has had multiple contracts with the Myanmar military. It provided items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for navigation and other equipment to be installed on landing craft, offshore patrol boats and other naval vessels, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. The company also supplied a Furuno navigation radar to the Myanmar army. The purchases were made through Sea Technology Cooperation Pte. Ltd, a Singapore branch of Sea Technology. ‍ Shwe Pan Thu Co. Ltd. and Duwon Pte Ltd These companies have jointly supplied items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for anchor chain and accessories and a marine window, according to a Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. ‍ Singa International Enterprise Ltd and Royal Lion International Pte Ltd These companies jointly brokered items for the Myanmar Navy following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for an electric boat crane, firefighting and other equipment, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. The companies have the same directors: Khin Thin Swe and Sein Aung. ‍ The Prime Inya Company Limited The Prime Inya Company Limited and its partner, Chinese Aerospace Long March International Trade Co. Ltd., a subsidiary of CASC met with the air force commander-in-chief regarding CH-4 armed UAVs in Aug 22, 2017 according to a leaked Myanmar Air Force letter to the Directorate of Procurement. China Aerospace Science and Technology Corp. CASC has a plant to build CH-4 UAVs in Myanmar, according to the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The Prime Inya has also been listed as a buyer of ammonium nitrate and sulphur. Triple Phoenix Co. Ltd. and Triple Phoenix Pte Ltd Triple Phoenix Company Limited and its Singapore subsidiary Triple Phoenix Private Limited were awarded multiple contracts to supply equipment for the Myanmar military, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for 2015-16 FY. This has included providing items for the Myanmar Air Force following a successful bid in a Ministry of Defence call for tenders for spare parts for Mi-17 helicopters and main components for MiG-29 aircraft. These companies have also supplied navigation equipment to be installed on a hospital ship used by the Myanmar Navy and cardiac consumables for the Defence Services Medical Academy. Some of the purchases were made through a Singapore company, TRD Consultancy Pte Ltd, which has shared the same office and directors with Triple Phoenix Pte Ltd. TRD Consultancy has had an office in Myanmar and has supplied anti-drone guns to the Myanmar Police Force. ‍ Shwe Htee San Trading Co. Ltd. and Shwe Htee San Shwe Htee San Trading Company Limited, together with its Singapore business, have supplied navigation equipment for the Myanmar Navy to be installed on a naval ship, according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement. The companies have been struck off the Myanmar and Singapore company registries. ‍ ‍Reliance Products Pte Ltd Reliance Products Private Limited is linked to Mega Hill General Trading Co. Ltd and has imported hydraulic cranes for the Myanmar navy and equipment for the Defence Services Science and Technology Research Centre (DSSTRC), according to a leaked Ministry of Defence document concerning procurement for the 2015-16 FY. Call for sanctions Justice For Myanmar calls for sanctions on the abovementioned category “A” and “B” companies and their directors and shareholders, for their involvement in supplying the Myanmar military. Category “C” companies and their shareholders and directors should be monitored for any continued business with the Myanmar military. Any ongoing business with the Myanmar military must result in sanctions. More sanctions are urgently required to prevent the continued flow of arms, equipment and revenue to the Myanmar military, which enable its campaign of terror. Targeted sanctions must capture: Myanmar and international companies supplying and funding the Myanmar military; Myanmar and international companies and their directors and shareholders brokering arms, dual-use goods, and funds; any other companies and individuals that continue to provide the Myanmar military with arms, dual use goods and revenue. ‍ Detailed list of Myanmar military arms broker companies and individuals JFM has compiled detailed lists identifying Myanmar registered companies and Myanmar linked Singaporean companies involved in supplying the Myanmar military, along with company directors and shareholders, graded according to the abovementioned categories..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-08-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The world awoke on July 25th to news that Myanmar’s military junta had executed four democracy activists following a sham judicial process, the first death sentences carried out in Myanmar in decades. Although the military has killed thousands, including dozens who have been tortured to death in military custody, since attempting to wrest control of the country from the democratically elected government in a February 1, 2021 coup d’état, the executions, and reports that a further 41 may be planned, represent a significant escalation of the junta’s campaign of repression against the people of Myanmar. The executions also show irrefutably the junta’s indifference to appeals from the international community. It is past time for US policy toward Myanmar to respond meaningfully to the junta’s depravity by taking truly meaningful action to restrict the junta’s access to foreign currency through sanctions that target its largest source of foreign income: Myanmar’s oil and gas