The discussion on humanitarian assistance to Burma

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Description: Burma Day 2005 - Selected Documents... Supporting Burma/Myanmar?s National Reconciliation Process - Challenges and Opportunities... Brussels, Tuesday 5th April 2005... Most of the papers and reports focus on the "Independent Report" written for the conference by Robert Taylor and Morten Pedersen. They range from macroeconomic critique to historical and procedural comment.
Source/publisher: European Commission
Date of entry/update: 2005-04-06
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: On May 8th, 2009 the Atlantic Council of the United States, the US-ASEAN Business Council and NBR in cooperation with Refugees International convened this forum to inform policymakers about the situation in Burma/Myanmar and the international response. Representatives of the international community, humanitarian workers with on-the ground experience, experts, and the policy community in Washington D.C. joined together for an off-the record discussion. Experts and aid workers addressed questions about the humanitarian situation, which is on the verge of crisis, highlighting what programs are successful and where the needs are greatest. Members of the international community shared their approaches and explored avenues for better international coordination. FORUM INFORMATION AND MATERIALS * "Burma/Myanmar: Views from the Ground and the International Community Project Report," by Catharin Dalpino, Georgetown University * "Setting the Scene: Lessons from Twenty Years of Foreign Aid," by Morten B. Pedersen * "What to do for Burma?s children?" by Andrew Kirkwood * "Strategy and Priorities in Addressing the Humanitarian Situation in Burma," presented by Richard Horsey * "Singaporean Perspectives and Approaches," presented by HE Ambassador Chan Heng Chee * "Japanese Perspectives and Approaches," presented by Keiichi Ono * "Norwegian Perspectives and Approaches," presented by HE Ambassador Wegger Christian Strommen * "The High Costs of Non-Solutions in Burma/Myanmar," by Khin Zaw Win * Forum Agenda and Participant Biographies FORUM PROCEEDINGS Welcome/Opening Remarks
Source/publisher: National Bureau of Asian Research
2009-05-08
Date of entry/update: 2009-07-02
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Even three years after the coup d'état on February 1, 2021, the humanitarian situation in Myanmar continues to deteriorate as airstrikes and fighting continue throughout the country, killing and injuring many innocent people on a daily basis. According to the Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Myanmar announced by OCHA last December, 18.6 million people, including 6 million children, are still in need of humanitarian assistance. Under these circumstances, the Government of Japan has continuously provided humanitarian assistance totaling more than US$109.5 million through international organizations and NGOs since immediately after the coup d'état, directly benefiting the people of Myanmar. In response to the further increase in humanitarian assistance needs for the people of Myanmar, the Government of Japan has now decided to provide additional humanitarian assistance totaling approximately US$37 million. Specifically, through international organizations such as UNICEF, WFP, UNHCR, ICRC, UN Women, and AHA Center as well as NGOs. The assistance will include medical services, improved nutrition for pregnant women and infants, water and sanitation infrastructure, access to education, food and medicine distribution, support for women victims of trafficking in persons, and support for anti-drug measures and rehabilitation. This assistance will be provided not only in Myanmar but also in neighboring Thailand. The Government of Japan will continue to strongly urge Myanmar military to allow safe and unhindered humanitarian access and will continue to provide diverse assistance so that as many people as possible can receive the support in need..."
Source/publisher: Government of Japan
2024-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2024-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This decision, mandating service for men aged 18 to 35 and women aged 18 to 27, comes amidst intensifying conflicts with resistance forces and widespread international condemnation of the junta’s legitimacy and actions. As a result, a significant exodus towards relative safety is underway, with Thailand becoming a primary destination for those fleeing conscription and conflict. Thailand stands at a crossroads, presented with a humanitarian dilemma and a strategic opportunity. The flow of young, potentially skilled individuals from Myanmar poses a question of not just moral duty but also of long-term benefits to the Thai workforce and society at large. It is a moment that calls for compassion, foresight, and leadership from the Thai government and its people. First and foremost, welcoming the young refugees from Myanmar is a humanitarian imperative. These individuals are seeking to escape serving a regime that has been widely criticized for its oppressive tactics, human rights abuses, and illegitimate claim to power..."
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Source/publisher: ASEAN Now
2024-02-16
Date of entry/update: 2024-02-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "MIMU’s “Who does What Where, When and for Whom” database, or 5W, is a tool tracking the implementation of humanitarian, development and peace focused projects to support coordination, planning and efficient use of resources. MIMU has conducted this exercise regularly in Myanmar since 2008. Information is currently compiled every six months based on reports provided voluntarily by contributing agencies. The MIMU 5W shows: ➢ which organizations (WHO), ➢ are carrying out which activities (WHAT), ➢ in which locations (WHERE), ➢ project status – whether planned, ongoing or completed (WHEN) ➢ project beneficiary focus (for WHOM) – whether focused on IDPs or other vulnerable communities. MIMU 5W Products capture information on the presence of organisations and do not indicate the volume of assistance, the number of beneficiaries, or the extent to which needs are met or unmet. Summary The MIMU 5W Comparison report compares MIMU 5W results from August 2020 to August 2023, looking particularly at the impact of events in early 2021 on agencies’ reported activities. 2021 saw a significant reduction in the number of reporting agencies and activities compared to the previous round in August 2020: Over 30% reduction in reporting agencies (from 213 agencies in Aug 2020 to 159/163 agencies in May/Oct 2021), mainly INGOs and NNGOs. 33% reduction in the number of projects reported countrywide (over 200 less projects) in 2021, with reductions mainly in Shan (over 100), Yangon (over 90) and Rakhine (over 60). A significant reduction in the number of activities reported as ongoing - 43,428 less activities in May 2021, mainly in Tanintharyi (84% reduction), Shan east (58%), Mon (57%), Shan south (55%) and Kayin (50%), and 35,930 less activities in Oct 2021, mainly in Rakhine (18%), Chin and Shan south (11% in each), Tanintharyi (10%), Kayin (9%), Shan north (8%) and Mon (7%). Suspension of activities was significant. The highest number of suspended activities were reported in May 2021 (19 times higher than in August 2020). 2022 and 2023 has seen increase in reporting agencies and reported activities compared to 2021: About 1,000 more village tracts/towns reported ongoing activities in 2023 (over 83%-86% of VTs/Towns around the country), mainly in Bago east, Mon, Sagaing and Tanintharyi as compared to 2021. Less activities reported as suspended in 2023 (1% of total reported activities) compared to 2021 (around 10%) and August 2022 (2%) – this does not indicate however whether activities have ended/completed or resumed. Overall, despite the higher number of reporting agencies over the past 12 months: More activities were reported as “completed/ended” – 21,257 more completed/ended activities were found in August 2023 than August 2022. This change was particularly noted within Livelihoods activities, where one agency ended a project with a large number of micro credit activities in June 2023. A lower percentage of total activities were reported at VTs/Towns level as “ongoing” – 2% less ongoing activities reported as active (from 85% in Aug 2022 and 83% in Aug 2023) More ongoing activities focused on IDP and Host communities (25% increase) alongside a 6% decrease in Development focused activities..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-10-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "OVERVIEW The humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been deteriorating since the military coup in February 2021 that overthrew the Government led by the National League for Democracy. The takeover of the military junta has intensified violence and conflict across the country and limited people’s freedom. The operating environment has also shrunk for humanitarian and development organisations. To design programmes, including life-saving interventions, and anticipate potential risks, humanitarian decision makers and responders need comprehensive, quality information and analyses to understand the evolving context and needs of affected communities. The generation of, access to, and sharing of data and information on the situation in Myanmar have significantly decreased since the coup. A limited amount of publicly available data and information products and scattered information characterise the Myanmar humanitarian analysis ecosystem for the humanitarian response. There are a few public repositories available, but they are not comprehensive with a potential risk of duplication in analysis and data collection efforts. This poses challenges to designing and planning a targeted and effective response. About this report This report analyses the current analysis ecosystem in the humanitarian context of Myanmar. It highlights the humanitarian sector’s analysis needs and gaps resulting from the reduced operational space and consequent constraints on data collection and data and information sharing. It also outlines a few opportunities to strengthen the ecosystem based on ACAPS’ expertise in humanitarian analysis. Understanding the information and analysis ecosystem in Myanmar, specifically regarding humanitarian needs, provides decision makers with an overview of what information already exists, what the information gaps are, and how some can be addressed. Methodology ACAPS went through the following steps to develop this report. We conducted a secondary data review of publicly available documents to collect information on the analysis landscape and existing access constraints in Myanmar. We also conducted a secondary data review of the main publicly available data and information products on Myanmar published between February 2021 and December 2022. ACAPS considered publicly available products related to the humanitarian context gathered on ReliefWeb and various organisations’ websites. From these, we developed a metadatabase using 610 unique products as a sample. Products published in a series (either at regular or irregular intervals) were considered unique regardless of the number of times they were published in the given time frame. The metadatabase was also built as a time-bound snapshot of publicly available data and information on Myanmar to use as a sample for the analysis. We interviewed 18 key informants, including information management (IM) representatives, research institutions, and individuals working on face-to-face and remote data collection and analysis in Myanmar. We analysed the above through the lens of an ideal analysis ecosystem. Limitations ACAPS developed the metadatabase that supported our study on the Myanmar humanitarian analysis ecosystem based on a selection of publicly available data and information products published between February 2021 and December 2022. Many reports in Myanmar are not publicly available because of context sensitivities. The scarcity of information and data collection restrictions in the country also make it difficult to understand the information and analysis landscape. ACAPS consulted different organisations and experts to complement the findings extracted from the metadatabase..."
Source/publisher: ACAPS
2023-10-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary: Since the military coup in Myanmar on 1 February 2021, the operational challenges around the delivery of humanitarian assistance have evolved significantly in response to new areas of conflict and displacement, access and security constraints, and the limitations of the formal financial sector. At the same time, rising conflict and displacement, surging poverty levels, and a destruction of livelihoods has led to over 14.4 million people in need according to the UN’s 2022 Humanitarian Needs Overview.1 While prior to the coup humanitarian actors in Myanmar had focused on longer-term structural and market assistance, the year since has seen a staggering rise in the need for basic needs and emergency assistance, including cash and voucher-based assistance. These concurrent shifts have forced humanitarian actors, both local and national, to expand the modalities they use to meet their operational cash needs – including paying salaries, vendors, partners, and last-mile distributions to beneficiaries. While formal (for example, mobile money providers, microfinance institutions, and bank to bank services) and informal cash transfer modalities (those who move or provide cash, regionally or domestically, without regulation and formal approval from the Myanmar authorities) have been operational for decades in Myanmar – and were widely used as part of the cross-border response and initial post-Nargis response, use of the formal financial system has been dominant for the last decade due to operational ease, reduced risks, and built-in compliance and documentation. Following the coup, the Myanmar government instituted draconian measures to limit both humanitarian agencies and individuals from accessing bank-held funds. This, coupled with the increasing security and political reasons for not engaging or being able to access formal financial institutions (including banks, mobile money providers, and payroll services), has meant reduced reliance on formal financial systems, although increased flexibility by these institutions in the past few months has meant they continue to be used by primarily international organisations to meet some of their operational cash needs. It is unknown, but likely, there will be increased scrutiny on these transactions in the near future – and there are still large concerns around data protection. New modalities – including formal financial service providers and informal cash transfer modalities – are used to meet operational cash needs in a variety of ways, including: moving cash between offices; providing/ sourcing physical cash to agencies they can use for payments; agents to source cash liquidity for bank- held funds; or payments to third-parties, including vendors, partners, and beneficiaries. This paper aims to provide an overview of the different options for sourcing and transferring operational cash – including how they work, challenges, and risks. Given the plurality of options, and the decentralised nature of the informal financial sector, it is critical there are established best-practices that provide humanitarian actors with flexibility, while ensuring that basic compliance and risk management practices are followed. In order to remain relevant and fit for the future in the protracted crisis environment, donors need to have clear risk-appetites and clarity of purpose around continued humanitarian activities. The priority should be ensuring that aid continues to flow in line with the humanitarian imperative, and that donors’ risk-threshold reflects both the need for accountability and flexibility. Policies should focus on mitigating the misuse of funding by ensuring the principles of compliance are followed, and there is clear documentation of the money flow. This paper draws from the experience of the UN, INGOs and local actors, in Myanmar and other comparable contexts, to develop an operational guide – from identification to the final receipt of funds – to guide humanitarian actors through the process. The aim is to establish clear minimum standards which can be used across the humanitarian sector, and which can be adapted by both operational partners and donors. The guidance included in this document ensures that humanitarian actors are operating within accepted compliance regulations, in line with precedent previously established in the Myanmar context as well as other fluid operating environments. Given the plurality of contexts and localised challenges, and the humanitarian imperative to reach the most vulnerable, flexibility and alternative documentation may be needed – but compliance requirements, including audit trail and vetting, will still be met. Key Recommendations Donors should have a clear risk threshold that reflects the protracted nature of the conflict and the need to ensure flow of aid in an accountable manner. Donors should support humanitarian organisations to use a wide variety of modalities to meet their operational needs, recognising the benefits, challenges and risks of each modality and why they should be used in different contexts. Using a toolbox of approaches is the only way to ensure that assistance continues to flow to the most vulnerable, in line with the humanitarian imperative, while reducing the risk of harm to humanitarian workers and beneficiaries. Donors and NGOs should understand the risks of using both formal and informal modalities. The continued use of formal financial systems, where operational and liquid, has many benefits from a compliance and fraud perspective – although determining legality raises questions around legitimacy and ability to regulate in a given However, given the ongoing conflict and scrutiny on humanitarian actors, the oversight of the formal financial system by the Central Bank of Myanmar and the SAC raises significant concerns around regulation, oversight, restriction of aid flows limiting certain partners or geographic areas, data security, and physical security in some areas, which can justify the use of informal modalities. Donors and NGOs should ensure accountability, and that there is clear documentation of the money This can be done with both formal and informal cash transfer modalities, as long as organisations’ existing policies and procedures are followed, and the principles of compliance are met with alternative documentation when a derogation from these policies is needed. Donors should support organisations to strengthen their internal controls and procedures if needed, particularly for local organisations..."
Source/publisher: Center for Operational Analysis and Research
2023-10-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-10-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In revolutions, citizens push to overthrow the power of unpopular and unjust leaders. Yet in these contexts, it is often the case that other established power relations in society are also challenged. Revolutions and crises can ‘lift the lid’ on other unequal relationships and injustices. In the case of Myanmar’s current revolution, the exiled National Unity Government, along with numerous armed groups and resistance movements around the country, are resisting the deeply unpopular and abusive Myanmar military. Amidst this revolution, however, there are other relationships that are being renegotiated, for example between different ethnic groups and, as millennials increasingly take on new leadership roles in the movement, between different generations. Meanwhile, relationships and power dynamics within the aid architecture are also being challenged, as local and national Myanmar organisations question the longstanding dominance of international actors in humanitarian decision-making and resourcing. Along with the revolution, there is currently a devastating humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. The UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates that more than 17 million people, or almost one-third of the country, will need humanitarian assistance in 2023. As international NGOs and UN agencies are heavily restricted in their access to key areas of need, humanitarian programs are almost entirely reliant on local and national organisations. Yet despite their central role in aid program delivery, Myanmar humanitarian organisations remain on the periphery of humanitarian decision-making and resourcing. In late 2022 and early 2023, we did interviews with 25 leaders of these Myanmar organisations (along with ten interviews with international aid agency representatives in Myanmar), exploring the dynamics of aid localisation. One of our key findings is that there is a ‘conflict paradox’ for these local organisations – where local humanitarian actors can be both disempowered and empowered through international aid partnerships in settings of conflict. In conflict situations characterised by restricted international access, local actors can have greater control over aid resources and decision-making; yet such contexts can also result in the further disempowerment of local actors, when they are reduced to subcontractors delivering aid programs that remain controlled by international agencies. In Myanmar, on one hand, local organisations are facing severe restrictions from the military regime – who confiscate and block aid, attempt to control financial transactions, and frequently threaten the security of staff and communities. At the same time, these Myanmar humanitarian organisations also report being hampered in their work by the bureaucracy and risk aversion of their international aid agency ‘partners’. At times, international agency compliance rules – such as gaining three quotations for services, or keeping recipient lists – place local organisations and communities at risk from the regime. For example, one local aid provider told us how, in Sagaing division in Myanmar, the military regime recently destroyed all of the medicine at a local pharmacy and forced its closure, after local authorities saw the store listed on a voucher which had been kept for financial auditing of an aid project. While some international agencies have increased their flexibility, Myanmar agency leaders reported that many international partners had shown little awareness or willingness to change systems to be more appropriate. More broadly, local leaders said that the relationship between international and local organisations was often a disempowering one in the humanitarian system. One Myanmar leader said that the “donors’ approach … examining [local groups] and saying ‘you don’t have this and you don’t have that’ … it undermines and disempowers the locals from the initial contact.” On the other hand, local organisations have also, in some ways, been empowered in their work within the context of Myanmar’s conflict. They are able to operate more autonomously than international agencies as they have the ability to navigate the instability and dangers of the context. One Myanmar humanitarian organisation leader said, “Since COVID in 2020, and followed by the [military] coup [in February 2021], we know that, and we have proven that, local CSOs [civil society organisations] and agencies are the only actors on the ground.” Along with greater access, local organisations have often developed stronger relationships of trust with other local organisations and communities. In the context of instability and revolution, such trust is crucial and is seen by many to go beyond the context or duration of an aid project. A leader from one organisation said, “trust-building does not happen overnight … If we want to support, help, and work together with [communities], we need to go beyond the project.” Due to their access and relationships of trust with local communities, Myanmar humanitarian organisations, rather than international ones, are at the centre of current humanitarian responses. Yet regime and donor agency restrictions also hamper these responses. This conflict paradox, where Myanmar humanitarian organisations are both empowered and disempowered, has led local leaders to attempt to reposition their agencies within the aid architecture. Rather than being subcontracted through a chain of funding – going from bilateral donor to UN agency or pooled fund to international NGO to local NGO – many large Myanmar organisations are now seeking to establish more direct funding relationships with donors. This aim is in line with the commitments made by the largest aid agency donors through the Grand Bargain in 2016. Myanmar organisation leaders argue that they play a more effective aid intermediary role than international agencies. Access, local knowledge and trust allow them to support other local organisations and communities with more efficiency and context sensitivity. Yet more than simply having greater effectiveness, Myanmar organisations are pushing for more decision-making power within the aid architecture as a matter of political rights and self-determination. They argue persuasively that decisions made about humanitarian action should be made by the people who are affected by them. Revolution is not only a time of struggle towards regime change, but also a time when old inequalities of other kinds can be more clearly seen and challenged. This includes the old hierarchies in the aid sector. International aid agencies, including DFAT, need to adapt quickly and find sensible ways to address the inequalities in the aid system and more directly support the growth of Myanmar’s humanitarian organisations..."