industry. The arguments against this approach do not withstand scrutiny. Ma Thazin Nyunt Aung, the wife of hip-hop activist turned pro-democracy politician Ko Phyo Zayar Thaw, summed up the situation in an interview with Frontier Myanmar shortly after learning that her husband had been executed. She said: “The military has been killing people in Myanmar since the military coup. But they always denied these crimes. Now, they killed publicly. They show now that they kill people, and they don’t care who. If they want to kill, they can kill. They don’t care about our human rights.” The executions demonstrate the disdain with which the junta views international opinion and a disregard for diplomatic pressure, as even sympathetic dictators such as Cambodia’s Hun Sen had urged the junta to call off the executions. Not that this demonstration was needed. The junta has spent over a year thumbing its nose at ASEAN by ignoring the “Five Point Consensus” to which it agreed in April 2021 and has consistently refused to allow the United Nations Special Envoy to Myanmar access to the country. The international community must take immediate action to weaken the military’s ability to retain power and the impunity with which it commits abuses. Condemnation of the junta’s actions, while necessary, is clearly insufficient. For the United States, this starts with leveling long-overdue sanctions on Myanmar’s oil and gas industry, and in particular the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) – the government entity that acts as both the industry regulator and commercial partner for oil and gas projects in Myanmar. The junta may not care about international opinion, but it relies on the international financial system for the funds it needs to fuel its repression and enrich its leaders. The junta needs foreign currency to purchase weapons, surveillance technology, and jet fuel – all the products that have allowed it to terrorize the people of Myanmar. Prior to the coup, Myanmar’s offshore gas sector was the single largest source of foreign currency income for the government. MOGE was estimated to earn up to $1.5 billion in annual revenue, representing approximately 10% of the pre-coup budget. The increase in global gas prices coupled with the irresponsible decision by TotalEnergies to withdraw from Myanmar by gifting some of its shares in Myanmar’s largest gas field to the junta means it is possible that the junta has earned even more over the past year. MOGE sanctions are already months overdue. The oil and gas industry has always been the most obvious and impactful target for US sanctions due to the small number of companies and limited employment in the sector, its disproportionate importance to junta revenues, and its reliance on the foreign financial system to process payments. Activists, NGOs, Myanmar’s National Unity Government, and the United Nations’ Special Rapporteur have been calling for US sanctions since shortly after the coup. The EU sanctioned MOGE in February. Some international gas companies, after months of lobbying against sanctions, have changed their tune and called for the United States to act. Calls have also come from the U.S Congress. In April 2021 a bipartisan group of US senators, led by Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Jeff Merkley (D-OR) sent a letter to the administration calling for MOGE sanctions, as did House Financial Services Chairwoman Maxine Waters in August. Following last week’s executions, Senator Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Bob Menendez and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell added public calls for MOGE sanctions as well. Targeting Myanmar’s state-owned enterprises is already official US policy, especially those involved in resource extraction. The United States has sanctioned the state-owned enterprises that oversee the timber, pearl, and gemstone industries. In January, the US government released a business advisory warning of the risks of doing business with state-owned enterprises. In spite of this, the Biden administration has thus far refused to take action against MOGE and the gas industry, instead targeting sanctions at industries that either provide minimal revenues to the junta or lack connections to the global financial system that would make them vulnerable to US sanctions. There appear to be two primary reasons for this refusal to target MOGE: 1. Concern about potential humanitarian impacts both in Myanmar and in Thailand (the importer of most of Myanmar’s gas), and 2. A related, but broader, opposition from the Thai government to US sanctions. Both of these reasons are grounded in the inaccurate assumption that US sanctions would lead directly to a shutdown in gas production, which could then reduce electricity supplies to Yangon and disrupt Thai energy markets. This concern is a red herring. Sanctions can, and should, be written to ensure that companies involved in gas production are not forced to suspend operations. Instead, sanctions should target financial transactions to ensure that revenue payments can be frozen or diverted from the military’s coffers and directed into restricted or escrow accounts. Only the junta could decide to suspend production, and there are four reasons to think that it would be unlikely to do so. 1. Domestic legitimacy. Gas fields provide supplies domestically, especially to the industrial base around Yangon. If the junta responded to sanctions by halting gas production, this would directly harm the businesses that provide a production and tax base for the military regime. This would undermine the junta’s claims to legitimacy, which are based on its