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Source/publisher: Australian National University
2023-09-20
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-20
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Description: "Almost 50,000 more people were displaced by the escalating conflict between junta troops and resistance forces in Myanmar between June 12 and July 17, according to the United Nations refugee agency. An additional 46,700 people were displaced in four regions—Sagaing, Tanintharyi, Magwe and eastern Bago—and five states—Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon and Shan—during the five weeks, reports released by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in June and July say. At least 20,000 people in Tanintharyi Region, 13,700 in Sagaing Region and 9,300 in Karen State were displaced by conflict during the period. Another 3,500 people in Mon State and 3,100 in Bago Region fled their homes during the five weeks due to escalating fighting between junta troops and resistance forces, or raids, indiscriminate shelling, airstrikes, and the threat of arrest or murder by junta forces. The new figures raise the total of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Myanmar to nearly 1.9 million. The number of IDPs surpassed 1.8 million in Myanmar on June 12, 2023, according to UNHCR. Ongoing fighting between regime troops and anti-regime forces in resistance strongholds after the February 1, 2021 coup is the cause in the surge of IDPs. There were an estimated 328,000 IDPs in Myanmar before the coup. Of estimated 1.9 million IDPs now, 83 percent (over 1.5 million) were displaced after the coup in seven states and four regions. UNHCR also reported the number of IPDs has increased in southeast Myanmar, saying in an Emergency Update on July 3: “Children and youth are reportedly targets for arrest and forced recruitment, as they are increasingly on the move in the region. In addition, reports of gender-based violence are also on the rise.” The number of IDPs had risen to 491,600 in southern Shan, Karen, Kayah and Mon states, and Bago and Tanintharyi regions, since the coup, it estimates. The number of IDPs surged 40 percent in Tanintharyi Region, 11 percent in Mon State and nine percent in Karen state between June 12 and July 17. The UN refugee agency put the number of people fleeing to neighbouring countries since the coup at 94,000, saying 67 percent (63,500) remain stranded in India and Thailand. Some 54,400 people are taking refuge in Mizoram and Manipur states in India, while 9,000 refugees remain displaced in Thailand’s Mae Hong Son province, alone, according to the UNHCR reports. Before the coup, there were 21,000 refugees and asylum seekers residing in India, 92,000 in Thailand. Another 930,000 refugees from Myanmar are in Bangladesh, primarily Rohingya who fled atrocities in Rakhine State in 2017..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2023-07-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-24
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Description: "Rich in natural resources and cultural diversity, Kachin, Myanmar’s northernmost state, is home to a number of ethnic groups, languages, cuisines and festivals. Beyond the beauty and diversity though, the people of this hill region have been facing significant humanitarian challenges in recent years. Since 2011, over 100,000 people have been displaced within Kachin because of the ongoing armed conflict. The community has been greatly impacted by the violence and many have been struggling to cope with its effects on their lives and livelihoods. What were once thriving farmlands now lie abandoned and overgrown with wild bushes, while families struggle to make ends meet without their primary sources of income. Amidst such a humanitarian situation, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has been working with the people of Kachin State to strengthen their resilience and help develop sustainable means of livelihood. We help newly displaced communities generate income by providing them with seed and fertilizers to grow staple crops and vegetables, funds to start small businesses and training to manage livestock besides vaccinations for farm animals. Here are some of the highlights of how we help those most in need. Emergency response and economic support As the fighting escalates, so do humanitarian needs. The ICRC provides emergency assistance to newly displaced communities. This includes food and other necessities such as temporary shelters and hygiene products. We have been carrying out these activities throughout Kachin State for all communities since 2014. We supported over 70,000 people in 2022 through relief material, livelihood support and COVID-19 prevention items among other things, not only to meet their basic needs and expenses, but also to build their resilience. Livestock management In 2022, in partnership with the Livestock Breeding and Veterinary Department, we worked with over 12,700 people, administering vaccinations to more than 16,500 farm animals and treating around 2,100 animals from hundreds of villages and camps within eight townships in Kachin State. Seng Ja, an ICRC veterinarian at our subdelegation in Myitkyina, explains, "Our goal is to minimize the mortality rate of chicken and pigs from annual disease outbreaks and improve meat consumption and production in the community. We also provide nutrition training and raise awareness on backyard pig farming to help people earn additional income." Promoting agricultural activities We distributed seed for the monsoon and winter seasons to nearly 16,000 people in 2022. We trained representatives from villages in Myitkyina, Waingmaw, Mansi, Mogaung, Mohnyin and Bhamo areas to improve farming techniques and share best practices with their respective communities. Through this initiative, we aim to reduce food costs and increase the food production capacity of families by cultivating a variety of vegetables and staple crops. We are also providing support to our local partners in the agriculture sector as part of a multi-year programme. We are providing financial assistance and capacity-building support with the aim of improving and strengthening the technical support that they, in turn, provide to local farmers..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva)
2023-07-03
Date of entry/update: 2023-07-03
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Description: "Another batch of relief items from the people of ASEAN to the people of Myanmar affected by Tropical Cyclone MOCHA arrived in Yangon on 26 June 2023. The items include emergency shelter tool kits and a manual water filtration system worth 37.8K USD in value. They were transported from Disaster Emergency Logistics System for ASEAN (DELSA) warehouse in Subang, Malaysia, by Indonesia’s military aircraft. Last week, two batches of DELSA relief items, worth 393.4K USD, were also shipped from Subang to Yangon. One batch arrived on 21June 2023 and the other arrived on 28 June 2023. Moving forward, ASEAN stands ready to continue supporting Myanmar, including in the transition from emergency response to recovery phase. Modality of support may be developed, among others, from the final ASEAN Emergency Response and Assessment Team (ASEAN-ERAT) needs assessment report. ASEAN Secretary-General, in his capacity as the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Coordinator (SG-AHAC), will coordinate ASEAN's response. Tropical Cyclone MOCHA’s devastating impact has affected millions in Myanmar and severely damaging 277,011 buildings including residential houses, schools, hospitals, and other public facilities. To date, through ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre), ASEAN has mobilised 10 batches of humanitarian support for Myanmar with a total value of around 1.6M USD. The items were mobilised through commercial flight, sea freight, and military aircraft from Singapore and Indonesia. ASEAN Member States have also responded individually by providing humanitarian assistance support in the forms of financial aid, logistics, and tools/equipment..."
Source/publisher: Association of Southeast Asian Nations
2023-06-30
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-30
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Description: "The Australian Government will provide an additional $12.5 million to meet urgent humanitarian needs in Bangladesh and Myanmar following Tropical Cyclone Mocha. Tropical Cyclone Mocha caused widespread damage across Myanmar and Bangladesh when it struck on 14 May, affecting an estimated 2.4 million people and compounding an already serious humanitarian situation. In Myanmar, Australia will provide $10.5 million to support 1.6 million affected people, through the United Nations-led response plan. This assistance will be provided to UN agencies and humanitarian partners to ensure that it does not directly benefit or legitimise the military regime. In Bangladesh, Australia will provide $2 million to humanitarian partners, primarily to support Bangladeshi communities in the most severely affected areas. This brings Australia’s contribution towards the Tropical Cyclone Mocha relief efforts to $13.5 million, following Australia’s initial $1 million contribution. Our initial support focused on the rapid delivery of humanitarian supplies and impact assessments. The additional contributions build on our ongoing support for the humanitarian response in Myanmar and Bangladesh, now totalling $145 million in 2022-23. We continue to urge the military regime in Myanmar to provide safe and unimpeded access for humanitarian assistance..."
Source/publisher: Government of Australia
2023-06-25
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-25
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Description: "The European Union is releasing €100,000 (over 220 million Myanmar kyats) on top of the previously allocated aid funds to provide emergency humanitarian assistance to families affected by cyclone Mocha that struck Myanmar in late March The European Union is releasing €100,000 (over 220 million Myanmar kyats) on top of the previously allocated aid funds to provide emergency humanitarian assistance to families affected by cyclone Mocha that struck Myanmar in late March. In the immediate aftermath of the emergency, the European Union allocated €2.5 million in humanitarian aid to provide prompt assistance in response to cyclone Mocha’s impact on Myanmar and Bangladesh. This additional allocation will benefit over 37,000 people in the worst-hit areas, especially those in Chin and Rakhine states, as well as the Ayeryawaddy, Magway and Sagaing regions. This EU funding will support the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) in delivering immediate assistance through the distribution of emergency shelter items, primary healthcare assistance, cash grants and hygiene kits. The aid will also increase access to clean water supplies and sanitation facilities to enable communities to maintain their good hygiene practices whilst recovering. As vector- and water-borne diseases are common in the aftermath of monsoon flooding, awareness-raising sessions on these will also be conducted. The funding is part of the EU’s overall contribution to the Disaster Relief Emergency Fund (DREF) of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). More than 140 people were killed and approximately 3.4 million people were affected when the powerful cyclone Mocha made landfall in the capital of Rakhine state, Sittwe, in mid-May. Packing wind gusts of up to 250 kilometres per hour, the storm triggered strong winds and heavy rainfall that inundated several homes and public facilities and infrastructure, including healthcare centres, sanitation facilities, roads and airports. Background The European Union, together with its Member States, is the world's leading donor of humanitarian aid. Relief assistance is an expression of European solidarity towards people in need around the world. It aims to save lives, prevent and alleviate human suffering, and safeguard the integrity and human dignity of populations affected by natural disasters and human-made crises. Through its European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO), the European Union helps over 120 million victims of conflicts and disasters every year. For more information, please visit ECHO's website. The European Commission has signed a €3 million humanitarian contribution agreement with the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) to support the Federation's Disaster Relief Emergency Fund (DREF). Funds from the DREF are mainly allocated to “small-scale” disasters – those that do not give rise to a formal international appeal. The Disaster Relief Emergency Fund was established in 1985 and is supported by contributions from donors. Each time a National Red Cross or Red Crescent Society needs immediate financial support to respond to a disaster, it can request funds from the DREF. For small-scale disasters, the IFRC allocates grants from the Fund, which can then be replenished by the donors. The contribution agreement between the IFRC and ECHO enables the latter to replenish the DREF for agreed operations (that fit in with its humanitarian mandate) up to a total of €3 million..."
Source/publisher: European Commission's Directorate-General for European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations
2023-06-14
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-14
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Description: "On 14 May 2023, Cyclone Mocha slammed into western Myanmar and hit other parts of Myanmar and Bangladesh with wind speeds of up to 250 kilometres per hour – making it one of the strongest cyclones to ever make landfall in Myanmar. Cyclone Mocha destroyed homes and infrastructure in affected regions, most severely in the Rakhine State townships of Rathedaung and in Sittwe. While the death toll is difficult to verify independently due to lack of access, at least one hundred Rohingya people living in internment camps in Sittwe were said to be killed by the cyclone, with the number likely to be much higher. Many were also injured..."
Source/publisher: Amnesty International (UK)
2023-06-14
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "JAKARTA – The Myanmar junta’s inadequate and discriminatory response to Cyclone Mocha must prompt ASEAN, ASEAN member states, and the wider international community to bypass the junta and provide more aid and support through local ethnic and civil society organizations, parliamentarians from Southeast Asia said today. One month has passed since Cyclone Mocha landed and caused devastation in western Myanmar on 14 June 2023. Since then, at least 145 people and likely hundreds more have been killed with many more injured and suffering from a lack of food, clean water and shelter. At least 1.6 million people were affected by the hurricane in Chin, Sagaing, Magway, Kachin, and Rakhine, which has a large Rohingya Muslim community that has long been the target of discrimination and persecution. “We are deeply concerned about the welfare of Cyclone Mocha survivors, especially those located in ethnic minority regions,” APHR Chairperson and member of the Indonesian House of Representatives Mercy Barends said today. “Vulnerable communities such as the Rohingya are once again the victims of the junta’s incompetence and callous disregard for human life.” The Myanmar junta’s failure to respond promptly and effectively to the cyclone has left the lives of thousands in limbo. Their negligence has been compounded by the absurd decision to block access to Rakhine state for aid workers and humanitarian groups, including the United Nations, in clear violation of humanitarian norms and international human rights laws. The junta has made their bad faith clear by the use of racist language in state-run media, calling the Rohingya in Rakhine state ‘Bengalis.’ Meanwhile Chin, Sagaing, and Magway have all been the target of a devastating campaign of airstrikes, raids, and arson by the Myanmar junta in recent months, and residents have even alleged that the military conducted attacks while the cyclone was happening. Myanmar’s past history with natural disasters and health crises show that this type of ineffective and at times malicious response is unfortunately nothing new. During the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the Myanmar military largely rejected the assistance of international relief efforts. It prolonged response times by “delaying the issuance of visas to aid workers, prohibiting foreign helicopters and boats from making deliveries to support the relief operation, obstructing travel by aid agencies to affected areas, and preventing local and international media.” In the same vein, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the military weaponized the virus by attempting to control the population, attacking medics and first responders while also prioritizing their own access to personal protective equipment and other key COVID-19 supplies. In stark contrast, ethnic revolutionary organizations (EROs) and humanitarian responders have proven integral to the disaster response so far. Days after the cyclone hit, the Arakan Army and the United League of Arakan formed the Cyclone Mocha Emergency Rescue and Rehabilitation Committee for Arakan. The Arakan Army also assisted with relocation efforts for approximately 100,000 civilians before the storm hit. Other EROs and the National Unity Government (NUG) have also donated significant funds to the relief effort. “Past experience has shown that the Myanmar military’s response to any crisis is inept at best and inhumane at worst. The junta clearly cannot be trusted to facilitate any form of aid, and certainly not in regions where it has only weeks ago conducted brutal airstrikes,” said Barends. “Donor countries and institutions should urgently divert their aid to local ethnic and civil society organizations that have a proven track record of helping those most in need. Failure to do so would be a grave disservice to the thousands of people that have fallen victim not only to a deadly disaster, but also to a murderous authoritarian regime.”..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
2023-06-14
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-14
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Description: "HIGHLIGHTS In the 3rd week of Tropical Cyclone Mocha Response, we are seeing some improvement in the health sector where health facilities are being restored with remaining access limitation for the people in need, due to damaged roads, damaged transport means etc. Rakhine • Early observations and reports demonstrate large variation in the building condition of health facilities and the health service provision in the 10 most affected townships. • Observations are informing that eight out of 16 township hospitals have experienced some damage to the building. While electricity and water are available, in nine hospitals out of 16, it is available with the support of generators – with huge demand for fuel. • The demand is reported to be reduced, and access limited because of the challenges for people in need to physically access the health facilities because of damaged roads, damaged transport means etc. Northwest (Chin, Magway & Sagaing) • The situation in Northwest remains unchanged in 3rd week of Cyclone Mocha, where field observations have reported 9 rural health centres been impacted, most completely damaged with impact on health provision. Kachin • Field observations are reporting that the damaged infrastructure in Waingmaw and in Mansi townships by cyclone Mocha have been restored by the communities..."
Source/publisher: Health Cluster and World Health Organization via Reliefweb (New York)
2023-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-07
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Description: "The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has mobilized humanitarian response to support the emergency relief efforts in Myanmar due to the severe impact of Cyclone MOCHA. As of 2 June 2023, the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) has handed over relief items for the affected communities in the townships of Sittwe, Rathedaung, KyaukTaw, and Ponnagyun. ASEAN Emergency Response and Assessment Team (ASEAN-ERAT) has also concluded their initial needs assessment in the affected areas in Myanmar on 30 May 2023. The AHA Centre will mobilize the final two batches of relief items on 16 and 22 June 2023 by sea. The final batches, consist of non-food items and water and sanitation hygiene kits, are expected to arrive in Myanmar on 20 and 27 June 2023. ASEAN has also commenced internal discussion on possible ASEAN’s supports for recovery phase based on assessment from ASEAN ERAT Team. ASEAN’s first batch of humanitarian response arrived in Myanmar on 21 May 2023 and was among the first emergency support received by the affected communities. Relief items mobilized to Myanmar from the Disaster Emergency Logistics System for ASEAN (DELSA) warehouse in Subang, Malaysia, include non-food items such as shelter tools and kits and water sanitation and hygiene with a total worth of 1.64 million USD. The humanitarian assistance for Cyclone MOCHA reflects solidarity of ASEAN to the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Association of Southeast Asian Nations
2023-06-06
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-06
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Description: "Following the widespread devastation of Cyclone Mocha in Myanmar, it is now a race against time to aid people in need and prevent the spread of disease. Over 235,000 households are estimated to have been affected by winds of up to 250km/h, storm surges, flash floods and landslides brought by the cyclone, which was the strongest in the Bay of Bengal in the last decade. In Rakhine and Chin States, and Magway, Sagaing, and Ayeyarwaddy regions in the southwest of Myanmar, homes, livelihoods, and public and private infrastructure have been destroyed. In the northwest, access challenges, ongoing clashes and fighting, and communications restrictions are limiting the ability of humanitarian organisations to obtain a full picture of the damage and respond accordingly. Myanmar Red Cross has access to communities through its branches and volunteers present in hundreds of townships, including Rakhine, Magway, Chin and Ayeryawaddy. Over 960 volunteers are currently on the ground in affected areas, identifying needs, and providing emergency relief, healthcare, and safe drinking water. As of 29 May 2023, the Myanmar Red Cross had reached over 75,000 people with a multi-sectoral humanitarian response. Dozens of thousands have received access to safe drinking water, more than 900 people received healthcare through mobile clinics, more than 1,300 people received health education, more than 1,000 were provided with dignity kits, 700 families were provided with tarpaulins to help shelter from wind and rain, and more than 400 families were provided with kitchen sets. Director of the Myanmar Red Cross Rakhine Operations Management Unit, Aye Aye Nyein said: “Together with our volunteers and staff from Rakhine State Red Cross Branch, we have provided assistance such as early warning and relocation of the most vulnerable communities and we are providing relief aid, safe water and medical assistance with our mobile clinics team in Sittwe and neighboring areas." “In Rakhine State, we will initially be focusing on the most affected five townships of Sittwe, Rathedaung, Ponnarkyun, Kyauktaw and Pauktaw and plan to extend our assistance further under the guidance and principles of our leadership and in coordination with Red Cross Red Crescent Movement and other partners.” Shelter, basic needs, and livelihoods are now a priority. Access to clean water, food, first aid, primary healthcare and cash assistance for the affected communities is urgently needed. IFRC Disaster Risk Management Delegate, Rajeev K.C. said: “Affecting populations with significant pre-existing vulnerabilities, Cyclone Mocha has put more people at risk and in immediate need of shelter, water, and sanitation services. We already see the possibilities of disease transmission emerging, so immediate hygiene and health services assistance is required.” Myanmar Red Cross has established communications channels with relevant stakeholders on the ground and is seeking access to affected people in need. It is engaged with the authorities in order to fulfill its mandate while maintaining neutrality, impartiality, and independence from the government. The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) has launched an emergency appeal along with its members, to support the response of the Myanmar Red Cross, focusing on relief provisions and early recovery assistance in Myanmar's hardest-hit areas to the 7,500 most vulnerable households (37,500 people) for the next 12 months, particularly in the most affected areas of Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Ayeryawaddy, and Sagaing..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies (Geneva)
2023-06-01
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-01
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Description: "On 31 May 2023, H.E. Mr. Don Paramudwinai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, designated Mr. Chatchai Viriyavejakul, Director-General of Department of East Asian Affairs, to be his representative at the humanitarian aid delivery ceremony to assist the Myanmar people affected by Cyclone Mocha. Representatives of PTT Public Company Limited, Ohmmy Jelly Company Limited, Garuda Gold Social Enterprise Company Limited and Suan Dusit Home Bakery Committee, Suan Dusit University, delivered the relief items, through H.E. U Chit Swe, Ambassador of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to Thailand, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Thailand. Thailand is scheduled to deliver additional humanitarian aid from the public and private sectors, consisting of dried foods and other necessary items, for the Myanmar people affected by Cyclone Mocha on 1 June 2023. The delivery will be transported by land from Bangkok to Yangon, with the support from the Embassy of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the Thai-Myanmar Association for Friendship..."
Source/publisher: Government of Thailand
2023-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-31
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Description: "Glide No.: TC-2023-000069-MMR TIMELINE 10 May 2023: a Tropical Depression turned into Cyclonic Storm Mocha over the Southeast Bay of Bengal and the adjoining South Andaman Sea. On 13 May, Cyclone Mocha moved further north-eastwards over the Bay of Bengal and intensified to an Extremely Severe Cyclone. 14 May 2023: Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Rakhine State, Myanmar, as an Extremely Severe Cyclonic Storm with winds gusting up to 230-250 km/h. On the same day at local time 6:30 pm. Mocha reached Haka Township in Chin State. 15 May: Cyclone Mocha reached Sagaing region as a deep land depression with a wind speed of 78 km/h. 15-16 May: The State Administration Council declared all 17 townships of Rakhine state and four townships in Chin State (Tiddim, Matupi, Paletwa and Hakha) as disaster affected areas under section 11 of the Natural Disaster Management Law. 16 May: The MRCS requested that the IFRC launch an Emergency Appeal to support its response plan to Cyclone Mocha and began relief and immediate assistance activities. DESCRIPTION OF THE EVENT Extremely Severe Cyclone Storm Mocha1 is one of the strongest cyclones to hit the country in decades, and the most affected areas present an extraordinarily complex and insecure context due to civic disorders, armed clashes, and an extremely fragile economic situation. Mocha caused storm surges in excess of two metres, strong winds and very heavy rainfall with heavy inundation reported in the low-lying areas of Rakhine, particularly in and around the state capital Sittwe, and in Chin state, Magway, Ayeyarwady and Mandalay regions as well as the lower Sagaing region. On 15 May, the State Administration Council declared all 17 townships of Rakhine state as disaster affected areas under section 11 of the Natural Disaster Management Law, which recognises the special role of the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS) in disaster management. On 16 May, a similar announcement was made for four townships in Chin state (Tiddim, Matupi, Paletwa and Hakha). Severity of humanitarian conditions 1. Impact on the accessibility, availability, quality, use, and awareness of goods and services. According to preliminary data collected during the identification of impact and needs carried out by MRCS branches through over 900 volunteers active on the ground, over 237,000 households across more than five states and regions have been affected by the strong winds, intense rainfall, flooding, and landslides which have accompanied the landfall of Cyclone Mocha. In Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing, and Ayeyarwady, complete destruction or severe damage was reported to water supplies and sanitation facilities, public infrastructure (for example, some sources identify dozens of hospitals and clinics, hundreds of schools, and hundreds of religious buildings as being damaged), transport infrastructure, such as bridges and roads damaged and the airports of Sittwe and Thandwe in Rakhine State also partially damaged. Telecommunications infrastructure was also heavily affected with several telecoms towers damaged. Countrywide, some sources identify damage to about 2,500 religious buildings, over 2,000 schools, over 300 hospitals/clinics, and over 800 ships/boats. While over 32,000 livestock are estimated as having been lost, the overall cropland area estimated to have been flooded is 1,400 km2, with disruptive consequences, especially for subsistence farmers. More than 90% of houses in Rakhine and Chin are semi-permanent (semi-pacca6, wooden houses) and temporary shelters (bamboo/huts), and similarly in in the Ayeyarwady region, more than 55% of the houses are estimated to have light roof/walls. As a result, most of these shelters have been totally or partially damaged (in many cases, losing the roof), with preliminary data collected by MRCS volunteers indicating that more than 200,000 houses in the worst affected areas are in need of complete or partial repair. Significant damage to camps for internally displaced people (IDPs) in Rakhine have also been identified by the MRCS, with initial observations noting that tens of thousands of households were affected in 14 camps. A market analysis is still ongoing though steep price increases in basic goods, such as rice and eggs have already been reported. 2. Impact on physical and mental well-being The devastating impact of the cyclone has serious consequences for the physical and mental health and psychosocial well-being of the affected population. Disruptions to water systems are limiting access to clean drinking water and increase the risks of waterborne diseases and large-scale disease outbreaks. Clinics and hospitals have been damaged or totally destroyed, resulting in a shortage of medicines, medical supplies in addition to limiting the capacities to admit and treat patients. Many laboratories and operating rooms are not functional. Mobile clinics have resumed the provision of primary healthcare services in some areas but continue to face constraints in terms of transportation and distribution of medical supplies and access to cover all affected areas. Disrupted or limited access to medicines and healthcare services is increasing the risk of preventable complications and deaths. In conflict affected areas, people are increasingly exposed to risks from the movement of landmines due to flooding. The disaster is also taking a toll on people’s immediate and long-term mental health and psychosocial well-being, given their exposure to traumatic and distressing events. The cyclone has led to an increase in the number of unaccompanied children, highlighting urgent needs for child protection and appropriate support services. 3. Risks and vulnerabilities Myanmar has a very fragile economy, with almost half the population estimated to be living in poverty. In Rakhine, over half a million households had preexisting multidimensional vulnerabilities with an estimated six million people in need of humanitarian assistance and 1.2 million people internally displaced even prior to the cyclone. In the Ayeyarwady and Sagaing regions, and Chin state, between 50 and 60 per cent of the population was already living in vulnerable conditions, totalling over three million households, and the impact of the cyclone is expected to exacerbate these pre-existing conditions. The estimated number of households with pre-existing vulnerabilities in the Magway region is over 50,000. Pre-existing and intersectional vulnerabilities should be taken into account, especially in prioritising the needs of displaced people, and of women, children, and people with disabilities within each target group..."