self-image as the only institution that can maintain stability in the country; 2. International politics. China and Thailand, the export recipients of most of Myanmar’s offshore gas, are also key supporters of the military junta. These relationships are too important for the junta to antagonize by cutting off gas supplies; 3. Greed and economic self-interest. The junta will desire to gain access to this money in the future, even if sanctions freeze gas revenues right now. Shutting down production and export would prevent the junta from ever collecting these funds, but as long as production continues, money will continue to build up. Further, restarting gas fields is time-consuming and potentially cost prohibitive for a near-depleted field like the Yadana field; and 4. Precedent. EU sanctions did not lead to a shutdown in production, even though an EU company (TotalEnergies) was heavily involved in the largest field. US sanctions should be crafted with waivers to allow production to continue. Even if the junta did decide to halt production, the Thai energy sector would see little impact. Research by EarthRights International shows that Thailand already has excess generation capacity. Further, Thailand could easily switch to fuel oil to manage immediate shocks while moving forward its plans to replace Myanmar gas with increased liquid natural gas imports. There is a deeper reason for Thai opposition to sanctions. Myanmar’s coup-leader Min Aung Hlaing enjoys close ties with Thailand’s military establishment, to the point where he was adopted by a Thai general in 2012. In 2018, as the Myanmar military was committing genocide against the Rohingya people, he was given Thai military honors. Mere days after the coup, Min Aung Hlaing reportedly wrote to Thai Prime Minister Prayut asking the Thai leader to “support the democracy of Myanmar” that he was in the process of trampling. Prime Minister Prayut, who first seized power himself in a 2014 coup, assured Min Aung Hlaing that Thailand would not interfere in Myanmar’s internal affairs. While US officials publicly tout Thailand’s role facilitating cross-border assistance, the reality on the ground tells a starkly different story, with the Thai government continuing to restrict aid, arrest activists, and force thousands of refugees back across the border. In truth, the Thai government, dominated by former military officers and born from multiple military coups, has little interest in seeing resistance to a military coup succeed next door. We need only look at the Thai response to incursions by Myanmar’s air force into Thai air space during bombing raids on villages and opposition outposts, including a recent incident that forced Thai schoolchildren to seek safety in a bomb shelter. Prime Minister Prayut claimed the incident was “not a big deal” while Thai Air Marshall Napedej Thupatemi said, “Bear in mind, Myanmar is a friend.” He was not referring to the pro-democracy movement or deposed leader Aung San Suu Kyi. It is also clear that a successful coup would leave Myanmar almost entirely dependent on Chinese and Russian investment and political support, setting US regional influence back decades. Weakness in current US policy in Myanmar undermines the Biden administration’s stated efforts to re-prioritize support for democracy following four years of neglect under President Trump. The current US posture also calls into question the administration’s willingness to stand up to an increasingly assertive China in a key geostrategic area. Instead, the US has deflected responsibility by deferring to ineffective “ASEAN centrality” and blaming China for not doing more to rein in the junta. This could not be further from President Biden’s exhortation shortly after taking office: “Democracy doesn’t happen by accident. We have to defend it, fight for it, strengthen it, renew it.” This is not to say that sanctions on MOGE will immediately cause the junta to change course or lead directly to its collapse. Sanctions like those proposed on MOGE should be put in place specifically to degrade the ability of the military junta to entrench its power and murder the people of Myanmar by reducing the foreign currency that the junta can use to purchase weapons and surveillance technology. While not decisive on their own, sanctions on MOGE are crucial to any broader strategy the US wants to pursue. Instead, US refusal to sanction MOGE undermines its already haphazard sanctions efforts by ensuring that the junta’s largest source of revenue remains intact. As seen in the international response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, no credible effort to disrupt the Russian war machine can ignore the oil and gas industry. Yet in Myanmar, where the military junta is also heavily reliant on gas revenues, US policy has insisted on doing just that — ignoring the reality. No wonder US sanctions have had little effect on the junta’s income. Within this context, the Biden administration’s refusal to place sanctions on MOGE is an abdication of political responsibility that risks helping entrench a junta reliant on China and hostile to US interests. The humanitarian risks of MOGE sanctions are limited, especially compared to the clear and obvious costs of refusing to cut this key source of revenue as the junta drags Myanmar deeper into a humanitarian crisis while giving no indication that it will turn from the destructive course it has charted. Youth activist Thinzar Shunlei Yi, in her own recent call for US sanctions on MOGE in the New York Times, put it best: “As the gas revenue flows, so will the blood of Myanmar’s people.” Time to stop that flow, President Biden..."