Source/publisher: International Federation of Red Cross And Red Crescent Societies (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-27
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Description: "DHAKA – Just weeks after thousands of Rohingya refugees lost their homes to Cyclone Mocha, they face another blow as funding shortages force the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) to cut food vouchers in Cox’s Bazar to just US$ 8, or less than 9 cents per meal. Funding shortfalls already forced WFP to cut its food vouchers from US$ 12 to US$ 10 per person per month, in March this year. “We are appealing for urgent support so that we can restore rations to the full amount as soon as possible. Anything less than US$ 12 has dire consequences not only on nutrition for women and children, but also protection, safety and security for everyone in the camps,” said Dom Scalpelli, WFP Resident Representative and Country Director in Bangladesh. Six years into the refugee crisis, nearly one million Rohingya remain stranded in the camps in Bangladesh without livelihood opportunities and relying entirely on humanitarian assistance to survive. Even with WFP’s food assistance, four in 10 families were not consuming enough food and 12 percent of children were acutely malnourished. This was before the ration cut. With less food to get by, refugees have little choice but to resort to negative coping mechanisms. Children may be withdrawn from school or girls offered in child marriage. If refugees seek illegal employment, they face heightened risks of exploitation and abuse, and may fuel tensions between the refugees and the host community. Those desperate enough to take to the high seas face dangerous journeys and uncertain fates. The Rohingya continue to live under the constant threat of extreme climate. While Cox’s Bazar was spared a direct hit when Cyclone Mocha made landfall on 14 May, considerable destruction to shelters and infrastructure occurred in the camps. “WFP food assistance is the only reliable source of food for the Rohingya. We are extremely grateful for all contributions received so far, but we still need US$ 56 million to restore the full ration and keep this lifeline intact until the end of the year,” said Scalpelli. # # # The United Nations World Food Programme is the world’s largest humanitarian organization, saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change..."
Source/publisher: World Food Programme (Rome)
2023-05-26
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-26
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Description: "SITUATION AT A GLANCE 4.5 MILLION People Targeted for Humanitarian Assistance in Burma UN – January 2023 1.4 MILLION IDPs in Burma Displaced Since February 2021 UNHCR – May 2023 5.4 MILLION People Adversely Affected by Tropical Cyclone Mocha in Burma UNHCR– May 2023 960,539 Estimated Number of Refugees in Bangladesh UNHCR – March 2023 1.5 MILLION People Targeted by 2023 Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan UN – March 2023 Tropical Cyclone Mocha made landfall over Burma’s Rakhine State on May 14, adversely affecting approximately 5.4 million people in Burma and an estimated 2.3 million people in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar District. Access restrictions imposed by military authorities hinder the delivery of aid to cyclone-affected individuals across Burma. USG partners provide life-saving assistance to thousands of households adversely affected by Tropical Cyclone Mocha in Burma and Bangladesh..."
Source/publisher: US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-24
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Description: "Highlights Two flash appeals were launched on 23 May, seeking to support 1.6 million people in Myanmar, and 780,000 people in Bangladesh. In Myanmar, WFP has reached 87,000 people in central and northern Rakhine State through emergency cyclone response and regular relief distributions. Situation Update Cyclone Mocha hit an already vulnerable area, with substantial numbers of displaced and crisis-affected people reliant on humanitarian assistance. In Myanmar, 3.4 million people were living in the highest impact zone. In Bangladesh, the cyclone severely affected 780,000 people, including 536,000 Rohingya refugees and 243,000 Bangladeshis. Cyclone Mocha flash appeals were launched for Myanmar and Bangladesh yesterday, 23 May. o In Myanmar, a US$333 million flash appeal was launched, seeking to support 1.6 million people across five areas (Rakhine, Chin, Sagaing, Magway, and Kachin). o In Bangladesh, the Rohingya Refugee Response and the Humanitarian Country Task Team issued a flash appeal amounting to US$42.1 million to respond to Cyclone Mocha and enhance preparedness for the monsoon season a few weeks away. o In northern Rakhine State, WFP has so far reached 22,400 cyclone-affected people and 10,900 people through regular relief distributions. Both cyclone response and regular relief distributions are ongoing. WFP’s available rice stocks (500 mt) in Sittwe – one of the hardest hit areas – will be distributed today and tomorrow. WFP is working to temporarily divert or loan other stocks to central Rakhine State and is assessing the feasibility of distributing cash to some beneficiaries. Fifteen trucks carrying 142 mt of HEBs arrived on 23 May in Sittwe from Yangon, and another ten trucks carrying 200 mt of rice are en route. WFP has requested travel authorization to move a further 2,000 mt of rice by road from Yangon to Sittwe as soon as possible..."
Source/publisher: World Food Programme (Rome) via reliefweb (New York)
2023-05-24
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-24
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Description: "(Myanmar, 23 May 2023)- The humanitarian community in Myanmar has launched a $333 million Flash Appeal to assist 1.6 million people affected by Cyclone Mocha that devastated the country’s west on 14 May. “This perfect storm has devastated coastal areas, leaving hundreds of thousands of already vulnerable people without a roof over their heads as the monsoon looms,” Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i. for Myanmar, Ramanathan Balakrishnan said. “We are now in a race against time to provide people with safe shelter in all affected communities and prevent the spread of water-borne disease. For this life-saving work, we need the generous financial support of the international community.” The Flash Appeal requests an urgent injection of funds for activities to support vulnerable people in the highest impact zone across Rakhine, Chin, Magway, Sagaing and Kachin. “This is a humanitarian catastrophe in one of country’s poorest areas, where there are high pre-existing needs, and we need donors to dig deep to support scaled-up distributions to the most vulnerable ahead of the rains,” the Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator a.i. said. The Flash Appeal includes a combination of $211 million in prioritized activities from the 2023 Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan that are being pivoted to support the cyclone response in affected areas, plus $122 million for additional activities or support to people newly affected by this disaster. The 1.6 million people identified for support under this appeal include those who have lost their homes, people who lack access to health services and clean water, people who are food insecure or malnourished, displaced people living in camps, stateless people, women, children and people with a disability. Extremely Severe Cyclone Mocha crossed the coast in Rakhine State just over a week ago, before moving inland bringing flooding, landslides and strong winds. The cyclone recorded wind speeds of more than 250kmph as it approached the Rakhine coast, making it one of the strongest cyclones ever to hit the country. “In the Rakhine State capital, Sittwe, almost no house was spared damage and displacement camps in the path of the cyclone have been left in splinters. Those affected are facing a long, miserable monsoon season if we cannot mobilize resources to deliver life-saving supplies,” Mr Balakrishnan said. Myanmar Flash Appeal: https://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/myanmar-cyclone-mocha-flash-appeal-may-2023 Images, video and other background materials: Press handout from the UN in Myanmar on Cyclone Mocha For further information, please contact: Danielle Parry, Officer in Charge, [email protected], +95 9797002713 (Phone/Signal) Suhad Sakalla, Humanitarian Affairs Officer, [email protected], +95 9797007815, +972 054433 4202 (Signal/WhatsApp) Lesly Lotha, Communication Specialist, [email protected], +959 796139223 (Phone/Signal) For more information, please visit www.unocha.org | https://reliefweb.int/country/mmr | https://www.facebook.com/OCHAMyanmar Disclaimer UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-05-23
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-23
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Description: "At least 145 people are now known to have been killed in Myanmar (Burma) by a powerful cyclone, the country's military rulers have said. They say most of the victims of Cyclone Mocha that made landfall last Sunday were from the Rohingya minority. The junta had earlier put the death toll at 21, but local residents told the BBC that at least 40 had died. About 800,000 people have been affected by one of the strongest storms to hit the region this century, the UN said. With winds of up to 209km/h (130mph), Mocha - a category five storm - battered the Rakhine state, in western Myanmar, as well as the regions of Sagaing and Magway. "Altogether 145 local people were killed during the cyclone," Myanmar's junta said in a statement on Friday, the AFP news agency reported. According to the statement, among the victims were four soldiers, 24 locals and 117 people from the Rohingya minority. Before the official statement, there were numerous reports suggesting a much higher death toll than the initial figure of 21, especially in camps where the internally displaced Rohingya live. Hundreds of homes and shelters have collapsed while communication has been difficult in the country and people are still missing. In Sittwe, the capital city of Rakhine state, where many people live in low-lying coastal areas, roads have been blocked by uprooted trees and fallen power pylons. There have also also reports of military attacks on locals following the storm. Thousands of people fled their homes in the north-western Sagaing region as the army entered villages under cover of the cyclone. Communities in Sagaing have put up some of the strongest opposition to the military, which seized power in a coup on 2021. The area also houses a large number of anti-government militias, known as the People's Defence Force. There were no immediate reports of casualties in neighbouring Bangladesh, but the storm c.rushed. thousands of shelters in the world's largest refugee camp at Cox's Bazar. It is home to one million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar. Mocha came 15 years after one of Asia's deadliest cyclones, Nargis, smashed into Myanmar's Irrawaddy Delta and claimed 140,000 lives. Cyclones are the equivalent of hurricanes in the Atlantic and typhoons in the Pacific. Scientists say these storms have become stronger and more frequent due to climate change..."
Source/publisher: "BBC News" (London)
2023-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-19
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Sub-title: The UK has announced £2 million in new humanitarian funding to support vulnerable communities in Myanmar, following the impact of Cyclone Mocha.
Description: "the UK is providing an additional £2 million to support communities impacted by Cyclone Mocha in Myanmar this new funding will supply clean water and shelter for up to 175,000 people Today the UK announced £2 million in new funding to support communities impacted by Cyclone Mocha in Myanmar. The cyclone has devastated vulnerable communities across northwest Myanmar, with reports of large numbers of deaths amongst the Rohingya. The cyclone has exacerbated what is already a desperate humanitarian crisis. Following the 2021 military coup, over 17.6 million people need humanitarian assistance; over 1.8 million are displaced; and over 15 million people have limited access to food. Their needs will only increase as the impact of Cyclone Mocha becomes clearer. The UK has already redirected £650,000 of funding to local and international partners to provide emergency assistance to those most in need. This additional £2 million will enable immediate provision of clean water and shelter for up to 175,000 people, and help mitigate the threat of disease. International Development Minister Andrew Mitchell said: Cyclone Mocha has caused devastation for communities who were already extremely vulnerable, including the Rohingya. The UK is providing £2 million of new funding to support the many thousands of people left without shelter or access to clean water in Myanmar. By partnering with organisations already on the ground in northwest Myanmar, we will be able to quickly deliver the lifesaving support that survivors need. Since 2017, the UK has provided over £81 million to assist Myanmar communities in Rakhine State with water, hygiene and sanitation, emergency food and nutrition services, and healthcare. Over £29.8 million of this has directly supported Rohingya and other Muslim minorities. The UK has enhanced due diligence in place to ensure that no UK aid benefits the Myanmar military regime. The UK is committed to supporting peace and stability across the Indo-Pacific and continues to stand with the people of Myanmar who are suffering once again. We reiterate our calls to an end to all violence, protection of civilians and full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to all those in need..."
Source/publisher: Govt. UK (London)
2023-05-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-19
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Sub-title: ‘Apartheid’ Camps Left Tens of Thousands Trapped, Exposed
Description: "Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Myanmar’s Rakhine State on Sunday, its 250 kilometer per hour winds tearing through low-lying shelters along the Bay of Bengal. One of the strongest cyclones to ever hit the region, Mocha brought flooding and damage to millions of people in its path. The state capital, Sittwe, bore the worst of the destruction, with almost no home left intact. Verifying tallies of the dead and missing, currently estimated in the hundreds, has been hindered by lingering communication blackouts. Humanitarian workers are reporting extensive cyclone damage across central Rakhine, where about 140,000 of Myanmar’s 600,000 Rohingya Muslims have been confined to camps for more than 10 years, with some camps near fully destroyed. What we know about these camps tells us that the damage and loss of life incurred was both foreseeable and avoidable. For decades, Myanmar authorities have deprived the Rohingya of their rights and freedoms and eroded their capacity to survive. The camps in Rakhine State were set up in 2012, ostensibly for those displaced by communal violence, but in effect serving the government’s oppressive regime of apartheid, persecution, and imprisonment. Families were confined to bamboo longhouses, designed to last just two years. The authorities denied aid agencies’ requests for adequate land and resources to make safer the flood-prone former paddy fields and low-lying coastal areas where the camps sit. The resulting living conditions are, by design, squalid, contributing to a growing tally of preventable deaths and annual threats from extreme weather. With new blockages on aid imposed since the 2021 military coup, fewer than half of camp shelters had received any repair over the past two years. Initial reports say that Myanmar’s military junta has impeded the disaster response to all affected areas this week, with bureaucratic constraints hindering aid agencies’ travel authorizations and customs clearances. “No government, no organization has come to our village,” a Rohingya man told AFP. “We haven’t eaten for two days.… No one has even come to ask.” Brad Hazlett of the relief organization Partners reported that they were witnessing “a large-scale loss of life in the camps.” In the critical days ahead, as Rohingya and others clear debris and search for missing relatives, foreign governments should demand the junta lift all blocks on lifesaving aid delivery. In the longer term, they should be charting a path toward holding Myanmar’s military to account for the oppressive conditions that left Rohingya trapped and exposed in the eye of the storm..."
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Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-18
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Description: "As the widespread devastation caused by Cyclone Mocha becomes known, we join the people of Myanmar in mourning those lost and are taking immediate action to support humanitarian response efforts. Through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the United States is providing an initial $200,000 to supplement ongoing relief activities. This additional funding will provide for critical shelter, water, sanitation, and hygiene assistance in Rakhine and Chin States. In the days prior to Cyclone Mocha’s landfall, U.S. government partners mobilized humanitarian response operations, including prepositioning emergency food, shelter materials, core relief items, and medical supplies. The U.S. government is working with partners on the ground to evaluate impact and priority needs. It is critical that humanitarian organizations be able to access and serve those communities most in need. The United States is committed to continuing to help those affected in the days, weeks, and months ahead..."
Source/publisher: U.S. Embassy in Burma
2023-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-17
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Sub-title: About 1,000 people trapped by seawater rescued amid damage to homes, electricity infrastructure and mobile phone masts
Description: "Rescuers have evacuated about 1,000 people trapped by seawater 3.6 metres (12ft) deep along western Myanmar’s coast after a powerful cyclone injured hundreds and cut off communications in one of Asia’s least developed countries. Strong winds injured more than 700 of about 20,000 people who were sheltering in sturdier buildings on the highlands of Sittwe township such as monasteries, pagodas and schools, according to a leader of the Rakhine Youths Philanthropic Association in Sittwe. Seawater raced into more than 10 low-lying wards near the shore as Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Rakhine state on Sunday afternoon, said the rescue group leader, who asked not to be named due to fear of reprisals from the authorities in the military-run country. Residents moved to roofs and higher floors, while the wind and storm surge prevented immediate rescue. “After 4pm yesterday the storm weakened a bit but the water did not fall back,” the leader said. “Most of them sat on the roof and at the high places of their houses the whole night. The wind blew all night.” Water was still about 1.5m (5ft) high in flooded areas on Monday morning but rescues were being made as the wind calmed. The leader asked civil society organisations and authorities to send aid and help evacuate residents. At least three deaths had been reported earlier in Myanmar, and several injuries were reported in neighbouring Bangladesh, which was spared the predicted direct hit. Mocha made landfall near Sittwe township with winds blowing up to 209km/h (130mph), Myanmar’s Meteorological Department said. By Monday morning it was downgraded from its severe status and was steadily weakening over land, according to the India Meteorological Department. High winds crumpled cell phone towers during the day, cutting off communications. In videos collected by local media before communications were lost, deep water raced through streets and wind blew off roofs. Myanmar’s military information office said the storm had damaged homes, electricity infrastructure, mobile phone masts, boats and lampposts in Sittwe, Kyaukpyu, and Gwa townships. It said the storm also tore roofs off sports facilities on the Coco Islands, about 260 miles (418km) south-west of the country’s largest city, Yangon. Volunteers previously said shelters in Sittwe did not have enough food after more people arrived there seeking help. Rakhine-based media reported that streets and the basements of houses in Sittwe’s low-lying areas had been flooded. Rakhine-based media reported that streets were flooded, trapping people in low-lying areas in their homes as worried relatives outside the township appealed for rescue. More than 4,000 of Sittwe’s 300,000 residents were evacuated to other cities, and more than 20,000 people were sheltering in monasteries, pagodas and schools on higher ground in the city, said Tin Nyein Oo, who is volunteering in Sittwe’s shelters. Mocha largely spared the Bangladeshi city of Cox’s Bazar, which initially had been in the storm’s predicted path. Authorities had said they evacuated about 1.27 million people before the cyclone veered east. “The level of risk has reduced to a great extent in Bangladesh,” said Azizur Rahman, director of the country’s meteorological department. Several deaths were reported as a result of the storm. A rescue team from eastern Shan state announced on its Facebook page that it had recovered the bodies of a couple buried when a landslide hit their house in Tachileik township. Local media reported that a man was crushed to death when a tree fell on him in Pyin Oo Lwin township in central Mandalay region. Myanmar state television reported that the military government was preparing to send food, medicine and medical personnel to the storm-hit area. After battering Rakhine, the cyclone weakened and was forecast to hit the north-western state of Chin and the central regions on Monday. Strong winds with rains continued in Saint Martin’s Island in the Bay of Bengal, it was reported, with leading Bengali-language daily Prothom Alo saying about a dozen islanders were injured and around 300 homes destroyed or damaged. One woman was critically wounded, it said. UN agencies and aid workers in Bangladesh had positioned tons of dry food and dozens of ambulances with mobile medical teams in refugee camps that house more than a million Rohingya people who fled persecution in Myanmar. In May 2008, Cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar with a storm surge that devastated populated areas around the Irrawaddy River delta. At least 138,000 people died and tens of thousands of homes and other buildings were washed away..."
Source/publisher: "Associated Press" (New York) via "The Guardian" (UK)
2023-05-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Gil Francis Arevalo This article explores factors affecting the overall integration and mainstreaming of the response-wide accountability to affected people (AAP) in Myanmar since the internal conflict escalated in 2021. The military seized control in 2021, resulting in the violent crackdown on protests against the de facto government, displacing nearly 1.2 million people in the process. Understanding longstanding barriers From August to November 2022, in partnership with the subnational implementing and operational partners of the Protection, Camp Coordination/Camp Management and Shelter clusters, a series of localised AAP capacity-building sessions, community consultations and toolsvalidations were conducted in the following critical areas: Lashio (Shan North), Myitkyina (Kachin), and Taunggyi (Shan). Due to access and security issues, an online contextualised training was provided to the Northeast Region, which includes local partners from Chin, Sagaing, and Magway.CSOssupporting the subnational protection coordination mechanism in the Northeast Region conducted various community consultations in geographically isolated areas and stressed the gaps in dealing with feedback and making the feedback system more responsive. Among the general feedback received is that while the humanitarian community in Myanmar may have made efforts to advance AAP in 2022, including the establishment of the national AAP working group, a collective AAP mechanism with a responsive system has not been rolled out to at-risk communities and affected populations in a systematic, predictable and inclusive manner. Despite the creation of a ‘collective’ AAP workplan and several agencies investing in small projects to improve the process, people in need still have very little influence over the design of humanitarian interventions. Even the multi-sectoral needs assessment (MSNA) conducted in 2022 under the Myanmar Humanitarian Fundwas criticised by implementing partners for not sufficiently consulting persons with disabilities, people with special needs and other vulnerable groups of affected people. The inclusion of some accountability questions in the assessment itself was characterised as an afterthought or part of a tick-box exercise to ensure there were AAP components in the assessment. Adding to this is the unnecessary pressure of adapting and translating into Burmese various global guidelines, protocols, and other technical components on AAP. Contextualising these to address both immediate lifesaving needs and those that arise as people’s circumstances change, takes time. More time is lost in bureaucratic processes: for example, each agency within the Humanitarian Country Team (HCT) has its own interpretation of what constitutes collective AAP, resulting in a disjointed approach. This is particularly egregious given that local actors are mostly excluded from providing crucial input, so international agencies end up coordinating AAP in Myanmar. This also means that local actors have less access to funding. The final straw is that this fragmentation exists alongside a genuine demand for AAP that far exceeds the supply, resulting in significant gaps in coverage..."