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Source/publisher: Justice Security
2022-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: US Sanctions Urgently Needed on Billions in Oil and Gas Revenue
Description: "(Paris) – Myanmar’s abusive junta will obtain an increased stake in the country’s largest oil and gas field when the French company TotalEnergies withdraws from Myanmar on July 20, 2022, Human Rights Watch said today. TotalEnergies’ shares will be divided proportionally among the remaining three partners – US-based Chevron, Thai-based PTTEP, and the junta-controlled Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). TotalEnergies in January announced its plans to leave Myanmar in six months due to a deteriorating human rights situation that “no longer allows TotalEnergies to make a sufficiently positive contribution in the country.” The company has operated the Yadana gas project since the 1990s in partnership with Chevron and PTTEP. “Total’s transfer of ownership shares to a military-controlled company will further enrich the junta at the expense of human rights,” said Bénédicte Jeannerod, France director at Human Rights Watch. “Other energy companies looking to exit should make sure they do so responsibly, without contributing to the junta’s coffers.” Since the February 1, 2021 coup in Myanmar, the junta has imposed a brutal nationwide crackdown on all opposition. The junta’s widespread and systematic abuses, including mass killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes. Security forces have killed over 2,000 people and arbitrarily arrested over 14,000. In March, the oil and gas project partners approved PTTEP to take over as the operator of Yadana. The division of TotalEnergies’ 31.2 percent stake in both the gas field and pipeline will leave Chevron with 41.1 percent interest, PTTEP with 37.1 percent, and MOGE with 21.8 percent. Chevron also announced plans to withdraw and has indicated its intention to sell its stake to PTTEP, though few details about its exit have been made public. Natural gas projects in Myanmar generate over US$1 billion in foreign revenue for the junta annually, its single largest source of foreign currency revenue. The money is transmitted in US dollars to MOGE and other military-controlled bank accounts in foreign countries in the form of fees, taxes, royalties, and revenues from the export of natural gas, most of which travels by pipeline to Thailand or China. On February 21, the European Union imposed new sanctions on junta-controlled businesses including MOGE, the first government entity to do so. However, it also issued a license with ambiguous language that seems to allow exiting companies to relinquish or transfer their shares to MOGE. Other companies including Woodside, Mitsubishi, Petronas, and ENEOS have announced plans in recent months to withdraw at least in part from operations in Myanmar. Petronas is being replaced as operator of the Yetagun field by Gulf Petroleum Myanmar, according to reports by Myanmar Now and Justice for Myanmar. When companies exit from Myanmar, they should place their existing shares or property rights into trust or escrow, including shares of exploration or development projects, production, or pipeline transportation ventures, to ensure the revenues from those shares do not benefit the military. If exiting companies determine that they must sell or transfer their shares to another business entity, they should ensure that those entities will respect international sanctions and follow international standards on business and human rights. Adopting these measures would be consistent with companies’ responsibilities under the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which state that “appropriate action” in cases in which business activities are enabling rights abuses includes consideration of “whether terminating the relationship with the entity itself would have adverse human rights consequences.” Concerned governments should join the EU in sanctioning MOGE while specifying that transfers of ownership to the junta are prohibited. The US in particular is in a key position to impose sanctions since payments in the gas sector – even those handled by non-US companies – are typically made in US dollars and require the involvement of correspondent US or EU banks to finalize, or “settle,” large dollar or Euro transactions. Additional sanctions would also help ensure that the junta is not able to evade the new EU sanctions in other jurisdictions. PTTEP and South Korea’s POSCO, the two main energy companies remaining in Myanmar, should signal their support for such measures. The largest gas revenue payments to junta-controlled accounts are made via PTT, PTTEP’s parent company, which purchases about 80 percent of Myanmar’s exported natural gas from Yadana as well as the Zawtika gas field, which it operates itself. In April, PTTEP announced it was withdrawing from the nearly depleted Yetagun field. POSCO runs the second largest project, Shwe. Human Rights Watch has previously written to all of these companies and their shareholders, urging them to support sanctions on gas revenues. Human Rights Watch has also urged other governments including the US, UK, Australia, and Japan to adopt the EU’s approach and sanction Myanmar’s military-owned companies such as MOGE. “The US and other governments should follow the EU’s lead by urgently imposing measures that will cut the junta off from its millions in gas revenue before companies indifferent to rights take over the payment flows,” Jeannerod said. “Junta leaders need to face economic consequences for the atrocities they are carrying out across Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2022-07-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Indian firm Sandeep