Source/publisher: ODI - Humanitarian Practice Network
2023-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2023-05-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Myanmar Information Management Unit / MIMU is a service of the United Nations in Myanmar, provided by UNDP working together with the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator. It supports better informed decision-making and analysis in emergency, humanitarian, development and peace-related activities, providing a model of the nexus approach. Despite many challenges, MIMU has remained a widely used and trusted resource which has been used extensively in this period. Agencies continued to contribute to MIMU’s 5W and Assessment tracking tools, and useful tools such as the MIMU Map Maker and MIMU Pcoder were updated to support agencies' work for Myanmar's people. The MIMU website also remained a central point for dissemination of information relevant to activities across sectors as well as those relevant to the COVID and humanitarian response. Taking advantage of the widespread use of online tools by MIMU users and partners, we fine-tuned virtual approaches to further extend the reach of our meetings and trainings countrywide, including through new online training courses on Tableau, PowerBI, Basic mapping, and Advanced Excel. We also extended the understanding of specific aspects of vulnerability in Myanmar through in-depth analyses on the changing sources of drinking water, disability, household amenities, and the impact of climate change and environmental degradation on disaster risk in different areas of the country. Throughout 2022, the MIMU team continued to ensure relevant and user-friendly products, while maintaining relationships with a wide variety of partners and stakeholders, including local and international NGOs and CSOs, United Nations, Red Cross agencies, international organisations, development partners, and researchers..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2023-03-10
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "7 March 2023: Today, the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) releases a new report, “We Dare Not Return,” Displacement and the Denial of Human Rights in Southeastern Burma. The report includes an analysis of the current situation in our respective target areas of Southeastern Burma throughout 2022. The findings draw on interviews with emergency response teams, survivors, and witnesses of the attacks. The Burma Army committed all the crimes documented in the report with complete and total impunity. They are widespread, systematic and indicative of a worsening pattern of violence. Between 1 January 2022 and 31 December 2022, HURFOM reported that at least 146 people were killed, including 26 women and children. In addition, more than 480 were injured, and nearly 1500 were arbitrarily arrested and detained. The Burma Army continued to target opposition forces, including members of pro-democracy groups. This subsequently led to over 85 cases of enforced disappearances. Dozens of human rights defenders remain in exile for their safety. HURFOM also documented 750 houses burned, including 58 villages. The humanitarian crisis caused by the junta’s destruction has led to over 150 000 people being forcibly displaced in Southeastern Burma. Throughout the reporting period of 2022, the conditions on the ground caused civilians to feel unsafe. Many villagers that HURFOM spoke to said they ‘dare not return’ to their homes out of fear that they would be arrested, tortured or even killed by the military junta. There are economic and social struggles as villagers cannot work, study or support their families because the presence of the regime has deterred them. On multiple occasions, HURFOM documented Burma Army soldiers indiscriminately firing into villages. The situation in the third year since the failed coup has not improved. The rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in southeastern Burma requires urgent and immediate attention as more lives are caught in the crossfire daily. International actors and UN bodies must support and enact a no-fly zone in Burma, a global arms embargo, and an urgent and immediate referral of the situation in Burma to the International Criminal Court. And yet, a sentiment of hope, determination and adversity is still prominent throughout the country as rallying forces join together to defeat and dismantle the junta. The people on the ground in Burma are brave in their unwavering commitment to see an end to military rule. The international community must not let their struggle be in vain. They must use their diplomatic tools and resources to engage meaningfully with civil society organizations and the National Unity Government..."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland
2023-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2023-03-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "Last week, the #US, through the U.S. Agency for International Development #USAID , announced providing an additional $50 Million USD for the humanitarian assistance for emergency food and nutrition assistance in #Myanmar. The NUG is grateful for the commitment of the US government in providing immediate and timely humanitarian support to the people of Myanmar. The junta has been indiscriminately targeting civilians and villages with the use of heavy weapons and artillery air strikes that result in increased displacements with large humanitarian assistance needs. The support from the USAID will greatly benefit those who are in need of humanitarian assistance across the country. We once again would like to express our sincere gratitude towards the US government for their kind assistance to Myanmar people..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2023-02-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: " Nearly 18 million people – about one-third of Myanmar’s population – need humanitarian aid this year because of civil war and the post-coup economic crisis, according to the latest United Nations estimates. The numbers needing support continue to rise from the estimated 14 million people needing aid last year. More than 10,000 people were displaced by fighting in southern Kayin State in early January alone, joining more than 1.5 million IDPs across the country. The UN says it recognises the urgent need to remain in Myanmar and step up humanitarian operations, but it is caught between a hostile military junta imposing restrictions on its activities and a loose network of resistance groups accusing the world body of legitimising an illegal regime. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres is also facing increasing criticism for his apparent hands-off leadership in the crisis. “Almost 18 million people – nearly one-third of the Myanmar population – are estimated to be in humanitarian need nationwide in 2023, with conflict continuing to threaten the lives of civilians in many parts of the country,” said Ramanathan Balakrishnan, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Myanmar. He told IPS that international and local humanitarian aid organisations are “using a range of approaches” in different areas and had reached over four million people in 2022 despite severe underfunding and what he called “heavy bureaucratic and access constraints”. Balakrishnan defended the importance of the UN’s engagement with General Min Aung Hlaing’s regime, which has ruthlessly crushed dissent since seizing power two years ago and overthrowing the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. “Principled engagement with all sides is a must to negotiate access and also to advocate on key protection issues. Advocacy to stop the heavy fighting and airstrikes in populated areas that are threatening the safety of both civilians and aid workers is as important as reaching people in need with humanitarian aid,” he said. Aid workers accuse the junta of further restricting aid operations and blocking urgently needed aid from reaching millions of people. The regime admitted this month it cannot effectively administer about one-third of Myanmar’s townships. But it is able to choke access to some areas controlled by resistance groups and ethnic armed organisations that have been fighting the military for decades. The junta is seeking to impose its authority with a new law making registration compulsory for national and international non-governmental organizations and associations and introducing criminal penalties for non-registered entities with up to five years of imprisonment. “Civic space has been decimated in the country already due to the military’s actions, particularly its systematic harassment, arrest, and prosecution of anyone who opposed their coup,” said James Rodehaver, chief of the UN Human Rights Office for South-East Asia (OHCHR) Myanmar Team. “These new rules could greatly diminish what operational space is left for civic organisations to deliver essential goods and services to a population that is struggling to survive.” Many of the more than one million refugees outside Myanmar also need help. Most are stateless Rohingya Muslims forced out of Rakhine State into Bangladesh in waves of ethnic cleansing before the 2021 coup, with many held in border camps. The UN’s reputation was already battered before the coup over its handling of the long-festering Rohingya crisis in which it was accused by aid workers and activists of being too accommodating with the Myanmar military. And it has come under further fire since. In a joint letter last September, more than 600 Burmese civil society organisations said they “condemn in the strongest terms the recent public signing of new agreements and presenting of letters of appointment to the illegitimate Myanmar military junta by UN agencies, funds, programmes and other entities working inside Myanmar.” “We call on you and all UN entities to immediately cease all forms of cooperation and engagement that lends legitimacy to the illegal, murderous junta,” said the letter addressed to the UN Secretary-General. The signatories argued that letters of appointment and agreements should be presented to what they regard as the legitimate government of Myanmar – the parallel National Unity Government established by ousted lawmakers – and “ethnic revolutionary organisations.” A Myanmar researcher specialising in civil society and international assistance highlighted the role of Burmese CSOs in delivering aid. “Local CSOs comprehend the complexity of specific local needs in the current crisis as the communities they serve struggle with security concerns and essential public services, including healthcare and education,” said the researcher, who goes by the name Kyaw Swar for fear of security reprisals. He said that donors and foreign organisations had adopted risk aversion arrangements post-coup, referring to UN and INGO’s costs for capacity-building components and disproportionate country-office operations. “Local CSOs have fewer operations, and risk management options [and] have no choice but to channel international aid to their respective communities.” UN officials reject the notion that they are legitimising the regime and insist that only by operating in the junta-controlled heartland and also through cross-border assistance can aid be delivered to a substantial part of the population in desperate need. “The UN finds itself in an almost existential bind. It can’t engage with an oppressive regime without being seen to condone its actions,” commented Charles Petrie, former UN Assistant Secretary-General and former UN chief in Myanmar. “Somehow, the UN’s senior leadership needs to convince all that engaging in a dialogue with a pariah regime is not the same as supporting it and that it should be judged on the outcome of the discussions rather than being condemned for the simple fact of engaging,” he said. “But being able to do so successfully implies that it has the level of credibility that right now it still needs to rebuild,” he added. Questions have also been raised about the apparent lack of hands-on leadership on the part of Guterres. The UN Secretary-General seems to have made little personal intervention beyond routine statements, such as the latest marking the second anniversary of the coup in which he condemned “all forms of violence” and said he “continues to stand in solidarity with the people of Myanmar and to support their democratic aspirations for an inclusive, peaceful and just society and the protection of all communities, including the Rohingya.” Since the coup and despite the unfolding humanitarian crisis, Guterres is seen as having taken a back seat and delegating to two successive special envoys. This stands in contrast to his predecessor Ban Ki-moon who actively intervened during the Cyclone Nargis disaster in 2008, personally meeting then-junta leader General Than Shwe and negotiating the opening of Myanmar to aid workers. Petrie suggested Guterres should take a page out of Ban’s book and provide much more active leadership on Myanmar and be “more openly engaged and supportive of the work done by his special envoy.” While China and Russia lend military and other support to the junta, much of the rest of the diplomatic world has taken a step back from the Myanmar crisis, leaning instead on ASEAN to assume the lead. But the 10-member bloc has been ineffective so far. It has coordinated an unprecedented shunning of the junta’s leadership in regional meetings, but neighbouring countries – with their own blemished democratic records – are unwilling to penalise the regime. The ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre) has been charged to respond to the humanitarian crisis, but with no success. Laetitia van den Assum, the former Dutch ambassador to Myanmar and Thailand, said the aid response would have been more effective if ASEAN had set up a partnership between AHA and experienced UN and other organisations. “That, in fact, is what happened in the aftermath of Nargis, when under the strong leadership of Dr Surin Pitsuwan, ASEAN and UN worked in tandem. It took time to put the effort together, but ultimately it took off,” van den Assum told IPS. As with the UN leadership, Lim Jock Hoi, a Bruneian government official who was ASEAN chief until December, was barely noticed on the issue of Myanmar, in stark contrast to Pitsuwan, who helped persuade Than Shwe to accept humanitarian assistance in 2008 when Cyclone Nargis killed over 100,000 people. “UN agencies like OCHA, WFP and UNICEF, as well as many dedicated INGOs, continue to provide assistance, more often than not under difficult circumstances, and with countless Myanmar civil society organisations playing critical roles,” Van den Assum observed. “But until now, the SAC [the junta’s State Administration Council] has stood in the way of more effective aid,” she added. “What is missing is an overall agreement between Myanmar and ASEAN about such assistance, how to expand it and how to guarantee that all those in need are served. ASEAN and AHA have not been able to deliver on this.” Observers point out that AHA is set up to respond to natural disasters and has no experience in intervening with aid in conflict situations. “That had already become clear in 2018 when AHA was tasked to make recommendations for ASEAN assistance to northern Rakhine state after the enforced deportation of more than 750,000 Rohingya. The initiative died a slow death,” Van den Assum said. “AHA was not to blame. Rather, ASEAN politicians had taken a decision without first considering whether it was the most advisable approach,” the veteran diplomat said. No breakthrough is in sight. The junta has extended a state of emergency for another six months, admitting that it lacks control over many areas for the new elections it says it wants to stage but which have already been widely denounced by the resistance as a sham. “Heavy fighting, including airstrikes, tight security, access restrictions, and threats against aid workers have continued unabated, particularly in the Southeast, endangering lives and hampering humanitarian operations,” the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported in its latest update..."
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Source/publisher: International Press Institute
2023-02-22
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-22
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Sub-title: Soldiers are aggressively patrolling checkpoints along major roadways for the goods.
Description: "UPDATED at 9:16 A.M. EST on 02-22-23 Residents and internally displaced persons in Myanmar’s war-torn Kayah state are facing a humanitarian emergency as junta forces confiscate food and medicine at dozens of security checkpoints along major land routes in the eastern state as fighting there intensifies, local sources said. Armed conflict between Myanmar troops and popular militia forces have displaced nearly half of the population of about 450,000 people in Kayah state, a hotbed of resistance to the ruling military regime, which seized power from the elected government two years ago, and has been placed under martial law. Since May 2021, junta soldiers have heavily shelled residential areas they suspect of harboring resistance fighters, according to a February report issued by ethnic Karenni civil society organizations. The fighting has destroyed roughly 1,200 houses in 87 villages, and displaced 180,000 people, or 40% of the population. Without adequate supplies of food and medicine, the IDPs, especially children and the elderly, are becoming malnourished and are suffering from subsequent health problems, such as diarrhea, residents and aid workers said. Humanitarian groups no longer can provide food and medicine to displaced residents because of the junta’s confiscations at road checkpoints, said Helen, an aid worker. “We can barely provide enough medicine for hospitals and clinics,” she said. “The problem is that no one can transport the supplies in this situation. The transportation is too difficult for us to receive them here.” The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, or UNHCR, tried to provide emergency relief supplies to more than 25,000 IDPs in Loikaw and Demoso townships in early June 2022, but it failed to reach all of them because of aggressive security checkpoints and confiscations, Banyar said. Soldiers are stopping all cars and motorcycles passing through the nearly 40 checkpoints along central roads and intersections in the state, most of which are in the capital Loikaw, residents said. They are aggressively patrolling roads into and out of Demoso township and Pekon township in adjacent southern Shan state. Junta forces have been checking vehicles transporting food staples, including rice, salt and cooking oil, at the checkpoints since they were set up in early 2022, said Banyar, director of the Karenni Human Rights Group. “The junta’s strategic hills sit along the highway connecting us to the town of Taungoo on the west side of Demoso,” he told RFA. “The checkpoints are located on those strategic hills, and in Leiktho village. There is also one checkpoint between Leiktho and Yartho villages. Those are the major checkpoints that are heavily searched.” 'Killing us all' Junta soldiers could be taking food, medicine and money that they suspect are going to local resistance forces, said El Ni, a displaced person from Demoso township. But instead, their actions are threatening the survival of the IDPs, he added. “They block roads, assign more checkpoints and restrict the transport of everything under the excuse of suspecting that the supplies are for the KNDF,” El Ni said, referring to the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force, a network of civilian resistance fighters, Karenni organizations and armed groups in Kayah state. El Ni and other IDPs received donations of rice, oil, salt, beans, eggs and instant noodles in the years before the checkpoints, though afterward they were lucky if they got rice once a month, he said. “In that way, I think they are cutting the food and supplies for the IDPs in the state,” he said. “As we are IDPs, we cannot work. We have to rely on the donations of well-wishers for our survival. The junta’s cutting off of our donation supply lines is its way of killing us all.” One female IDP who gave her name as Naw, said police at a checkpoint confiscated the money and food she had got in Pekon as she made her way back home. “There is no safety here,” she told RFA. “[Soldiers at] security checkpoints search too strictly with no regard for civilians or IDPs. There is no rule of law either. They just do as they please in many situations.” In the two years since the military coup, most IDP children have not received regular vaccinations, said an official from the Moebye Emergency Rescue Team. When the COVID-19 pandemic hit, some children died due to lack of medicine and health care, he told RFA. About 20 ethnic Karenni children sheltering in an IDP camp in Pekon’s Buu Pyar village suffered from diarrhea in the second week of February, and one of them, a seven-month-old, died on Feb. 14 because of the lack of food and medicine, residents said. Two adults also came down with diarrhea. RFA could not reach Aung Win Oo, junta spokesman and social affairs minister for Kayah state, for comment..."
Source/publisher: "RFA Burmese"
2023-02-21
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The United States, through the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), is providing an additional $50 million in humanitarian assistance for emergency food and nutrition assistance in Burma, where increased displacements, armed conflict, and growing food insecurity are compounding existing needs. According to the United Nations’s recently released Humanitarian Needs Overview, more than 17 million people across Burma, almost one in three, are now in need of humanitarian assistance in 2023, compared to less than one million in 2020. With this new funding, USAID will work with the United Nations World Food Program (WFP) to treat and prevent malnutrition in conflict-affected states, helping more than 750,000 people. This assistance includes providing monthly food rations, as well as nutrition commodities for children under five, and pregnant and lactating women. USAID remains committed to providing immediate and emergency life saving support to people in need throughout Burma and commends those working peacefully towards an inclusive and democratic future for the people of Burma..."
Source/publisher: United States Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.)
2023-02-15
Date of entry/update: 2023-02-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "YANGON, Myanmar – “I applied for a job at a local sewing shop. When they saw my physical impairment, they rejected my application without any other reason,” said Myo Myo, a 19-year-old woman living in Yangon, Myanmar. “I was really sad – why didn’t they want to give me a chance?” According to a 2019 survey, nearly six million people in the country are persons with disabilities. As is the case worldwide, members of this community in Myanmar face unequal access to health care, education, opportunities and employment – discrimination that has only got worse amid the country’s political crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. In recent years, persons with disabilities (aged 15 and up) were more than twice as likely to be unemployed. For the nearly 3.5 million Myanmar women and girls with disabilities, gender inequality compounds these challenges. They may face double prejudice when accessing reproductive health information and services, for instance, as stigma due to gender norms combines with biased attitudes regarding their ability to exercise bodily autonomy. “There is no equal opportunity and equal rights for women in our society – but it’s even worse for women and girls with disabilities,” Myo Myo said. Enabling full participation Overlapping and intersectional challenges heighten vulnerabilities for women and girls with disabilities worldwide. In some countries, the share of persons with disabilities living under the poverty line is double that of the wider population, and UNFPA research shows women with disabilities are up to ten times more likely to experience gender-based violence. Denials of sexual and reproductive health information and services for this community are all too common. More than half of women with intellectual disabilities have been told they should not have a child. “People think that we cannot do anything,” said 20-year-old Sabai, who lives in Yangon. “We want to show them our capacity – that we can do things like other people.” On the ground in Myanmar, UNFPA works with local organizations to empower women and youth with disabilities to fully participate in public life. Supported initiatives include those that promote awareness of sexual and reproductive health and rights and gender-based violence, and that build business skills, among others. Both Myo Myo and Sabai have attended UNFPA-backed training sessions on developing vocational skills, and received seed money to help them start their own businesses. “Together with international and local organizations, we can promote awareness to change community perceptions and end discrimination against persons with disabilities,” Myo Myo said. What it means to be “able” The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) reaffirms that all persons with disabilities must be guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms. Myanmar ratified the CRPD on 7 December 2011. Despite this, rights violations continue to happen to persons with disabilities in the country, as they do to people around the world. Globally, activists and advocates are working to change that. “Our interventions significantly contribute to initiating and promoting a disability-inclusive society in Myanmar,” said UNFPA Myanmar Acting Deputy Representative Eri Taniguchi. Among the women with disabilities those interventions have made an impact on are Myo Myo and Sabai, who today both run small businesses. Myo Myo sews, knits and crochets from home, and Sabai sells rice rolls and grilled fish at a shop she opened, delivering orders on her e-bike. “Like everyone else, I have a dream to achieve. I want to show the world that we are ‘able’, meaning we have the ability to contribute to our community,” Sabai said..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Population Fund
2023-01-05
Date of entry/update: 2023-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "YANGON, Myanmar/PORTEL, Brazil – Access to contraceptives and family planning has long been a complicated matter. But the COVID-19 pandemic made matters worse. According to UNFPA research, disruptions in access to family planning services and supplies led 12 million women in 115 countries to lose access to birth control – and to as many as 1.4 million unplanned pregnancies. For many, the coronavirus crisis reinforced the need for innovative solutions to the global problem of unmet need for modern family planning. Around the world, UNFPA met this urgent necessity with invention. Below, check out two new technological tools helping to accelerate UNFPA’s progress towards achieving universal family planning – for all 8 billion people now officially on the planet. Saúde das Manas Even before the COVID-19 pandemic caused widespread disruptions to the provision of sexual and reproductive health services, some communities had little to no access to regular care. In fact, visits from gynecologists had been so rare in some communities of Brazil’s Pará state that one resident said many women don’t know what they are. “It was only in 2011 that I learned that gynecologists existed,” Leiliana Pereira told UNFPA. This could change, however, following the introduction of a new telemedical service launched in August 2020 by UNFPA and the Pará Council of Municipal Health Departments called Saúde das Manas, or Sisters’ Health. Sisters’ Health connects women and girls in hard-to-reach areas with telemedical sexual and reproductive health care, enabling access to services like prenatal consultations, gynecological cancer screenings and family planning. The project now operates across 13 municipalities in Pará – a state encompassed by Brazil’s Amazon region, which has struggled to reduce its maternal mortality rate. In and around Portel, a city in Pará, taboos surrounding family planning run deep and misinformation is hard to squash. Ms. Pereira, who lives in Portel, said many in her community, especially those in the countryside, lack adequate information about contraceptives. The mother-of-five was 17 when she had her first child. "It was not planned – it happened," she said. Earlier this year, she went for an appointment with a gynecologist at one of Saudé das Manas’ outposts in Portel with the objective of restarting use of contraceptives. Seated next to telemedicina nurse Stephanie Monteiro in her hometown, Ms. Pereira video chatted with a physician. She is one of nearly 14,000 women that Saúde das Manas has reached. And with the project’s organizers exploring the possibility of expansion, she will not be the last. “I hope that this continues, not only for me but for all women who need a doctor,” Ms. Pereira said. “The gynecologist is the women's doctor because they know our needs.” Baykin 2 Similar concerns were seen in Thura’s community in Myanmar. “There is social stigma existing in our community to speak about sexual and reproductive health, especially concerning adolescents and youth. People are too shy to talk about it,” says the 15-year-old girl. And like in Brazil, taboos were just one obstacle getting in the way of access to sexual and reproductive health information. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, UNFPA collaborated with partners to facilitate in-person awareness sessions on such issues. But after the virus began its global spread and Myanmar’s political instability led to restrictions on young people’s movements, these conversations were forced to migrate to a safer space – online. Enter the Baykin 2 app: a virtual learning platform designed to introduce young people in Myanmar to critical information on sexual and reproductive health and rights, gender equality, gender-based violence and other subjects. “For some young people, they feel comfortable and safe via this virtual platform and raise their issues openly for our support. We are so happy to see their interest and active participation going forward,” says Marie Stope Myanmar Programme Coordinator Aung Pike Tun. The Baykin 2 app was designed to introduce adolescents and young people in Myanmar to key topics on sexual and reproductive health, gender equality and gender-based violence, among other topics. Games and visuals help adolescents learn about their bodies and rights. Since its official launch in June 2022, Baykin 2’s user base has significantly expanded, according to UNFPA Myanmar. Half of its users are 10-24 years old; meanwhile some parents have created accounts for their children. Baykin’s English translation is "being safe", which matches the ultimate goal of the app – to help young people gain the knowledge they need to exercise their rights and avoid the risk of unintended pregnancy, unsafe abortion, gender-based violence and other life threatening complications. “Sexual and reproductive health information saves the lives and future of young people,” says 23-year-old Mya Kalyar Kyaw. “This is not a luxury. This is our fundamental right.”..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Population Fund via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-11-29
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-29
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Description: "SITUATION AT A GLANCE 6.2 MILLION People Targeted for Humanitarian Assistance in Burma UN – January 2022 1.1 MILLION IDPs in Burma Displaced Since February 2021 UNHCR – November 2022 1.5 MILLION People Displaced in Burma UNHCR – November 2022 1.5 MILLION People Targeted by 2022 Rohingya Humanitarian Crisis Joint Response Plan UN – March 2022 943,529 Estimated Number of Refugees in Bangladesh UNHCR – August 2022 • Heightened AA–MAF hostilities continue in Burma’s Rakhine and southern Chin states with an estimated 16,700 individuals remaining displaced as of November, the UN reports. Humanitarian access to Rakhine and Chin remains restricted amid curfews, military checkpoints, road closures, and violence. • A MAF air strike results in the deaths of an estimated 80 people, including civilians, in Kachin State’s Hpakant township on October 23, representing the largest recorded mass casualty incidence since the 2021 coup d'état. • Tropical Cyclone Sitrang damages more than 650 shelters and displaces more than 250 individuals in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar District in late October, relief actors report..."