Metalcraft Private Limited is supplying fuzes to the Myanmar military, directly supporting its attacks against the people of Myanmar that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Indian firm’s ongoing business with the Myanmar military is exposed in a Justice For Myanmar investigation. Fuzes are devices that cause detonation in bombs and artillery. The most recent shipment from Sandeep Metalcraft was on March 25, 2022, consisting of 3,000 fuzes, according to records from the Panjiva trade database. This followed a shipment of 1,000 fuzes in 2020 and 5 fuzes in 2019. While the records of two later shipments did not specify the type of fuzes, the 2019 shipment was of time mechanical fuze 447, designed for 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rifles. The Myanmar military has used 84mm Carl Gustaf rounds during attacks in ethnic areas. Saab Group, a Swedish corporation that manufactures Carl Gustaf launchers and munitions, did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding licencing of fuzes to India’s Ordnance Factory Board and the Sandeep Metalcraft shipments to Myanmar. The fuzes were sent to the private Myanmar military supplier, Creative Exploration Ltd, formerly named mySpace International. Creative Exploration is a major broker of arms and equipment for the Myanmar Police Force. The company is owned by Dr Kyaw Kyaw Htun and his wife, Zar Phyu Tin Soe, the daughter of a former military officer who was Myanmar’s ambassador to Russia. Kyaw Kyaw Htun is a former military officer and graduate of the Defence Services Technological Academy. Since 2020, Creative Exploration has also imported US digital forensics technology from the US company, Oxygen Forensics, and a digital forensics examination station from the US firm Sirichie, both via Indian suppliers. Justice For Myanmar calls on India to impose an immediate arms embargo on the Myanmar military. Sweden must suspend exports and licence production agreements with Indian arms manufacturers for launchers and munitions, and investigate if any of the Sandeep Metalcraft shipments to Myanmar contain Swedish technology. Fellow members of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), Australia, Japan and the USA, must use their influence to stop the flow of arms from India to the Myanmar military. Sanctions must urgently be imposed on Creative Exploration, Sandeep Metalcraft, their owners and all other Myanmar military arms suppliers. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “India’s supply of fuzes to the Myanmar military is inexcusable. “India is directly supporting the junta’s indiscriminate attacks against civilians by allowing the export of key components in the very weapons the military is using to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. “The junta has used airstrikes and shelling to bomb homes and villages, kill and maim people and forcibly displace an estimated 690,000, in a nationwide campaign of terror. “As a democratic country and a neighbour of Myanmar, we appeal to the Indian government to stand with the people of Myanmar, not war criminals and their illegitimate junta. “We call on India to impose an immediate arms embargo on the Myanmar military and end complicity in the junta’s atrocity crimes. “It is deeply concerning that a Swedish company may be tied to the provision of weapons that are killing innocent people in Myanmar “We demand Sweden immediately suspend exports and licencing of launchers and munitions until India stops the flow of arms to the terrorist junta.” More information: Read our investigation, India supplying fuzes to Myanmar military, deepening complicity in its atrocity crimes..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-07-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Myanmar military junta has appointed Gulf Petroleum Myanmar (GPM) as operator of the Yetagun gas project, according to a Justice For Myanmar source with knowledge of the deal, and reporting from Myanmar Now. The irresponsible divestment of Petronas and their partners will provide the Myanmar military junta with a continuing source of revenue, and heightens environmental risks from the decommissioning of the gas field, which is near depletion. Petronas is the exiting operator of the Yetagun gas project, under a partnership with PTTEP and the ENEOS consolidated subsidiary, Nippon Oil Exploration (Myanmar). Other investors in Nippon Oil are the Japanese Government and Mitsubishi Corporation. Friends of the Earth Japan, Justice For Myanmar and Mekong Watch have repeatedly called on Yetagun gas project investors to responsibly exit. This must involve taking appropriate steps to close the field in a way that would ensure future revenues do not flow to the Myanmar military, and that continued human rights and environmental impacts are avoided. Consistent calls by civil society to sanction the military controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) have also gone ignored. To date, only the EU has imposed any sanctions on MOGE. Who is Gulf Petroleum Myanmar? GPM is a private oil and gas company backed by the Thai tycoon Chatchai Yenbamroong, who was an executive in the telephone directory business of former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and an advisor to former Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. Yenbamroong’s business links to the Myanmar military started as early as 1995, when he received a ten-year licence from the military controlled Myanma Posts and Telecommunications to publish the Myanmar Yellow Pages. GPM is part of the Thailand-based Northern Gulf Petroleum group. Northern Gulf Petroleum is structured through shell companies in Bermuda, according to the GPM website, and has a holding company in Singapore. Chatchai Yenbamroong and Northern