Source/publisher: US Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-11-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-23
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Sub-title: New Thai law prohibits refugee push-backs to countries where they may face torture
Description: "(BANGKOK, October 28, 2022)—Thai authorities should implement the country’s new anti-torture law that would prohibit the forced return of refugees to Myanmar and other countries where they may face torture, said Fortify Rights today. On October 25, 2022, the Thai government published the Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act B.E.2565 (2022) (the Anti-Torture Act) in the Royal Gazette, making it law. This new law includes a provision codifying the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits the forced return of a person to a country where they may face torture or other forms of ill-treatment. “This new law will make it illegal for Thai officials to push refugees back to Myanmar, where the junta is systematically torturing people,” said Amy Smith, Executive Director of Fortify Rights. “Thai authorities should urgently identify and provide legal recognition to Myanmar refugees to prevent forced returns.” Section 13 of Thailand’s new Anti-Torture Act states that: “No government organizations or public officials shall expel, deport, or extradite a person to another country where there are substantial grounds for believing that the person would be in danger of torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment, or enforced disappearance.” The new law will come into force after 120 days of publication in the Royal Gazette. Since the Myanmar military launched a coup d’état on February 1, 2021, the Myanmar junta has committed widespread and systematic torture of civilians, while producing tens of thousands of refugees, many of whom have sought protection in Thailand. In March 2022, Fortify Rights and the Schell Center for International Human Rights at Yale Law School published a 193-page report, “Nowhere is Safe”: The Myanmar Junta’s Crimes Against Humanity Following the Coup d’État, documenting evidence that the Myanmar junta is responsible for committing widespread and systematic torture and enforced disappearances. The report includes firsthand testimony from survivors and eyewitnesses of torture and analyzes additional evidence, including video footage of torture. The Myanmar junta—including the military and police—has employed torture by violently beating detainees all over their bodies, resulting in broken bones; shooting civilians with rubber bullets at extremely close range; whipping people with wires and cables; depriving detainees of food, water, and sleep; forcing detainees to maintain “stress positions” and forcing people to sit on chairs for several days; and by committing sexual assaults and issuing threats of rape. The junta’s arbitrary arrests accompanied by beatings in the streets also constitute torture. For several consecutive years, Fortify Rights has documented the forced return of refugees from Thailand, including the destruction of a cross-border footbridge used by Myanmar refugees fleeing deadly attacks in eastern Myanmar in March 2022. In May 2021, a Thai provincial official also confirmed to Fortify Rights that Thai authorities returned to Myanmar at least 2,000 refugees in line with a government order. Fortify Rights also documented pushbacks of boats carrying passengers believed to be Rohingya refugees by Thai authorities, under Thailand’s controversial “help-on” or “push-back” policy. According to credible sources, more recently, on September 30, 2022, Thai authorities pushed back a group of Karen refugees into Myanmar, where they face the risk of shelling, airstrikes, and other human rights violations, including torture and enforced disappearance. Fortify Rights is currently investigating the matter. All of the aforementioned push-backs by Thai authorities would be unlawful under the new domestic law, said Fortify Rights. Although Thailand has been a State Party to the U.N. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) since 2007, Thailand’s new anti-torture law is the country’s first significant attempt to bring its domestic laws in line with its international legal commitments. Thailand has not acceded to the 1951 U.N. Refugee Convention nor its Protocol. However, Thailand is obligated to uphold the principle of non-refoulement under customary international law. The Thai government has also repeatedly committed to protect refugees, including by adopting the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration and endorsing the Global Compact on Refugees during the U.N. General Assembly in December 2018. Furthermore, on December 24, 2019, the Thai Cabinet approved regulations to establish a National Screening Mechanism to identify and potentially protect refugees. However, the mechanism is yet to be implemented and concerns remain on whether the mechanism will comply with international human rights standards. As of September 30, 2022, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Thailand recorded at least 91,000 camp-based Myanmar refugees, most of whom are protracted refugees from Myanmar living along the Thailand-Myanmar border, and another 4,800 refugees from over 50 countries living outside the border camps. However, many more refugees, including new refugees fleeing persecution and violence in Myanmar after the attempted coup on February 1, 2022, are unaccounted for given the lack of a formal system to register or recognize refugees in Thailand. UNHCR estimates that more than 70,000 refugees have fled from Myanmar to neighboring countries since the coup. “This anti-torture law is a welcome step, and Thai authorities must now ensure its effective implementation by halting forced returns,” said Amy Smith. “Thai authorities should work with civil society organizations and UNHCR to protect refugees.”..."
Source/publisher: "Fortify Rights"
2022-10-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-28
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Description: "Decades of experience: For over three decades, Karen community based organisations (CBOs), together with departments of the Karen National Union (KNU), have been providing humanitarian aid to villagers in southeast Burma suffering displacement and food insecurity due to Burma Army offensives, persecution and destruction of farms and rice stocks. The aid has been delivered through our own long-established mechanisms, systematically developed to maximize effectiveness while ensuring accountability to donors. Based at the border for security and logistical reasons, these systems have been able to deliver significant amounts of assistance, allowing hundreds of thousands of people to remain living inside Burma instead of becoming refugees. From 1992 to 2020, border-based Karen organisations assisted over 1.7 million vulnerable persons living in Burma with over US$ 32 million of aid, mainly for rice. This aid has been delivered directly to the beneficiaries without any financial, military or political benefits going to Burma’s military governments since these programs began. Instead of fueling centralization, this border based assistance has helped develop locally governed aid structures as building blocks for a new federal democratic Burma..."
Source/publisher: Karen Peace Support Network
2022-10-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-27
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Sub-title: This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Shabia Mantoo – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today's press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.
Description: "UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is seriously concerned over the continued deportation by Malaysia of asylum-seekers from Myanmar back to their country, placing lives at risk. UNHCR has received multiple disturbing reports of these forced returns of Myanmar nationals from Malaysia, since April this year, including people seeking international protection. In the last two months alone, hundreds of Myanmar nationals are reported to have been sent back against their will by the authorities. Such deportations of refugees and asylum-seekers amount to refoulement. The latest incident is reported to have happened over the weekend. According to information received by UNHCR, an asylum-seeker from Myanmar was deported on 21 October from detention despite UNHCR interventions. UNHCR continues to call on Malaysia to immediately stop the forced returns of Myanmar nationals seeking safety from serious harm. Sending them back to Myanmar exposes them to harm and danger. People fleeing Myanmar must be allowed access to territory to seek asylum and be protected against refoulement. Myanmar nationals already abroad should not be forced to return when seeking international protection. The principle of non-refoulement is a cornerstone of international law and is binding on all states. The situation in Myanmar is forcing people to flee to seek safety within the country and across borders. UNHCR appeals to the Malaysian authorities to abide by their international legal obligations and ensure the full respect for the rights of people in need of international protection. We reiterate our call on states in the region to continue offering protection to Myanmar nationals fleeing for safety. This also includes ending the practice of indefinite detention of asylum-seekers and refugees from Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva)
2022-10-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-25
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Description: "The Malaysian government must immediately halt all forced deportations of people from Myanmar and ensure they are given the opportunity to claim asylum, Amnesty International urged today. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) should also be given access to all persons in immigration detention centres, including women, children, and men from Myanmar who are held there. People who wish to seek asylum must be released from detention. Since the beginning of October, over 150 Myanmar nationals have reportedly been deported from Malaysia, in cooperation with the Myanmar military authorities. Given the grave human rights situation in Myanmar, those who are forcibly deported are at risk of persecution, torture, arbitrary detention and ill-treatment. On 19 October, news reports stated that Malaysia had deported over 150 Myanmar nationals since the beginning of the month. Amnesty International is concerned that more people may be forcibly deported in the coming weeks and months. The Malaysian government has continued to forcibly deport people to Myanmar in spite of the insecure situation resulting from the coup in February 2021 as part of an agreement with the military authorities responsible for the takeover in the country. Amnesty International has documented ongoing and serious human rights violations in Myanmar since the 2021 coup. The organization recently published compelling evidence of torture at the hands of the Myanmar military to extract information as well as appalling conditions inside prisons and interrogation centres there. The Myanmar military regularly arrests people for expressing dissent and subjects detainees to torture in detention. In eastern Myanmar, Amnesty International documented war crimes and possible crimes against humanity committed by the military. Tom Andrews, the United Nations special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, said in September that conditions have gone from “bad to worse to horrific” since the military seized power last year. More than 2,300 people have been killed since the coup and thousands arrested, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a local civil society group monitoring human rights violations. Efforts to restore peace, such as the ASEAN five-point consensus plan, have also failed, as Malaysia’s Foreign Minster Saifuddin Abdullah recently acknowledged. Forced deportations of people from Myanmar without the option to seek asylum directly contradicts recent pronouncements by the Foreign Minister, who has been critical of the military authorities. Malaysia, as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, should refrain from actions violating international human rights law, including the right to seek asylum. The government must stop forcibly deporting asylum seekers – including dissidents or any other opponents of the Myanmar military, and others facing persecution if they were to be returned. Amnesty International considers all individuals subjected to indefinite detention for immigration purposes to be victims of forced deportation if they are returned to Myanmar. The organisation considers that forcibly deporting anyone from Myanmar under the current conditions to be refoulement – when a government deports people to a country in which they would likely face human rights violations – which contravenes customary international law. Amnesty International calls on the government to respect human rights and international law and halt any plans to forcibly send people from Myanmar back to a violent and dangerous situation. People who are unable or unwilling to return to Myanmar should be allowed to remain safely in Malaysia without risk of refoulement, and be able to regularize their stay either through extension of their work permits and other visas or access to asylum proceedings, and should be able to enjoy their rights. No one should be forcibly returned to Myanmar for any reason due to the current brutal conditions in the country. Amnesty International remains concerned by the arbitrary and indefinite immigration detention of people in Malaysia, including those from Myanmar who are being held indefinitely around the country. The organization calls for immediate access to detention facilities for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. Those who wish to make asylum claims should be released, and the government should work together with UNHCR to end the system of indefinite detention..."
Source/publisher: "Amnesty International" (UK)
2022-10-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-10-21
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Description: "Today, the United States, through the U.S. Agency for International Development and the U.S. State Department, announced more than $170 million in additional humanitarian assistance for vulnerable populations in Burma and Bangladesh, including support for Rohingya who remain in Burma, Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, their generous Bangladeshi host communities, and other communities affected by the 2021 coup in Burma and the escalating conflict and repression that has followed. This additional funding brings the total U.S. humanitarian assistance for these populations to nearly $1.9 billion since it began in August 2017. With this new funding, the United States will provide food and nutrition assistance, health care, shelter, safe drinking water, sanitation, and hygiene support, protection for the most vulnerable, and other critical support for relief operations in Burma and Bangladesh. This support includes assistance to Rohingya refugees sheltering in camps and affected host communities in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar District, as well as internally displaced persons across Burma affected by ongoing violence. The United States remains committed to delivering assistance to crisis-affected communities in Burma and Bangladesh, but much more is needed. We urge other donors to join us in providing additional assistance to vulnerable populations in both countries..."
Source/publisher: United States Agency for International Development (Washington, D.C.)
2022-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-22
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Description: "“The painful situation that I see our children in pushes me to work even harder,” said Shar Myar, * a humanitarian worker with an international organisation working in Myanmar. Since the military takeover in Myanmar on 1 February 2021, hundreds of children have been abducted, recruited into armies, arrested, and killed by landmines or artillery. Many have no access to basic social services, and millions need humanitarian assistance. Yet international agencies are staying on the ground, working with national organizations to deliver much-needed assistance. Shar Myar, who is from Myanmar and whose job is to monitor and report incidents of grave violations against children and link the children and families with response and support services, recently helped secure the release of two abducted children. As they have done for thousands of other children, her organisation supported them with health care, food, cash support and mental health counselling. Yet other cases end tragically. Shar Myar mentioned the case of four abducted boys, who were found dead in a pit latrine. “I can’t even find the words to express how I felt,” she said. The military takeover came on top of the devastating impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and exacerbated protracted conflicts already ongoing in many parts of the country. About 14.4 million people are now in need of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar in a country of about 55 million, according to UN data. Moreover, most states and regions are contaminated with landmines, making Myanmar one of the world’s most mine-affected countries. Finding ways to cope Most aid workers in Myanmar have been personally affected. While on a short stay in her home state of Kayah, Shar Myar had to flee with her family. She now lives with seven members of her extended family in Yangon, in a small apartment. She has recently learned her family’s house in Kayah was burnt down. Kyaw Moe*, who works for another humanitarian organisation in Shan State, was in the office when he heard about the sudden military takeover. “It reminded me of the past,” he said. “I was scared for my country. I was so depressed that for the first week I found it difficult to get out of bed.” Another humanitarian worker, Aung Tun*, said that talking with children and families since the military takeover has been challenging. “I found it traumatising. I couldn’t sleep,” he said. “But I had to toughen up.” Aung Tun said he practises meditation and encourages his friends, particularly his male friends who are not used to seeking mental health support, to ask for help. New ways of operation Most aid and civil society organisations have had to find innovative ways to help affected people. Many staff of Myanmar origin find it hard to believe how the nature of their work has changed so quickly. Kyaw Moe used to work with the government. Now, much of his work is managing humanitarian assistance and addressing human rights violations, including organizing legal aid support. Security challenges and restricted access have hampered the provision of humanitarian assistance. However, this year, some humanitarian access has been granted, particularly to provide supplies and services for children and families living in towns. Aung Tun recently visited Kachin State, bordering China. Young people there - most of whom had to drop out of school or university – now take part in activities, including vocational training. While Aung Tun witnessed the positive impact of the activities, he also felt the pain that the young people had experienced. “They are only a few years younger than me,” he said. “They feel their future has been thrown away. I could see it in their eyes.” And Aung Tun talked on behalf of all humanitarian workers when he said, “The world shouldn’t forget Myanmar.”..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Myanmar
2022-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-19
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Description: "Yangon – On World Humanitarian Day 2022, I want to pay tribute to the dedicated aid workers of Myanmar who are risking their lives to deliver vital assistance to communities in need every day, and also remember those who have died or been injured in the course of their work. I want to use this occasion to call for an end to the unrelenting violence that is terrifying communities and making these brave humanitarian efforts necessary. Civilians should never be a target and humanitarian workers in Myanmar must be allowed to do their jobs free from restrictions and harassment, in line with all the protections afforded to them under international law. It takes a “humanitarian village” to help a community in crisis and the UN, International NGOs and the Red Cross family stand in solidarity with the growing network of local responders who have stepped up to help their own communities and are now the backbone of the Myanmar response. I applaud their tireless commitment to finding new ways of reducing suffering in the face of daily horrors. Never has this work been more important with conflict raging, 1.2 million people now displaced, and poverty and inflation surging. A massive national effort is underway to reach more than 6 million crisis-affected people with assistance before the end of the year and we are half-way to this annual goal despite severe access constraints. The humanitarian community has stayed and delivered, working with local partners to expand our operations on an unprecedented scale. With generous funding from donors, local, national and international humanitarian organizations reached more than 3 million people with assistance in the first half of 2022, but there is still a long way to go. This effort will require improved access to people in need, relief from debilitating bureaucratic constraints and a dramatic scale-up in donor support. Expanded humanitarian access, especially to conflict-affected areas, is vital and negotiations to secure this access should never be politicized or made transactional. The 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan is just 17 per cent funded, 8 months into the year. More resources are desperately needed for us to continue our life-saving work and avoid heart-wrenching decisions about who we cannot help. On World Humanitarian Day, we urge the international donor community to again step-up in these difficult times and give generously in solidarity with the people of Myanmar, supporting the country’s “humanitarian village” to save lives and reduce suffering. Background On 19 August 2003, a bomb attack on the Canal Hotel in Baghdad, Iraq, killed 22 humanitarian aid workers, including the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Iraq, Sergio Vieira de Mello. Five years later, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution designating 19 August as World Humanitarian Day. Each year, World Humanitarian Day focuses on a theme, bringing together partners from across the humanitarian system to advocate for the survival, well-being and dignity of people affected by crises, and for the safety and security of aid workers. For this year’s World Humanitarian Day theme is ‘It takes a village’ emphasizing the global collective effort required by the entire humanitarian community from local volunteers through to UN agencies to protect and assist millions of people every day..."
Source/publisher: UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Myanmar via United Nations Myanmar
2022-08-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-19
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Description: "The recent execution of four Myanmar democracy activists further shows the military junta regime’s willingness to use brutality to remain in power, as well as the continued dismantling of the rule of law and shrinking civic space—all contributing to the dire humanitarian situation across the country. Since the 2021 coup, the international community, alongside local partners, continues to deliver assistance in Myanmar. This has been the case amidst escalating humanitarian needs and access impediments, serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, and the combined impacts of the socio-economic crisis, COVID-19, and armed conflict on civilians. We call on the United Nations and relevant international institutions to take the necessary measures to: Protect and restore human rights, fundamental freedoms, and dignity of civilians. Guarantee that all people in need across Myanmar have unfettered and sustained access to urgent lifesaving assistance delivered through diverse aid modalities. Ensure the de facto authorities and other parties to the conflict abide by International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law and cease indiscriminate attacks against civilians, including on aid workers, facilities, and assets. InterAction stands with the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for freedom and democracy..."
Source/publisher: InterAction
2022-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-04
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Description: "JAKARTA – The Myanmar people are not receiving the humanitarian assistance they need as the crisis triggered by the coup d’état of February last year worsens, parliamentarians from seven different countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe have denounced, ahead of the fourth public oral hearing of their International Parliamentary Inquiry (IPI) on the global response to the crisis in Myanmar, to be held today, 20 July. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) puts at over 750,000 the number of people displaced by the violence perpetrated by the Myanmar military in order to cement their power since the takeover, bringing the total for the country the record number of over 1 million. Experts audited by the IPI in previous oral hearings have described a rapidly deteriorating situation, marked by a worsening economic crisis, an almost complete collapse of the health system and the systematic targeting of the civilian population by the military. “Time is rapidly running out to prevent the worst-case scenario for millions of people in Myanmar. But instead of increased attention to the situation, we are seeing the opposite: less engagement by regional and international actors, less efforts to lead the junta to the negotiation table, and a unconscionable shortfall of almost 90 percent of funding for the humanitarian needs of the country in 2022. Inaction must end now,” said Heidi Hautala, IPI Committee Chair and Vice-President of the European Parliament. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), as of June 2022, only 11 percent of the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) for Myanmar has been funded, “negatively affecting the breadth and quality of assistance delivered by humanitarians.” “The utter failure of ASEAN’s 5-Point Consensus should be clear to all, yet there has been no effort made to change course. Meanwhile, the international community continues to ignore evidence indicating that a primary reliance on ASEAN has not and will not result in an alleviation of the plight of the Myanmar people. Reliance on ASEAN is not a strategy, but rather a disingenuous deflection of responsibility by international actors which must stop in order for solutions to the humanitarian crisis to be found,” said Charles Santiago, IPI Committee Member, Malaysian MP, and Chair of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR). To address these and other issues, the IPI will hold its fourth hearing on the global response to the crisis in Myanmar on July 20, at 6 pm (Bangkok time), via Zoom..."