Gulf Petroleum have also established offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands, according to the Offshore Leaks database of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. Bermuda, the British Virgin Islands and Singapore are corporate tax havens. Northern Gulf Petroleum was established in 2004 to bid in the 19th round of oil exploration and production concessions during the Thaksin administration, Thai media has reported. The company won concessions despite Northern Gulf Petroleum’s lack of qualifications, awarded after Thaksin was deposed in a military coup in 2006. Yenbamroong has also invested in oil and mining companies in Canada and Australia. GPM’s chair is Kyaw Kyaw Hlaing, who is the chair and director of SMART Group of Companies. It was first established in 1994, under Myanmar’s former dictatorship, servicing the military controlled petroleum industry. A second GPM director, Zarni Swe, is a director in subsidiaries of SMART Group of Companies. GPM director Ni Lwin Soe serves on the board of a number of Yenbamroong’s companies, including Thaisat Global’s Myanmar unit, Northern Gulf Petroleum Myanmar Limited, and Myanmar Gulf LNG Company Limited. On May 14, 2022, the illegitimate junta launched an invitation for bids for an operator and shareholder in the Yetagun Project with a May 20 deadline, in a rush to replace Petronas. Other bidders included a company linked to the crony Shwe Byain Phyu group. An industry source disclosed to Justice For Myanmar that GPM began taking over the project on May 31. Petronas is to complete the handover to GPM after the completion of its Acid Gas Removal Unit (AGRU) project. Petronas previously had a sales purchase agreement with GPM. GPM did not respond to questions from Justice For Myanmar regarding the resumption of operations, contract terms and whether they will be working with any joint operators. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “Gulf Petroleum Myanmar’s takeover of the Yetagun gas project ensures the continued flow of funds to the Myanmar military junta, a terrorist organisation that commits war crimes and crimes against humanity with total impunity. “Gulf Petroleum Myanmar and its directors and shareholders must be held accountable for aiding and abetting the military’s crimes. “Their entry is enabled by the failure of the US, Japan and other governments to sanction the Myanmar military controlled Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise. “We call for urgent and coordinated sanctions to block the junta’s access to oil and gas revenues. “Petronas, PTTEP and Nippon Oil are responsible for the human rights and environmental impacts of their disengagement from the Yetagun gas project. “They must disclose their human rights and environmental due diligence, consult with the National Unity Government, civil society and affected communities, and remedy negative impacts.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-06-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Justice For Myanmar welcomes the UK’s second round of sanctions targeting arms dealers. The UK has designated three Russian arms suppliers and three Myanmar arms brokers who supply the Myanmar Air Force and are complicit in the junta’s atrocity crimes. The Myanmar companies are: Myanmar New Era Trading Company Limited has procured Mi-17 parts from Russia since the military’s attempted coup. It is linked to International Gateways Group. Sky Aviator Company Limited is a Myanmar miliary arms broker that has procured equipment from Russia and Ukraine since the attempted coup, including YAK-130 support equipment from Concern Radio-Electronic Technologies (KRET), refitted turbojet engines from United Engine Corporation and engine parts from Rosoboronexport and Motor Sich. According to a proposal leaked to Justice For Myanmar, Sky Aviator represents JSC Russian Helicopters in Myanmar. Synpex Shwe Company Limited procured helicopter parts for the Myanmar military from Sins Avia Trading House (CNS Aviation) since the attempted coup. The company is also a supplier of the Directorate of Defence Industries. The Russian companies are: JSC Gorizont manufactures the Camcopter S-100 UAV under licence from Austria’s Schiebel Corporation. The Myanmar Navy and Air Force have both procured Camcopter S-100 UAVs. Following the Myanmar military’s attempted coup, Gorizont shipped UAV parts to Miya Win International Limited, a Myanmar military arms broker. These included items procured from Schiebel in Austria, suggesting an attempt to circumvent EU sanctions. Miya Win International was sanctioned by the UK on March 25. Sins Avia Trading House LLC (CNS Aviation) exported helicopter parts to the Myanmar military arms broker Synpex Shwe Company Limited in March 2021. Ural Avia LLC specialises in the supply of aviation parts and repair, and has sold Mi-17 parts to the Myanmar military arms broker Dynasty International Company Limited since the attempted coup, according to records from ImportGenius. Dynasty International and its director, Dr Aung Moe Myint, were sanctioned by the UK on March 25. ‍Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “We welcome the UK’s targeting of arms suppliers, which enable the junta’s campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar. "The military’s continued war crimes and crimes against humanity are enabled by their access to arms, equipment, jet fuel and revenue. "The military’s supply chains must be systematically targeted with sanctions to stop their international crimes. "We call for urgent and coordinated international action against the Myanmar military’s economic interests and business relationships, including from regional democracies Australia, India, Japan and South Korea which have so far failed to act."..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-06-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-16
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Description: "Burma Campaign UK today welcomed a new round of sanctions imposed by the UK. The new sanctions target three Burmese arms brokers and three Russian aircraft parts suppliers for supplying equipment to the Burmese military. Since the attempted military coup last year, the British government has led the way in systematically identifying and sanctioning sources of revenue and arms to the Burmese military. The notice on new sanctions is available here. However, the pace of the imposition of sanctions needs to be increased. They also need to be expanded to include the supply of aviation fuel to the military. The new sanctions come days after the UN reported that the number of people forced to flee their homes since the attempted coup last year has reached almost 700,000. In several ethnic states the majority of displaced people are displaced by airstrikes or the threat of airstrikes. The total number of displaced people in Burma is now more than 1 million, the highest ever recorded figure. The UN report is available here. The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand (KWAT) recently released a new report, ‘New Threats from the Air’, highlighting the new and deadly trend of airstrikes over populated villages in Kachin State. KWAT calls for sanctions on companies supplying aviation fuel to the Burmese military. The Kachin Women’s Association Thailand report is available here. Amnesty International also released a new report last month, ‘“Bullets rained from the sky”: War crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar’. The report also highlights the role of military airstrikes in violations of international law and calls for a ban on the supply of military grade aviation fuel to the Burmese military. The Amnesty International report is available here. The sanctions announced today target three Burmese companies involved in the supply of aircraft parts to the military, Synpex Shwe, Myanmar New Era Trading and Sky Aviator. They also target three Russian companies supplying aviation parts to the military, Ural Avia, Sins Avia Trading House, and JSC Gorizont. “The British government has the right sanctions policy but isn’t putting in enough resources to impose targeted sanctions fast enough,” said Anna Roberts, Executive Director of Burma Campaign UK. “There is a human rights and humanitarian crisis in Burma which needs a faster British government response. Stopping the supply of aviation fuel to the Burmese military is the single most effective action that can be taken to address the humanitarian crisis caused by airstrikes against civilians. It must be prioritized for the next round of sanctions.”..."
Source/publisher: "Burma Campaign UK" (London)
2022-06-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Mobile operator Mytel, trading under the company Telecom International Myanmar Company Limited, is a key pillar in the Myanmar military’s business network providing revenue, technology and surveillance capabilities. Telecom International Myanmar shareholders are the military conglomerate Myanmar Economic Corporation, Vietnam Ministry of National Defence-owned Viettel Global Investment and Myanmar National Telecom Holdings. A Justice For Myanmar investigation based on leaked documents found that Mytel has aggressively recruited members of the Myanmar military through the “Banner of Victory” campaign, in which Mytel staff worked with base commanders to sign up military personnel with customised phone numbers that include an individual’s military ID number. State officials and business leaders were also incentivised to sign up to Mytel through generous promotions, including ones that previously targeted the State Counsellor and ministers. As Justice For Myanmar has documented, Mytel works in partnership with the Myanmar Army’s Directorate of Signals and builds infrastructure on military bases. The company’s biggest shareholder, Viettel, is a high-tech arms manufacturer that is involved in tech transfer with the Myanmar military. According to an analysis of a Myanmar Investment Commission proposal, released by Distributed Denial of Secrets, the Myanmar military is projected to earn over US$700 million in ten years from Mytel, which will finance continued war crimes and crimes against humanity. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “There is now extensive evidence of the complicity of Mytel in the Myanmar military’s international crimes. “Mytel is putting the lives of Myanmar people at risk through the provision of revenue, technology and surveillance capabilities for the Myanmar military, which is a terrorist organisation. “The people of Myanmar have taken a clear stand by boycotting Mytel and all other military products. It is time for international governments to hear the voices of Myanmar and designate Telecom International Myanmar for sanctions. “More than 1,900 people have been murdered by the Myanmar military since the attempted coup, including children, and over 11,000 are languishing in detention, where torture is routine, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. “The Myanmar military’s crimes are enabled by their business interests and action is needed now to stop the flow of funds to the military junta and its conglomerates. “The Myanmar military cartel must be dismantled.” Mytel provides the Myanmar military with dangerous surveillance capabilities over their own troops. Since the illegal attempted military coup, courageous people’s soldiers and police have joined the civil disobedience movement, taking huge personal risk to leave the terrorist Myanmar military. The Myanmar military can track the communications and location of these soldiers and police. Justice For Myanmar urges military personnel joining the Civil Disobedience Movement to not discuss plans on the phone and destroy their SIM cards before defecting. More information: See Justice For Myanmar’s web feature on customer recruitment and surveillance, Leaking military secrets for profit See Justice For Myanmar’s web feature, Boycott and coup attempt cost Mytel USD$24.9 million in three months See Justice For Myanmar’s web feature, How hundreds of millions of dollars from Mytel subscribers will flow to military generals See Justice For Myanmar’s report, Nodes of Corruption, Lines of Abuse: How Mytel, Viettel and a global network of businesses support the international crimes of the Myanmar military..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-06-14