Source/publisher: ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
2022-07-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-20
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Description: "Introduction Nearly a year and a half since the military junta’s coup in Myanmar, the country remains caught in a crisis of conflict, mass forced displacement, and growing humanitarian needs. Fighting among the junta’s forces and multiple opposition groups has affected nearly every part of the country. The military junta has committed widespread atrocities and blocked international humanitarian groups from delivering aid to areas that desperately need it. The United States and other countries must pressure the junta to end its abuses and to allow aid to be delivered. In the meantime, delivery of international aid through Myanmar’s neighbors, particularly through local groups active along the Thai-Myanmar border, presents an underutilized path for getting assistance to those in need. More than 1 million people are now displaced in Myanmar, 750,000 of whom were forced to flee their homes since the coup. A quarter of the country’s population – an estimated 14 million people – needs humanitarian assistance, as the military junta continues to restrict or outright block access to aid. The most intense fighting in recent months has occurred in northwestern Myanmar’s Chin, Sagaing, and Magway states and in Karen and Karenni states in the southeast, bordering Thailand. This report focuses on the latter area, both as one of the main areas facing widespread displacement and humanitarian crisis, and as the one with the most immediate potential for mitigating human suffering. It explores the challenges facing populations living along the Thai-Myanmar border and the role long-established local civil society and community-based organizations (CSOs and CBOs) along the border can play in addressing humanitarian needs. The report is informed by a research trip to the area in late May 2022, during which Refugees International interviewed dozens of UN actors, international NGOs, local organizations, and refugees recently arrived from inside Myanmar. Currently, Thailand is restricting cross-border aid, and the Myanmar military junta’s control of main roads and tough terrain limit how much and how far informal aid can reach into Myanmar. However, informal aid is providing a vital lifeline for hundreds of thousands of people in need. Indigenous community networks across a porous 1,500-mile border provide numerous entry points for further informal aid delivery. Increased engagement by the United States and like-minded countries with Thailand, along with donor support for the already active local networks, could enable aid to reach tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, more people in need. The international community must also continue to press the military to allow aid access for UN agencies and other humanitarian actors within the country, where the majority of those in need can best be reached. But since the junta denies aid to those deemed enemies, it should not be directly involved in aid delivery. UN agencies and donor countries must monitor aid delivery to ensure it is done impartially, equitably, and on a needs-basis. Displacement in Myanmar. Credit: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Addressing the broader humanitarian fallout of the coup will require an array of efforts, including holding the military accountable for its actions. The United States and allies, including Myanmar’s neighbors, must push the junta through further coordinated sanctions, including on military-owned oil and gas companies, an arms embargo, and accountability measures. But equally important, in the interim, will be finding ways to deliver humanitarian aid to the Myanmar people. Myanmar’s neighbors should work with local actors and the humanitarian and health agencies of ethnic organizations to facilitate aid to areas accessible across borders. Neighboring countries must also ensure the safety and support of people fleeing from Myanmar by not pressuring them to return home and by allowing UN agencies and local and international NGOs to access newly arrived refugees. The United States and other countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. Addressing the causes of the crisis and reaching affected populations requires ongoing broader efforts by the United States, Myanmar’s regional neighbors, and other allies to pressure and engage the junta. But the local networks along the Thai-Myanmar border offer the most readily available path to mitigating humanitarian suffering in the country. Research Overview This report focuses on the Thai-Myanmar border area. It first addresses the current conditions inside areas of Myanmar bordering Thailand. Next it explores barriers and opportunities for the provision of humanitarian assistance and protection to those reachable along the border. It then examines protection concerns for people from Myanmar who have sought refuge in Thailand and the conditions in long-established camps on the Thai side of the border where 90,000 refugees still live. The report is based on visits in late May 2022 to Mae Sot, Mae Sariang, Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai, and Bangkok. Background On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar military, led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, refused to accept the latest election results and launched a coup. A military junta arrested de facto civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and hundreds of other political leaders. In response, everyday citizens protested en masse, initially peacefully. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) included boycotts of military products and walk-outs and strikes by civil servants, doctors, teachers, and others. While the junta formed a State Administrative Council (SAC) chaired by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, elected officials, whom the military had removed from government, joined with the leaders of ethnic-based opposition groups to form a National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and a National Unity Government (NUG)—a government in exile. Following a brutal response and crackdown by the SAC military, people around the country formed civilian militias or People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and several long-established Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) ended long-standing ceasefires. This led to fighting between the SAC military and EAOs and PDFs in nearly all parts of the country. The fighting continues today, often marked by SAC military attacks on civilians and wholesale destruction of villages. At the time of this report, the military junta’s forces had detained more than 14,000 people, killed at least 2,000 civilians, and committed numerous atrocities. Some PDFs have also targeted civilians seen as military sympathizers and fighting has killed thousands more armed actors on both sides. Neither the SAC military nor the opposition seem able to win outright in the short to intermediate term, meaning that fighting is likely to continue for some time. As detailed in an earlier Refugees International report, the humanitarian fallout from the coup has been immense. More than 750,000 people have been forcibly displaced from their homes since the coup began. In the first months following the coup, the estimated number of people in need tripled from 1 million to 3 million. Violence, displacement, the COVID-19 pandemic, and economic mismanagement have caused that number to skyrocket to an estimated 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in 2022. In addition, the coup has made the prospect of return for the 1 million Rohingya refugees living in dire conditions in Bangladesh – most of whom fled genocidal attacks by the Myanmar military in 2017 – even less likely. The highest levels of displacement and need exist in areas facing the most intense fighting in the northwest and southeast. The junta’s forces have burned thousands of homes in the northwest and fighting and airstrikes have caused more than 500,000 people to flee their homes according to the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). This includes tens of thousands of people who have fled across the border into India, more than 330,000 people who have been displaced in Sagaing, and another 90,000 in Magway and Chin states. In the southeast, more than 240,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, many displaced multiple times. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke report that these UN estimates are conservative and that 170,000 people have been displaced in Karen state alone with an equal number displaced in Karenni state, roughly two-thirds of the population there. Thousands more people have fled across the border into Thailand for limited periods of time. Even as displacement and humanitarian needs grow, barriers to aid delivery have increased. Part of this is due to fighting and insecurity, but in many instances the military junta has either directly or indirectly blocked the delivery of aid. In several documented cases, the military has seized or destroyed aid or attacked humanitarian workers. Physicians for Human Rights reported more than 415 attacks and threats on health workers and health infrastructure during the first year since the coup. In December 2021, two humanitarian workers with Save the Children were among at least 35 people, including women and children, killed in a Myanmar military attack. Military bombardments and use of land mines by both military and opposition forces have also prevented farmers from planting crops. UN agencies and international non-government organizations (INGOs) still operating in Myanmar have consistently reported delayed travel authorizations from the junta, and INGOs with whom Refugees International spoke have cited banking restrictions as significant challenges. Increased costs of transporting and purchasing aid materials have further exacerbated the challenges. These are due in part to global trends (including the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on commodity prices) and in part to the junta’s own economic mismanagement. Challenges with Humanitarian Access From within Myanmar, UN agencies and INGOs have been able to deliver some aid to SAC military-controlled areas and to a few opposition-held areas, largely through local civil society partners. UN OCHA reports that humanitarian actors provided assistance to 2.6 million people in the first quarter of 2022, but that is just 41 percent of those targeted to receive aid under the latest humanitarian response plan. The vast majority of those provided with aid were in urban areas, meaning that only a small portion of those in rural and conflict-affected communities received any aid. UN efforts have also led to some short-term access to non-military-controlled areas in need. For example, OCHA reports that concerted advocacy efforts helped to secure the first UN access to Karenni State in April 2022, after which the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) was able to deliver core relief items to 53,000 individuals, and OCHA further reports that the World Food Program (WFP) has begun distributing relief food assistance to up to 80,000 internally displaced people (IDPs). Expanding access to this aid will require further advocacy since significant barriers to delivery remain. Efforts to expand aid have been discussed within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regional block. Humanitarian aid is a key part of the block’s Five-Point Consensus on addressing the crisis in Myanmar. The ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management and a Myanmar Task Force that includes the military junta are planning to conduct humanitarian needs assessments. But regional CSOs have raised serious concerns about the junta’s involvement, the failure to include the NUG and other opposition groups, and the real risks of aid being weaponized through junta denials of access to certain areas. Any UN or ASEAN efforts to work through or around the junta to deliver aid will be fraught with questions of misuse and unequal allocation. To address these challenges will require the involvement of credible third parties, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or UNHCR, and delivery of aid impartially and according to needs, ideally through local groups unaffiliated with the military. Despite these obstacles, efforts by the UN and the regional block to get the military to allow impartial and independent delivery of aid by third parties must continue, especially since cross-border aid will not reach the majority of those in need. In the meantime, there are a significant number of people living along Myanmar’s border who could be accessed with cross-border aid. This includes the potential delivery of aid from Bangladesh, China, and India, but most readily in the short term from Thailand. Conditions and Humanitarian Needs in Karen and Karenni States Refugees International spoke with several people who were or who had recently been inside of Karen and Karenni states and who have been working directly to assist IDPs—and many of our interlocutors were IDPs themselves. They described widespread displacement from villages, children hiding in the jungle in caves and trenches, and constant fear of airstrikes or artillery fire. As one Karenni CBO representative described to Refugees International, “there’s no safe place in Karenni state. If you stay in the village, you risk bombs. But if you flee too far, it is tough to get aid.” Similarly, a Karen woman who recently returned from assisting IDPs in Karen state summarized the conditions by saying, “This is not a way we can survive for long.” Since the coup, Karen and Karenni states have seen some of the most intense levels of fighting, displacement, and humanitarian need in the country. As reported by Thai-based human rights group Altsean-Burma, Karenni state has seen by far the most attacks per capita in the country. Since the coup, many CDM protestors have fled to non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen and Karenni states. Long-standing EAO’s in Karen and Karenni states, particularly the Karen National Union (KNU) and its Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its Karenni Army (KA) wing provided refuge to those fleeing the military crackdown and soon engaged in fighting with the SAC military themselves. Both of these groups have resisted the military for decades but signed a ceasefire with the military in 2012 as a period of democratic reforms was beginning. The ceasefires lasted until the coup in 2021. PDFs also sought refuge in these territories and have engaged SAC forces both independently and alongside EAOs. The EAOs have controlled large rural areas in both states and have at times seized various SAC military outposts. But junta forces have largely controlled main roads and urban areas and responded to resistance with aerial attacks and shelling, often of civilian areas. Fighting between the SAC military and these groups has intensified in several areas of both Karen and Karenni state since April 2022. The SAC military has turned to regular aerial bombardments from fighter jets and intense shelling. For example, on May 19, during Refugees International’s visit, 28 airstrikes were reported by local media and a local human rights group near the Thai-Myanmar border. The effect on the battlefield has been mixed, but the impact on the civilian population has been devastating. One woman who leads a local community-based organization described people hiding in the jungle at night, not using lights for fear of drawing the attention of bombers and being fearful of falling asleep. She told Refugees International that she is afraid to check her text messages at night, because too often they bring news of another injury or death. “There’s too much killing,” she told the Refugees International team, “It’s unforgettable, unforgiveable.” Others described the SAC military forcing civilians to carry their supplies or using them as human shields. Local groups also reported the use of land mines by the SAC and opposition forces alike. Reports from those who had been inside Karen and Karenni state were largely in line with the reports of atrocities documented by Amnesty International, described as “war crimes and likely crimes against humanity.” The result of these serious human rights abuses, airstrikes, and general fighting has been widespread and often repeated displacement of civilians in both Karen and Karenni states. Some villages and localities have been completely or nearly completely abandoned. Spillover from fighting in Karenni state has also added to the numbers of people displaced in Shan, another state bordering Thailand, which is housing an estimated 56,600 IDPs, including several thousand in close proximity to the border and only accessible through cross-border aid. Those displaced in each of these states in Myanmar face similar needs for food and shelter, particularly as the rainy season started early in 2022 and has continued. The rainy season also increases the need for mosquito nets and medicines. The trauma of flight from people’s homes and the constant threat of bombardments have also given rise to an acute need for psycho-social support. Educating children is difficult. CDM teachers have set up schools in the jungle but need supplies like pens and pencils, according to one CBO representative. Local groups are organizing educational activities and even building new makeshift structures to serve as schools. But resources are limited, and the risk of attacks looms ever-present. Cross-border Aid as a Lifeline For those living in non-SAC military-controlled areas in Karen, Karenni, and southern Shan states, unofficial aid provided by local civil society organizations with links to Thailand has been a vital lifeline. While Thailand does not officially sanction such aid, long established local cross-border networks have gotten significant amounts of aid across. Those involved include small ad hoc community groups of Myanmar migrants and concerned Thai citizens, long-established ethnic community-based organizations, and international NGOs that have worked to aid IDPs and refugees on both sides of the border. Many of these groups have been operating since the early 1990s, when tens of thousands of refugees fled across the border and have continued working with the remaining 90,000 Myanmar refugees in camps in Thailand or with IDPs in Myanmar. These groups have close and long-established links with the humanitarian and health wings of EAOs that control land across the border and with local leaders on both sides of the border. Their track record has built up significant trust among local ethnic groups making IDPs more willing to walk long distances to receive it. This stands in sharp contrast to the high levels of distrust of the SAC military and any aid it might deliver. While exact estimates of aid delivered are difficult to ascertain given the complex and unofficial operating environment, Refugees International’s discussions with dozens of CSO and CBO representatives suggest that more than $10 million worth of aid from across the border has reached up to a million people in need since the coup. Much of this has come in the form of cash transfers through both official and unofficial money transferring networks, allowing humanitarian actors to buy needed supplies in Myanmar, even far from the border. Other in-kind assistance is delivered via boats or trucks across bridges and includes food, non-food items, temporary shelter, water filtration units, and medical supplies. At least one CBO focused on the needs of women and girls has also been able to get dignity kits across the border. Other smaller scale, one-off efforts to provide aid include delivery of home-cooked meals to people fleeing air strikes. With the array of actors providing ad hoc aid, coordination issues are a concern. Refugees International heard some reports of duplication of aid efforts or delivery of unneeded items (e.g. sweaters at the height of summer). But the larger CBOs are communicating regularly and EAO humanitarian entities are playing a leading role in assessing needs and assuring aid gets to the right people without duplication. As one long-time humanitarian actor put it, “At the end of the day, needs exceed response capacity. It’s not about duplication. On the list of things to be worried about, not a priority.” It is also difficult to estimate how much this aid could be scaled up and how many people it could ultimately reach, given security and terrain barriers. The SAC military controls most main roads and the landscape along the border is made up of hills and jungles. But Refugees International’s discussions indicate that there is much more that can be done to support such efforts and at least hundreds of thousands more people who could be reached. Addressing Barriers to Cross-border Aid There are four main limitations to delivering aid across the border from Thailand, each of which can be mitigated to varying extent. These are: (1) Thai restrictions reflecting junta pressure; (2) SAC military control of roads and banks; (3) difficult terrain; and (4) lack of sufficient funding. The first, most obvious barrier is the refusal of the SAC and, by extension, Thailand to officially allow aid into the country. With a 1,500-mile border with Myanmar, Thailand is concerned with its relationship with the SAC and is seeking to balance economic and security interests. Part of this balance has been to withhold any official approval of cross-border aid and crackdown on it to varying extents. But local groups have been able to find indirect ways to deliver aid, often via boat across the border river or in limited quantities within vehicles. The second main barrier is the fact that the SAC military controls most main roads and restricts cash transfers via banks. But alternative roads and paths are available and used by local groups to deliver aid beyond the main roads. Local groups use informal cash transfer networks like the hundi system, a trust-based practice originating in India and long-established in Myanmar, in which local agents transfer sums of money on behalf of friends, relatives, or other agents without legal protection or supervision. The third limitation is navigating the difficult hilly jungle terrain along the border. However, the ceasefire era enabled an expansion of roads in EAO administered areas. Moreover, the SAC military’s area of influence in rural areas has decreased since the coup. Local groups use motorbikes, horses and donkeys, or backpacks to transport aid beyond the immediate border area. The largest and most consistent barrier to aid delivery cited by CBOs was deficiency of humanitarian funding. Local CBOs have the networks and modalities for getting more aid across but not the funds to reach many more people in need. While a few governments are supporting local groups involved in aid efforts, donor countries should step up support for these underutilized and low-profile mechanisms. International donors should also engage the NUG and the humanitarian wings of EAOs to better assess needs and ensure coordination of aid delivery. Donors must also recognize the complex dynamics and greater risks local groups face in delivering aid and be appropriately flexible with their reporting requirements. Groups with which Refugees International spoke often complained about too frequent and onerous of reporting schedules, impractical demands for receipts, and unrealistic procurement protocols. For example, one group cited being required to show quotes from three different suppliers in an environment where just one was realistically available. These requirements have been so onerous that some groups said they have foregone significant amounts of potential funding. The potential for further provision of aid through experienced networks is abundant. Groups like The Border Consortium have been coordinating and providing aid to some 90,000 refugees who have remained in camps in Thailand for the past three decades. Ethnic-based organizations like the Karen Women’s Organization and Karenni National Women’s Organization have networks and experience working to promote protection of women and girls on both sides of the border. Similarly, members of the Karenni Civil Society Network, Karen Peace Support Network, and Shan State Refugee Committee have the networks and experience to assess needs and facilitate the delivery of aid through their member agencies. Ethnic health organizations are well placed to promote access to basic health care, clean water, and nutrition. And human rights groups like the Karen Human Rights Group, Karenni Human Rights Group, and Shan Human Rights Foundation have the ability to document abuses and monitor aid to ensure that it is protection sensitive. Protection for Myanmar Refugees in Thailand In addition to the hundreds of thousands of people displaced in Myanmar’s states bordering Thailand, there have been thousands of people who have crossed the border from Myanmar to seek refuge in Thailand since the start of the coup. They fall largely into two groups: people who have been internally displaced in bordering states and seek temporary refuge in Thailand and CDM protestors and high-profile individuals seeking longer-term refuge, whether in Thailand or third countries. Those in the first group have crossed into Thailand at different times when fighting and airstrikes have been particularly intense and close to the border, though usually for only a matter of days. Thai authorities have said that they will respect their international obligation of non-refoulement and not force refugees to return, but there are consistent reports of Thai authorities pressuring them to return. This is consistent with what Thai authorities have done in the past. During earlier battles between the Myanmar military and EAOs, the Thai authorities allowed people to take refuge in Thailand only while fighting was active and expected them to return to Myanmar once it had paused. But the intensity and frequency of battles and extent of displacement are much greater today, increasing concerns of extensive refoulement. In March 2021, an estimated 3,000 Karen people fled airstrikes into Thailand. Another 8,000 people fled artillery and air attacks in Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state into Thailand in December 2021. As of February 2022, the Thai government estimated that 17,000 Myanmar refugees had crossed into Thailand since the coup. And UNHCR reports that 3,000 others have crossed the border from Karenni State since March 2022, though only 246 refugees remain. According to UNHCR, those remaining face extensive humanitarian needs including access to safe drinking water, medicine, and sanitation facilities. In the first weeks following the coup, Thailand worked with UN agencies to develop contingency plans for large numbers of refugees fleeing into Thailand. This included the establishment of Temporary Safety Areas (TSAs) that were to be overseen by civilian federal and local authorities. But the initial contingency planning exercises were not implemented once refugees began coming across the border in large numbers. Since then, areas established to temporarily shelter refugees have been overseen by the Thai military, which has refused international support. Conditions at the sites are deplorable. One site, established after a bout of bombing and displacement in December 2021, is called the cowshed since that was its previous use. Thai authorities did allow local community organizations and volunteers to deliver and distribute pre-cooked meals, tarps, and a few other non-food items. But the site was not fit for human habitation, and Thai authorities declined offers of international support. Refugees International saw video footage of overcrowded accommodations that lacked the most basic necessities. As one CBO representative who visited the location at the time told Refugees International, the displaced people there “need more than a cow farm along the river. They need systematic protection.” He warned of serious risks to women and girls amid a lack of privacy and sufficient toilets. The Thai government should give UNHCR and local and international NGOs access to these TSAs to provide critical nutrition, sanitation, health, and protection services, including the establishment of women friendly spaces and referral pathways. Thai authorities must also live up to their commitments to non-refoulement and refrain from pressuring people fleeing violence in Myanmar from returning before it is safe to do so. UNHCR and local and international NGOs should also be included in contingency planning for possible further numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand as the fighting in Myanmar shows little sign of subsiding in the near term. Asylum Seekers from Myanmar in Thailand People seeking longer-term refuge in Thailand and beyond are higher-profile individuals or those who have taken part in CDM protests. This group includes doctors, teachers, students, celebrities, politicians, and military-defectors who fear they will be targeted for persecution by the junta and are now seeking a safe haven in Thailand or longer-term refugee resettlement in third countries. Local groups with whom Refugees International spoke estimated, conservatively, that around 2,000 to 4,000 asylum seekers are staying in and around the town of Mae Sot. When areas in Thailand beyond Mae Sot are included, those estimates reach as many as 30,000 asylum seekers. Such numbers are difficult to determine with any certainty as Thai authorities do not provide any form of refugee registration nor allow UNHCR to carry out registrations. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with a group of teachers and students who had taken part in the CDM protests in Kachin state. They had arrived in Mae Sot a few days before. They described feeling unsafe going out in public for fear of being detained and forced to pay bribes, as well as uncertainty about how they might find jobs or continue their education. Some diaspora and local groups are supporting initial rent payments, provision of basic goods like rice and oil, and online education, but the needs are great. In Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met with a photojournalist from Mandalay who had been documenting protests and the military crack-down there. He was forced to flee to Lay Kay Kaw in Karen state, and then again following attacks in December 2021. He spent some time in an IDP site, then recently fled further fighting and arrived in Thailand after several days of trekking through the jungle, first to Mae Sot then to Mae Hong Son. He plans to return to Karen state to continue documenting the abuses of the military. In Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son, Refugees International met separately with two doctors. One had fled a government hospital in Yangon after leading CDM protests and being targeted by the junta. The other fled a hospital in Myawaddy after being targeted by the junta for assisting civilians injured following protests. Both are seeking refuge in third countries through humanitarian visas. In Mae Sot, Refugees International met with an army-defector. He fled once his family was safe and is now awaiting resettlement to Australia. All of these asylum seekers felt insecure because of their lack of official status and the constant risk of detention or demand of bribes from local police. They also expressed concerns about the lack of access to work and to education for their children. One CBO focused on women and girls expressed growing concerns with the risks of abuse and exploitation amid a lack of protection through referral pathways and safe spaces for women and girls. Another, who had worked along the border in an earlier phase of mass displacement across the border warned of signs of growing sex trafficking risks. Thailand should allow access for UNHCR and INGOs to all new arrivals and allow UNHCR to register asylum seekers and carry out refugee status determinations as it does around the world. Thai authorities could also give refugees status that provides access to livelihood opportunities. Alternatively, Thailand could carry out its own registration and identity card distribution as part of the National Screening Mechanism for refugees proposed in 2020 yet to be implemented. A registration system will both help to prevent exploitation and the threat of detention and refoulement and allow UN agencies or Thai authorities to better track who is in the country. As one CBO representative put it, those can breathe.” Registration of asylum seekers would also facilitate tracking COVID-19, distribution of vaccines, and prevention of trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and other receiving countries should also engage Thailand to facilitate resettlement of people who are fleeing due to fears of being specifically targeted for their political activities and affiliations. This will not be a solution for most of those who have fled but will have a significant impact on many individual lives. Conditions in Longer Established Refugee Camps In addition to civilians displaced by violence in Karen and Karenni states and CDM protestors and others fleeing persecution, there is a third group of people from Myanmar living on the Thai side of the border. These are the 90,000 refugees who have been living in camps since the 1990s. At the height of displacement in the early 1990s, more than 130,000 refugees fled from Myanmar into Thailand. Tens of thousands of these refugees were resettled in third countries like the United States. Many others returned to Myanmar following the democratic opening in the last decade before the coup. Today, there are nine official refugee sites in Thailand. The largest, Mae La, hosts some 34,000 refugees. Funding to these camps has dropped dramatically in recent years. In addition, measures to prevent the spread of COVID have heavily restricted the ability of these refugees to leave the camps, cutting them off from access to education and livelihood opportunities. As new populations flee violence in Myanmar, this longer-term population must not be forgotten. Thailand should work with UNHCR and INGOs operating in the camps regarding the ability to move out of the camps to access accredited education and work opportunities. Thailand, which is currently facing a need for more migrant workers, could benefit from offering migrant permits to this population. As in the past, countries like the United States should offer scholarships and resettlement slots to refugees in the camps. The Importance of International Engagement with Thailand The engagement of the United States and key allies with Thailand will be critical in creating political space for cross-border aid and protection of people from Myanmar seeking refuge in and near the border. Thailand faces a range of challenges from economic and security risks and pressure from the Myanmar junta to the risks of instability stemming from the lack of aid and formal registration for refugees. Thailand is reluctant to do anything to incentivize more refugees coming into the country, but failure to allow cross-border aid – and thus allowing conditions for people across the border to deteriorate – could do just that. Similarly, failure to register refugees makes it more difficult to monitor and prevent the spread of infectious disease or to stop trafficking and other criminal activities. The United States and allies should highlight these points and encourage Thai authorities to support cross-border aid and protection of refugees both for humanitarian reasons and for the positive impacts on stability these measures can bring. Partners should also be clear that failure to take such measures will damage bilateral relationships with Thailand. U.S. officials have raised the need for cross-border assistance and a commitment to non-refoulement on several high-level visits and Thai officials have rhetorically responded positively. U.S. Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield visited Thailand in August 2021. U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman visited in May 2021, and State Department Counselor Derek Chollet traveled to Thailand in October 2021. Thailand’s Foreign Minister expressed an openness to cross-border assistance following Chollet’s visit and, in a January 2022 meeting with the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha reaffirmed a commitment to non-refoulement. In June 2022, Chollet traveled to Thailand again. He visited areas near the border including Mae La refugee camp and met with local CSOs. A July 2022 visit to Bangkok by U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken included the Myanmar crisis on the agenda among several broader issues. In March 2022, in a letter to the Thai Foreign Minister, a group of U.S. senators raised concerns about push backs of refugees and urged the facilitation of cross-border aid. But it is not clear if concerns such as these were raised by U.S. President Joseph Biden during the U.S.-ASEAN Summit in May 2022 or by U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin in his trip to Thailand following Chollet’s visit in June 2022. Public statements coming out of those meetings indicate that defense, trade, and geo-political concerns with China dominated the conversations. Cross-border aid remains restricted, and reports of refugees being pressured to return to Myanmar continue to emerge. Sustained international engagement is essential to opening further paths to protection and provision of life-saving aid. The United States and allies should emphasize to Thailand that its official policy of restricting both aid and access to asylum exacerbates human suffering and creates challenges for local Thai authorities. A more nuanced approach of allowing, or at least not objecting to, cross-border assistance and fulfilling its obligation to provide safe haven to asylum seekers is in Thailand’s own national interest, as it would help stabilize a deteriorating complex emergency on Thailand’s doorstep. The United States and allies must continue to engage Thailand on these points and prioritize calls for aid delivery and non-refoulement in bilateral talks. Confirmation of already nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and ASEAN would help to amplify these messages. The U.S. Congress should act swiftly to provide consent to these nominations. At the same time, the United States must work with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to increase pressure on Myanmar’s military junta toward ending abuses and allowing unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. This should include implementation of a global arms embargo, further coordinated targeted sanctions on the SAC military and its assets, and support for accountability measures, including through the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. The U.S. Congress should pass the BURMA Act, which includes measures along these lines and would authorize further humanitarian assistance. Conclusion Displacement along the Thai-Myanmar border is just a part of the regional crisis sparked by the coup. But addressing it is the most immediate way to mitigate acute human suffering. While humanitarian actors will need to grapple with how best to ensure fair and unfettered delivery of aid in the broader context of the country, the opportunity to scale up cross-border aid to a significant portion of the Myanmar population in need should not be missed. All of Myanmar’s neighbors, including Bangladesh, China, and India should explore similar channels for aid delivery and provide access to refuge. Thailand has a chance to be a leader in asylum and protection to a population in great need. Allies seeking to alter the trajectory of suffering in Myanmar must remind Thailand why this is in its interest and provide support to local actors already providing lifesaving aid. Recommendations The government of Thailand should: Engage regional partners to press the military junta in Myanmar to end grave human rights abuses and allow those in need unfettered access to humanitarian aid. Uphold the international legal obligation of non-refoulement of individuals seeking refuge from threats to their life and freedom in Myanmar. Allow the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and international and local NGOs access to newly arrived people seeking refuge from Myanmar to assess needs, carry out services, and establish women-friendly spaces in temporary safe areas along the border. Include the UNHCR and local and international NGOs in contingency planning for possible larger numbers of people seeking refuge in Thailand. Allow and facilitate the delivery of cross-border humanitarian aid through local civil-society and community-based organizations. Allow access to education and livelihoods opportunities for long-time refugees in camps along the Myanmar border. Work with UNHCR to create a protection framework for people from Myanmar who are seeking refuge in Thailand, including possibly through application of the proposed National Screening Mechanism for refugees in Thailand and the provision of identity cards and status that could provide access to livelihood opportunities and act as a barrier to detention and exploitation. Work with the United States and other countries to facilitate resettlement of refugees from Myanmar. The U.S. government should: Step up diplomatic efforts with Thailand and other ASEAN and allied countries to pressure the Myanmar junta to end grave human rights abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Such actions should include: Further targeted sanctions on the military and military-owned enterprises, including oil and gas revenues; A global arms embargo on Myanmar; Support for accountability efforts including the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar and through the International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court. Maintain regular high-level government visits to Thailand and Myanmar’s other neighbors, prioritizing pressure on the Myanmar junta, access to asylum for people from Myanmar, and provision of cross-border aid. Engage Thailand and other countries hosting asylum seekers from Myanmar to expedite resettlement of at-risk individuals who have fled persecution in Myanmar. Offer pathways to the United States for long-time refugees in camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border, including scholarships and resettlement. Engage and support the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), National Unity Government (NUG), and ethnic armed organizations, including through coordination of aid and COVID vaccine distribution. U.S. Members of Congress should: Support and pass the BURMA Act of 2021-22, which would: Authorize additional humanitarian assistance for those in need in Myanmar and surrounding countries, including through cross-border delivery of aid; Support local civil society organizations in Myanmar; Demand further targeted sanctions on military leaders and military-owned enterprises; Support accountability efforts; Call upon the U.S. government to engage the UN Security Council toward a global arms embargo, coordinated targeted sanctions, and other measures to press the military junta to end abuses and allow unfettered humanitarian access to those in need. Ensure high-level diplomatic presence in the region by swiftly confirming the nominated U.S. ambassadors to Thailand and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). International donor countries should: Increase funding for local civil society and community-based organizations operating along the Myanmar-Thailand border and adjust reporting requirements to reflect the complex nature of aid delivery to those in need in Myanmar. Press the junta to allow unfettered delivery of humanitarian aid, while establishing safeguards to prevent the military usurping aid and avoiding legitimization of the junta. Such safeguards should include distribution through credible interlocutors like the International Federation of the Red Cross and access for UN agencies to monitor and assess aid delivery. The Myanmar military junta should: Cease attacks on civilians and other grave human rights abuses. Allow unfettered access for UN agencies and NGOs to all those in need of humanitarian aid. Release all political prisoners and open the path toward a truly inclusive and representative democratically elected civilian government..."
Source/publisher: Refugees International
2022-07-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On World Refugee Day, the Karen Women’s Organization (KWO) calls for support of refugees so we all can live with full dignity as a human beings. Refugee Day is a reminder of the struggles those fleeing violence endure as they leave behind their homes and livelihoods to seek safety. Refugees are resilient and capable. They need support and access so they can stand with dignity. Refugees in the nine camps along the Thai-Burma border are living with less than the minimum standards for basic services. Access to the refugee camps has become very difficult for both refugees and service providers as the impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic continue to limit mobility. Shortfalls in funding have led to camp programs becoming under-serviced and underfunded. Refugee community based organizations active in the camps, including KWO, are operating with limited resources. Refugees should not have to pay for services like education and health, when their livelihoods have been crippled because they are not allowed to work. Refugees living in the camps experience mental health challenges. Support for their security and sustainable livelihood must be in part of policy being considered by the Thai government. Further, as the Burma Army plunges the country into economic turmoil, and a humanitarian crisis plagued by instability and negligence grows, the need to support refugees and internally displaced people is greater than ever before. Active conflict makes it impossible for them to return home. World Refugee Day is not a celebration, but rather a reminder of the adversity and resilience that refugees have embodied during their formidable fight to be recognized as equals. They need support, but they must also be provided with documentation which allows them to stand on their own. With access to travel and legal work, refugees will not need to depend on a host country, or organizations in the long term. They can live free from fear, harm, and with dignity. KWO urges the Royal Thai government to provide legal documentation for refugees to be able to work outside of the refugee camps and subsequently be able to earn an income. In addition, refugees should be able to access health and education services fairly, and without discrimination. We request that the international community put pressure on the Thai authorities to adopt policies that grant refugees the right to employment in Thailand safely and protected by law. For more information- Please contact KWO Central..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
2022-06-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Solidarity with displaced populations and host communities in Myanmar needed more than ever. Every year on World Refugee Day, the international community comes together to celebrate the strength and resilience of those forced to flee their homes as well as the host communities who welcome them. For my colleagues and I at UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, it is an opportunity for us to reaffirm our commitment in supporting the people of Myanmar. Solidarity for Myanmar is needed now more than ever amid a growing humanitarian crisis. The realities are sobering. In addition to pre-existing conflict-affected populations, hundreds of thousands more have been displaced across the country in the past year. As conflict intensifies, the UN projects that the rate of displacement is likely to increase for the foreseeable future. While tens of thousands have sought safety in neighbouring countries like India and Thailand as refugees, the vast majority remain in Myanmar as internally displaced people (IDPs). The challenges faced by those displaced are numerous. Conditions have deteriorated while vulnerabilities have increased as instability has led to disruptions in health services, food assistance, livelihood opportunities, banking systems and telecommunications. Armed conflict has also impeded the ability of affected populations to seek safety and urgent lifesaving assistance. Yet, in the face of so much adversity lies the incredible strength of the human spirit. While the challenges and obstacles faced by the people of Myanmar are regularly reported, much less talked about are the stories of courage, solidarity and resilience displayed everyday by individuals. Acts of kindness and generosity are abound. Whenever my colleagues and I go into the field to distribute humanitarian supplies, IDPs often tell us that they will only take what they need and urge us to give the rest to those in greater need - a beautiful display of empathy and compassion despite many having lost their homes, travelling long distances and sometimes losing family members to conflict. The assistance UNHCR provides is part of a wider collective effort undertaken by the humanitarian community to support those forced to flee. Just as impressive as the acts by IDPs themselves, are the numerous examples of host communities and local organizations stepping up and acting as first responders. We are all touched by the hospitality offered by monasteries, churches, schools, community halls and even strangers’ homes, welcoming displaced people with open arms and hearts so that they can have shelter, food and safety. UNHCR continually emphasizes that our assistance merely complements what courageous individuals and caring communities are doing to help those displaced by conflict. As part of our commitment to stay and deliver, we continue to work round the clock to deliver lifesaving aid. In 2021 alone, core relief items, including kitchen sets, blankets, sleeping mats and solar lamps, among other items, reached 182,000 people, while 113,000 benefitted from shelter support. Furthermore, an additional 100,000 people were reached in the first six months of 2022. Despite these efforts, much work remains to be done. Humanitarian organisations face many constraints, including access limitations and insecurity, in the delivery of assistance and protection services to people in most need. Of particular challenge is reaching those located in rural and difficult-to-access areas where food, clean water, shelter and basic household items are in short supply. Every person has a right to seek safety. It is our collective responsibility to ensure that people have access to safety and their basic needs met. Together with our sister UN agencies, we continue advocacy efforts to facilitate safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to ensure that no one gets left behind. Our responsibility does not end there. Once out of harm’s way, we need to ensure that displaced people continue to feel safe and treated with respect and dignity. As the current crisis persists, affected communities are at-risk of finding themselves in a situation of prolonged displacement – a state of limbo exponentially increasing their vulnerability. As community support capacities weaken over time, the need to strengthen programming around resilience building becomes ever more critical. In this vein, UNHCR will endeavour to mitigate risks faced by IDPs, returnees and host communities by building their resilience in an inclusive manner, while facilitating critical life-saving assistance and protection services. We are here to stay and here to deliver together with partners, committing ourselves to protect those forced to flee and provide vital live-saving assistance to people in need across Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
2022-06-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-06-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "CONTEXT: The use of Cash and Voucher Assistance (CVA) in Myanmar dates to 2008, with the first CVA emergency response to Cyclone Nargis. By 2020, more than one million people received a total of 35.6 million USD worth of CVA, distributed by 63 organisations nationwide. Even so, government acceptance of CVA was not uniform in all contexts and sectors of implementation. On 1St February 2021, the Myanmar military overthrew the government in a coup d'etat. The combined effects of COVID-19 as well as the February 2021 coup have turned back the development clock by years. The resulting economic crisis comprised of inflation, depreciation of the Myanmar kyat (M MK) against the United States dollar (USD), as well as a liquidity crisis/low supply of bank notes and closure of banks. Objectives In light of this, this review aimed to harness lessons learned from the design, implementation and monitoring of past and current humanitarian CVA projects by humanitarian actors before and after 1St February 2021 in order to inform future crisis response in Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan states. Accordingly, the review mapped the use of CVA and CVA stakeholders, collated qualitative accounts of challenges and opportunities faced by humanitarian organisations, identified adaptations to the change in economic situation, market functionality and protection risks. Methodology The review took place from October 2021 to March 2022 and utilised a qualitative approach relying on a variety of primary and secondary data sources, both capturing qualitative and quantitative data. The research team reviewed a total of 56 documents and interviewed 39 humanitarian practitioners. Findings Yearly CVA volume • Rakhine accounted for the largest volume of cash transfer programming in 2021 with a total of USD21,212,651. This is a significant increase compared with 2019 and 2020, USD 6,294,712 and USD20,714.603 respectively. • In Kachin and Northern Shan. the CVA volume in 2020 amounted to USD 7.261.976 and USD 1,022.432 respectively. In 2021, the volume in Kachin and Northern Shan increased to USD 8,856,565 and USD1,420,218. CVA actors • In Rakhine, WFP accounted for the largest share of the CVA volume transferred with 75% (USD 15,586,124) in 2020 and 93% (USD 19,578,449) in 2021. 34% of the assistance was distributed to recipients by local and national organisations acting as implementing/cooperating partners of international organisations. • In Kachin and Northern Shari WFP Is the largest and most active cash Implementer accounting for 76% IUSD778,6051 and 59% (USD 4,287.130) of total transfer volumes respectively in 2020. This remains similar in 2021 with WFP representing 63% (USD 5,380,683) in Kachin and 95% (USD 1,348,369). 57% of CVA in Kachin and 42% in Northern Shan respectively are distributed to recipients by local and national organisations acting as implementing/cooperating partners of international organisations. Sector • In Rakhine, Kachin and Northern Shan. CVA for food represented the biggest CVA volume since 2019 until the time of this review. This is due to the WFP being the largest CVA actor in the three states..."