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
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Description: "Lebanon’s M1 Group has transferred control of Telenor Myanmar to the Myanmar military linked Shwe Byain Phyu conglomerate on Thursday, May 12, completing Telenor Group’s sale of the mobile network. The sale has violated UK, EU and Norwegian sanctions due to the inclusion of lawful interception technology. In the final stage of the sale, the Cayman Islands registered M1 Infrastructure Ltd transferred 310 shares in Investcom Pte Ltd, a Singapore holding company, to Shwe Byain Phyu Telecom Company Limited, according to corporate records. Investcom Pte Ltd owns 100% of Telenor Myanmar Limited, largely through redeemable preference shares. Shwe Byain Phyu Telecom Company Limited is a Myanmar registered company, fully owned by Shwe Byain Phyu Company Limited. As a result of the share transfer, Shwe Byain Phyu owns 80% of Telenor Myanmar, up from its earlier 49% stake M1 Group is owned by the family of the current Lebanese Prime Minister, Najib Mikati. ‍ Sanctions violations As part of the sale, M1 Group transferred a German-made Utimaco lawful interception gateway (LIG) to Shwe Byain Phyu, in breach of UK sanctions on Myanmar, which are in force in the Cayman Islands as a British Overseas Territory. The Utimaco LIG was delivered to Myanmar and installed by Telenor in 2018. Telenor Group then transferred the LIG to M1 Group in March 2022, violating Norwegian sanctions. When activated, the LIG will give the Myanmar military junta, a terrorist organisation, capabilities to monitor calls and SMS made over the Telenor Myanmar network in real time. The latest transaction between M1 Group and Shwe Byain Phyu follows the first stage of the sale from Telenor Group to an M1 Group subsidiary registered in Cyprus, in violation of EU sanctions due to the transfer of the LIG. The sale has exposed the historical call data of more than 18 million people to the junta, which it can use to identify, locate, detain, torture and kill Myanmar people. This may make Telenor Group and the Norwegian government complicit in crimes against humanity. Telenor Group failed to do human rights due diligence on their ultimate buyer, Shwe Byain Phyu, in breach of their responsibilities under the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. ‍ Telenor Myanmar’s new players Shwe Byain Phyu chair Thein Win Zaw is the chairperson of the Telenor Myanmar Limited board, and his son, Win Paing Kyaw, is the deputy CEO. Thein Win Zaw’s wife, Tin Latt Min, also sits on the board. Other Telenor Myanmar board members are Hicham Ramadan and Rana Shatila of M1 Group. Telenor Myanmar’s new CEO, Muhammad Ziaullah Siddiqui, sits on the board of Investcom Pte Lte, along with Rana Shatila, Thein Win Zaw, Win Paing Kyaw and Benjamin Szeto Yu Hwei. From 2007-2010, Siddiqui was CEO of the telecommunications company MTN Afghanistan, according to his Linkedin page, at a time when the company was accused of paying protection money to the Taliban and Al Qaeda. From 2010 to 2016, Siddiqui was CEO of MTN Sudan, providing a source of revenue to the genocidal al-Bashir regime. MTN is a South African publicly listed company that acquired M1 Group’s Investcom in 2006. As part of the takeover, the Mikati family gained a 10% stake in MTN. Justice For Myanmar calls on the UK, Cypriot and Norwegian governments to urgently investigate Telenor Group and M1 Group for violating sanctions on Myanmar. We call on the Oslo Stock Exchange, which lists Telenor, to investigate the legality of Telenor’s Myanmar sale under Norwegian and EU law. We call on Singapore to investigate the use of its territory by Telenor Group, M1 Group and Shwe Byain Phyu in violation of UK, EU and Norwegian sanctions, and to take concrete steps against Singapore registered businesses that are complicit in the Myanmar military’s international crimes. Justice For Myanmar spokesperson Yadanar Maung says: “It is reprehensible that Telenor Group and the Norwegian government have completed the sale of Telenor Myanmar to Shwe Byain Phyu Group, wilfully ignoring sanctions regulations and their human rights responsibilities. "The junta has weaponised telecommunications in its campaign of terror, and Telenor Myanmar is now part of its arsenal. "We call on the UK, Norway and Cyprus to investigate sanctions breaches from the transfer of lawful interception technology from Telenor to M1 Group, and from M1 Group to Shwe Byain Phyu, and ensure accountability. "The fact that this transaction has taken place in Singapore yet again shows how its financial system is being exploited by the Myanmar military and their associates. Singapore must take concrete action to end the use of its territory to finance and arm the Myanmar military.”..."
Source/publisher: Justice For Myanmar
2022-05-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-16
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