Source/publisher: Crown Agents and Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 8.66 MB
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Description: "Joint Statement of the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management – NUG, Karenni National Progressive Party, Karen National Union and Chin National Front on ASEAN and UN Proposed Humanitarian Support to Burma/Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG , Karenn National Progressive Party, Karen National Union and Chin National Front
2022-05-30
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "At the invitation of Her Excellency Linda Thomas-Greenfield, President of the United Nations Security Council for May 2022, His Excellency PRAK Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, in his capacity as the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, addressed a closed-session briefing for the Council’s Members via videoconference on 27 May 2022 at 09:00 pm (Cambodia time) on the implementation of the Five-point Consensus. During the Meeting, H.E. Deputy Prime Minister shared updates on what Cambodia has done thus far, including the outcome of his first visit as the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair to Myanmar from 21-23 March 2022, and the result of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 6 May 2022. On the outcomes of his first visit to Myanmar, H.E. Deputy Prime Minister apprised the Council of digests from meeting the four different prominent groups in Myanmar, namely the State Administration Council (SAC), non-SAC actors, diplomatic corps, and UN Specialized Agencies. The meetings provided the Special Envoy and his team with opportunities to listen, discuss, and extend the good offices to Myanmar on how ASEAN could help Myanmar to manifest more progress in the 5PC implementation. H.E. Deputy Prime Minister highlighted that these actors shared the same aspirations, which are for Myanmar to return to normalcy and for humanitarian issues on the ground to be addressed, all of which are in the interest of the people of Myanmar. He shared his view that the different political actors in Myanmar have to be more open to constructive dialogue so as to build mutual understanding, trust, and confidence, conducive to an inclusive and credible peace process in Myanmar. In this regard, the Special Envoy reaffirmed Cambodia’s readiness and commitment to be a keen listener and sincere facilitator for Myanmar. With regard to the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 6 May 2022 held in a hybrid format in Phnom Penh, the Special Envoy accentuated three key points, namely: (1) ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework, (2) addressing operational challenges of the delivery of humanitarian assistance and (3) Framework for COVID-19 Vaccine Administration in Myanmar. On ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework, the Meeting agreed that the AHA Centre, in close consultation with the Myanmar Task Force, will identify states and regions for the implementation of this Framework. These states and regions include Kayah, Kayin, Magway, Saigang, Bago, Shan and Rakhine. On the need to address the operational challenges, we obtained the agreement from the SAC to expedite the delivery of humanitarian assistance and facilitate administrative and legal requirements. The SAC also pledged to offer full cooperation and support to the ASEAN Monitoring Team for it to be able to fulfill its roles in accordance with the executive paper adopted at the 54th AMM. - Concerning the Framework for COVID-19 Vaccine Administration in Myanmar, the AHA Centre and the Ministry of Health of Myanmar (MOH) agreed to implement the Joint MOH-Partners Vaccination to Hard-to-Reach Areas Framework, through which the operational teams of 50:50 distribution between the MOH and partners will be deployed to administer vaccines in the communities in need. The Special Envoy underlined that the immediate priority would be to roll out what has been agreed upon at the recent Consultative Meeting, especially the effort to timely deliver humanitarian assistance to those most in need without any discrimination. H.E. Deputy Prime Minister also informed the Council that he and his team are now working on the preparation for his second visit to Myanmar in order to further advance the progress in the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus. During this upcoming visit, the Special Envoy hopes to meet as many relevant stakeholders as possible in addition to those he met during the first visit..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
2022-05-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In the South-East Asian country, there is a saying for hard times when multiple challenges collide. "This is a time of injury on top of injury for Myanmar," says Pyae Phyo Maung, speaking of COVID-19 as well as recent natural disasters. The 27-year-old football fan is from Shan State, a hilly plateau region in Myanmar's east, bordering China and Thailand. Staying at an ICRC-supported physical rehabilitation centre in Kyaing Tong, it was hard for him to return home because of challenges posed by COVID-19. Pyae Phyo Maung first sought treatment at the centre years ago. It was there that he met the centre's wheelchair basketball coach, Maung Maung Lwin. He has been involved in the wheelchair basketball community across the country ever since. "As a sports enthusiast, I thought there was no hope of playing again after I lost my leg. When I got the chance to play, I was so glad to be able to reconnect with my love for sport," he says. Earning a livelihood has been particularly hard during the pandemic and an added layer of stress for those living in an area of Myanmar that has also been impacted by decades of conflict. "I remind my family to take care of themselves," Pyae Phyo Maung says. "Another challenge from the need to socially isolate is the mental burden." At the southernmost tip of the Himalayas lies Myanmar's northernmost state, Kachin. This is where 23-year-old psychology student Roi Seng is from. Interested in teaching, she works with young people in a camp for those who have been displaced by fighting – where she also lives. "We heard the sound of many guns," she says, describing how her family had to flee their home a decade ago. "We fled to the mountains first and didn't know where to go at that time. My brother told us if we stayed in the mountains, we could not go to school." Eventually returning to school and living with her family in a series of displacement camps, Roi Seng was in her third year of university when her studies had to be put on hold because of COVID-19. In her community, she had volunteered as a mental health counsellor for people with trauma and helped teach high-school students. Both programmes are now paused because of the pandemic. "Thinking positively, I meet a lot of people from different backgrounds here. We all have to stay together in this camp, which is a good thing," says Roi Seng. Among the greatest challenges for displaced communities facing COVID-19 is meeting basic daily needs – as finding work gets increasingly tough and the cost of living rises. "I feel left behind because of the COVID-19 pandemic," says Roi Seng. "Living is harder." Right on Shan State's border with Thailand is the town of Tachileik. Here, 22-year-old Hsu Myat Mon volunteers with the Myanmar Red Cross Society, helping those impacted by COVID-19. I joined because it's my passion. I wanted to become an MRCS volunteer to get a chance to assist others, helping them without hoping for anything in return Daily volunteer activities include raising awareness of COVID-19 prevention measures, assisting with disinfection, helping those in need of oxygen cylinders and raising money for those who can't afford medicine. "When I tried to put on the PPE gown for the very first time, I did not know how to wear it and it looked like an alien or astronaut costume," Hsu Myat Mon says. "Our team looked at each other and laughed so loudly – it was such a memorable moment for me." Shan State, much like Kachin to the north and Rakhine to the west, has endured years of conflict. Since February this year, Myanmar has also seen new waves of violence spread across the country. For Hsu Myat Mon, these overlapping challenges – including natural disasters – require the overcoming of differences in a collective effort to respond. "In Myanmar, people are not only confronting COVID-19. I would ask people to stop hating and to help instead," Hsu Myat Mon says. The ICRC is a neutral, impartial and independent humanitarian organization that has been working with communities impacted by conflict in Myanmar for more than 30 years. From providing emergency relief to sustainable responses to protracted conflict, we often work directly alongside the Myanmar Red Cross Society. Since the outset of COVID-19, we have adapted the delivery of our aid to include an effective health response..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-05-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "What is the 5W The “Who does What Where, When and for Whom” database, or 5W, is a tool which tracks the implementation of humanitarian and development projects to support coordination, planning and efficient use of resources. In Myanmar, the 5W is normally compiled by the Myanmar Information Management Unit every six months, based on reports provided voluntarily by contributing agencies. The MIMU 5W shows: ➢ which organizations (WHO), ➢ are carrying out which activities (WHAT), ➢ in which locations (WHERE), ➢ project status – whether planned, ongoing or completed (WHEN) ➢ project beneficiary focus (for WHOM) – whether focused on IDPs or other vulnerable communities. Summary The MIMU 5W Comparison report compares MIMU 5W results from 2020 to 2022, looking particularly at the impact of events in early 2021 on reported agencies’ activities. August 2020 to May 2021 saw a sharp reduction in the number of reported activities countrywide, with many activities suspended or ended: 25% reduction in agencies reporting in May 2021 than in August 2020, mainly NNGO (48%) and INGO (25%) (from 213 to 159 agencies). 25% reduction in projects reported countrywide (from 814 to 608 projects), with reductions mainly in Shan (107) and Yangon (91). A significant reduction in the reported ongoing activities (43,428 less activities), mainly in Tanintharyi (84%), Shan (east) (58%), Mon (57%), Shan (south) (55%) and Kayin (50%). A 10% reduction in the reach to village tracts/towns countrywide (from 87% in August 2020 to 77% in May 2021), mainly in Sagaing (13%), Magway (12%) and Rakhine and Tanintharyi (10% in each). October 2021 to March 2022 found an increase in reported activities by agencies, however it is still less activities compared with August 2020. 28% more agencies reported across all states/regions and all sectors except Peace Building/ Conflict Prevention, Infrastructure, DRR and Shelter. (from 163 to 209 agencies) 29,702 more ongoing activities with 136,446 ongoing activities reported in March 2022 compared to 106,744 in October 2021 – an unknown part of this may be due to less suspended activities as well as activities of 46 more reporting organisations. 7,488 less suspended activities were reported (2 % of total reported activities in March 2022 compared to 9% in Oct 2021). The changes are most notable in the Agriculture sector and in Ayeyarwady, Kayin and Mon (less suspensions), whereas there were more suspensions reported in Chin, Magway and Rakhine. There has been some resumption of activities since June 2021 – a further 16% of projects were reported as active (from 74% in May 2021 to 90% in March 2022), with 37,200 more ongoing activities around the country (resumed or new activities). Despite the similar number of reporting agencies in August 2020 and March 2022 however, there were still less ongoing activities and a higher number of suspended activities in March 2022 (6,228 less ongoing activities and 2,596 more suspended activities)..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-05-18
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.38 MB
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Description: "The Commission is releasing an extra €22 million in humanitarian aid to ensure life-saving support for hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees and host communities in Bangladesh, as well as Rohingya and other conflict-affected people in Myanmar. The funding will address immediate needs, including protection services, food assistance, nutrition, health and shelter. Commissioner for Crisis Management, Janez Lenarčič, said: "The Rohingya crisis has reached unprecedented proportions and sustained international solidarity is essential to tackle the enduring humanitarian needs. The EU's new aid package underlines our commitment to the most vulnerable refugees and their host communities in Bangladesh, as well as conflict-affected population in Myanmar". With this additional funding, EU humanitarian aid and disaster preparedness support in Bangladesh this year exceeds €41 million, with a focus on addressing the most pressing needs of Rohingyas and their host communities in the country. In Myanmar, EU humanitarian funding now totals over €27 million to respond to increased needs since the military take-over. Background In Bangladesh, over 919,000 Rohingya refugees live in precarious and deteriorating conditions with a majority located in congested Cox's Bazar refugee camps. Approximately 27,000 refugees have been relocated to the island of Bhasan Char. Gaps in humanitarian coverage have a dramatic effect as Rohingya refugees remain entirely dependent on humanitarian aid. In Myanmar, the number of people in need of humanitarian assistance has sharply increased from 1 million to 14.4 million people since 2021, and there are currently 936 700 internally displaced people reported in the country, while humanitarian access is increasingly constrained. The EU has been actively helping people in Bangladesh (since 2002) and Myanmar (since 1994) with a keen focus on disaster preparedness and emergency response activities, providing life-saving support to Rohingya refugees and funding emergency assistance to people affected by natural hazards..."
Source/publisher: The European Union
2022-05-20
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-20
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Description: "he following is attributable to Spokesperson Ned Price: Deputy Secretary Sherman met today in Washington with NUG representatives, including Zin Mar Aung. The Deputy Secretary underscored robust U.S. support for the people of Burma in the face of the regime’s brutal crackdown and pledged to continue providing support to all those working peacefully toward the restoration of Burma’s path to inclusive democracy. Noting the many Southeast Asian leaders in Washington for the U.S.-ASEAN Special Summit, the Deputy Secretary highlighted that the United States would continue to work closely with ASEAN and other partners in pressing for a just and peaceful resolution to the crisis in Burma. They also condemned the escalating regime violence that has led to a humanitarian crisis and called for unhindered humanitarian access to assist all those in need in Burma. The Deputy Secretary thanked Zin Mar Aung for her courage and dedication to the people of Burma and offered U.S. support for an inclusive, peaceful, and prosperous democracy for all..."
Source/publisher: United States Department of State
2022-05-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-12
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Description: "9 May 2022: The plans of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for humanitarian assistance to Myanmar flout fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and will advance the military objectives of the Myanmar military junta, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The plans were announced by the current ASEAN Chair, Cambodia, following a consultative meeting on Friday. The outcomes of the consultative meeting include plans for the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre) to deliver aid to areas identified by the Myanmar military junta and in coordination with the junta. “The areas singled out for humanitarian assistance by the military junta under ASEAN’s plan are the very areas where the junta has been relentlessly attacking civilians with airstrikes and scorched-earth campaigns for months on end,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “The junta has no power in those areas and its attempt to control ASEAN’s delivery of aid to them is nothing more than a strategy designed to advance its military agenda.” “ASEAN aid personnel working in areas under attack from the junta could become unwitting ‘human-shields’ for the junta’s ulterior motives,” Marzuki Darusman added. There are 14 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar, while an estimated 800,000 people are displaced inside the country. Most are seeking refuge from the junta’s attacks in territory along Myanmar’s borders outside the junta’s control. The junta refuses to permit cross-border aid into these areas. “Under no circumstances should ASEAN be hailed for colluding with the junta to develop a military-controlled plan for humanitarian assistance, more than one year into the crisis, when it has failed to get support to the cross-border networks of local civil society, community and faith-based groups and ethnic service providers that have been working tirelessly to keep people alive,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “It is inhumane for ASEAN’s own member states that neighbour Myanmar to keep their borders closed just to please the junta, which is the cause of Myanmar’s suffering. “ “Myanmar’s neighbouring countries must not forget their international obligation to assist in delivering humanitarian aid through their borders,” Yanghee Lee added. The consultative meeting was held less than a week before an important summit between the United States (US) and ASEAN, due to take place on 12 and 13 May in Washington DC. ASEAN has been criticised for failing to make any progress towards resolving the junta-made crises in Myanmar. Myanmar junta-leader Min Aung Hlaing has repeatedly humiliated Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia in his misguided efforts to engage the junta. “ASEAN’s plans for humanitarian assistance to Myanmar are clearly a vain attempt to have something to show the US. ASEAN claims to have the central role in Southeast Asia but its Five Point Failure shows its irrelevance. The outcomes of the consultative meeting are an outrage,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. The Cambodian Foreign Minister tried to implicate the United Nations (UN) Special Envoy to Myanmar in this plan by saying she had participated in the meeting. In fact, her attendance had been blocked by the junta. She was invited and then disinvited. At this point, ASEAN’s credibility is hanging by a thread, says SAC-M. SAC-M is calling on ASEAN to abide by the fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. ASEAN must secure the immediate opening of cross-border humanitarian corridors into Myanmar and coordinate with all relevant parties, including the National Unity Government, the National Unity Consultative Council, Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations and local actors to finally deliver the aid it promised the people of Myanmar more than one year ago. If it fails, it must get out of the way of others who are far more willing to act..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2022-05-09
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On 6 May 2022, His Excellency PRAK Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, and His Excellency Dato Lim Jock Hoi, Secretary-General of ASEAN in the capacity as the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Coordinator (SG-AHAC), co-chaired the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, in a hybrid format. The Consultative Meeting was initiated by Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair in 2022 in cooperation with the Secretary-General of ASEAN as part of the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC). The Meeting was attended by Ms. Joyce Msuya, Assistant-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator as well as high-level representatives from all ASEAN Member States, including Myanmar’s Task Force, UN Specialized Agencies, ASEAN External Partners, and relevant international organizations in Myanmar. The Meeting discussed three main points, namely 1) ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework; 2) Addressing the Operational Challenges of the Delivery of Humanitarian Assistance, and 3) Framework for COVID-19 Vaccine Administration in Myanmar. On the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Delivery Arrangement Framework, the Meeting agreed that the AHA Centre, in close consultation with the Myanmar Task Force, will 2 identify states and regions for the implementation of this Framework. These states and regions include Kayah, Kayin, Magway, Saigang and Bago. In addition, with the approval from the Myanmar Task Force, the AHA Centre will facilitate request for access through this delivery arrangement and will propose a list of potential implementing partners. The Myanmar Task Force will also work with the National Solidarity and Peace-making Negotiations Committee to ensure that humanitarian assistance will be delivered to communities in Myanmar, including Ethnic Armed Organizations areas. More detailed plans to operationalize this Framework will be done by the AHA Centre and the Myanmar Task Force in due course. On the need to address the operational challenges, the Myanmar Task Force agreed to do its utmost ability to expedite the delivery of humanitarian assistance, and urge the AHA Centre and relevant agreed implementing partners to provide required documents in advance. Importantly, the Myanmar Task Force also reassured that safety and security of ERAT team members, staff of the AHA Centre and ASEAN Monitoring Team are its top priority and pledged to offer cooperation and support to the ASEAN Monitoring Team for it to be able to fulfil its roles in accordance with the executive paper adopted at the 54th AMM. Furthermore, the Meeting welcomed the Myanmar Task Force’s commitments to allow the AHA Centre to conduct the Joint Needs Assessment and implement Phase 2 in hard-to-reach areas. With regard to the proposed Framework for COVID-19 Vaccine Administration in Myanmar, the Meeting noted that the proposed framework will offer space for partners to jointly administer COVID-19 vaccines to those in need in a safe and timely manner. In addition, the AHA Centre and the Ministry of Health of Myanmar agreed to implement the Joint MOH-Partners Vaccination to Hard-to-Reach Areas Framework. Under this Framework, operational teams of 50:50 distribution between the Ministry of Health of Myanmar and partners will be deployed to administer vaccines in the communities in need. The AHA Centre, in consultation with the Ministry of Health of Myanmar, will identify and verify states and regions that need COVID-19 vaccine doses as well as the implementing partners to support the distribution of vaccine administration in Myanmar. The Meeting also welcomed the commitment made by the Ministry of Health of Myanmar to provide tax exemption and facilitate import of vaccines into Myanmar. 3 The Myanmar Task Force reassured the Meeting that it will do its utmost ability to ensure that humanitarian assistance and vaccines provided by ASEAN and partners will reach communities in Myanmar including Ethnic Armed Organizations areas, where internally displaced people (IDP) camps and affected communities locate, so that no one and no place will be left behind. The Myanmar Task Force also reiterated that it will continue the good works of the AHA Centre in Rakhine State to implement both the recommendations of the Preliminary Needs Assessment and Phase 2 of the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar. H.E. PRAK Sokhonn underscored that it is imperative to ensure that humanitarian programmes in Myanmar have a long-lasting impact in addressing pressing humanitarian concerns faced by the affected communities. He also encouraged the procurement, delivery, and distribution of humanitarian relief items, including COVID-19 vaccines, to Myanmar to be carried out in a timely, effective, safe, and non-discriminatory manner. He emphasized that access, safety, and security of all implementing parties, including the ASEAN Monitoring Team, have to be guaranteed. The Meeting also welcomed the much-needed high-level commitment from ASEAN and the United Nations in their joint response to the humanitarian situation in Myanmar and supported the effort to expand the AHA Centre’s Partners for long-term humanitarian assistance projects. The Meeting commended Cambodia for prioritizing the humanitarian efforts in Myanmar on Cambodia’s agenda during ASEAN Chairmanship this year. The Meeting looked forward to more progress in the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar framework based on the spirit of “One ASEAN, One Response” that would complement the implementation of the 5PC..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
2022-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 123.91 KB
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Description: "Since the military coup d’état on February 1, 2021, Myanmar has fallen into a state of chaos. The military’s crackdown on anti-coup protestors and the clashes between the military and the People’s Defense Forces and ethnic armed organizations have resulted in a devastating humanitarian crisis across the country. According to UNHCR’s latest emergency update, an estimated 268,000 people have been displaced within Myanmar and an additional 22,000 have sought refuge in neighboring countries. Furthermore, the collapse of the country’s healthcare infrastructure following the coup has severely amplified the effects of COVID-19. The need for humanitarian aid is obvious. However, delivering resources to the most vulnerable has proven to be extraordinarily challenging with the Tatmadaw’s active effort to immobilize aid organizations. An analysis of the battle fronts and the state of territorial control, however, reveals local aid infrastructure and underutilized human resources in the borderlands, through which donors and international organizations could more effectively channel humanitarian aid to the people of Myanmar. Last year’s coup was a shock to the web of humanitarian and development efforts in the country. The largest international donors and organizations responded to the military takeover with measures to disassociate themselves with the junta. USAID, which previously worked intimately with the pre-coup civilian government, redirected $42.4 million of assistance away from government strengthening projects to initiatives to support civil society organizations. Similarly, the European Union and Japan have suspended their support for development projects to avoid financial entanglement with the military. These donors, balancing their political stance vis-à-vis the military government and the severe need for aid, have established emergency funds. For example, the government of Japan decided last July to provide an emergency grant aid of $5.8 million for humanitarian assistance to the populations in the southeast area of Myanmar. The delivery of humanitarian assistance through existing infrastructure, however, has proven to be extremely difficult. In the months following the military takeover, the Tatmadaw imposed travel restrictions on domestic and international humanitarian workers and blocked major roads and aid convoys. Physical attacks and arbitrary arrests of humanitarian and healthcare workers, and raids of local NGO offices, have also been reported. Furthermore, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, the junta destroyed emergency supplies and withheld oxygen from private clinics and charity organizations. These measures have led to severe constraints on the delivery of emergency resources to the country’s most vulnerable people, all against the backdrop of an increasingly dire banking and supply chain crisis that is resulting in severe shortages of food, medicine, and other essentials. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. An analysis of the current conflict landscape and status of territorial control can offer crucial insight into ways aid organizations can circumvent military obstructions and thereby offer better aid in Myanmar. Currently, the fighting in the country is taking places on several fronts and involves a multitude of actors. Firstly, sporadic battles are occurring across the country between the forces of the Tatmadaw and the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). The PDFs form the armed wing of the National Union Government, a parallel government formed by a group of ousted elected lawmakers and members of parliament after the coup. Soldiers in the PDFs are mostly former university students and activists. In the rural areas, the PDFs are mostly engaged in guerrilla warfare, bombing military resources and intercepting military trucks on major roads. In the urban areas, particularly in the Yangon and Mandalay regions, PDFs have organized protests and conducted operations to actively target military and police officers. The Tatmadaw has responded with the arrests and killings of PDF soldiers and their family members. There are also ongoing clashes between the military and ethnic armed groups. Myanmar houses many ethnic groups, and several have established political and/or armed entities to represent the interest of their people. Some groups, such as the Kachin in the north, the Shan in the east and Karen in the southeast, hold significant control over their respective regions. Since the country’s independence in 1948, these armed groups have consolidated their positions by establishing government institutions that are independent from the central state and by housing powerful armies that have been intermittently engaged in battles with the military. As a result, the Tatmadaw has little control over and limited access to some borderlands as opposed to the urban Burman-dominated central regions. These ethnically controlled border regions are referred by Myanmar natives as lumyaukneimyei, or Free Regions. The lack of military access to the Free Regions offers an opportunity for the international aid community to get around the challenges of aid delivery posed by the Tatmadaw. The harassment of aid workers and other efforts by the military to obstruct the delivery of humanitarian aid has occurred either in the Burman-majority central regions or on major roads that are connected to significant urban areas. Many local aid workers, along with protestors from the cities, have fled to these Free Regions due to the draconian crackdown by the military. The large exodus from the central Burman area and the battles between the Tatmadaw, PDFs, and EAOs, has increased the number of internally displaced people in the Free Regions. Aside from a shortage of food, there is a severe lack of medical supplies. Many of the refugees who have managed to reach the free regions suffer from artillery wounds inflicted by the military, while an increase in waterborne diseases has been reported in the makeshift camps. A further review of the existing aid infrastructure in these Free Regions reveals great potential to deliver aid. Firstly, there are many local aid groups active in the ethnic states. Many have established a working relationship with their respective ethnic armed groups, which have offered them shelter from the harassment of the Tatmadaw. The majority of these local aid groups, however, are very poorly funded. International donors should divert resources to support these local organizations. Furthermore, among the people that have fled the urban areas to the Free Regions are many capable professionals, including doctors, nurses, and humanitarian workers, who were persecuted due to their participation in anti-military protests. Currently, more than 500 trained doctors and nurses have set up emergency units in the Karen region. Unfortunately, they are again functioning with highly limited resources. Supporting these emergency units would be an effective way to offer some basic health services to the many displaced people in the most vulnerable region in the country. The humanitarian situation in Myanmar is dire. More than ever, help from the international community is needed. As part of its effort to consolidate power since the coup, the military has engaged in destructive activities to immobilize the humanitarian aid infrastructure. The analysis of territorial control however reveals a path through which international organizations can circumvent around military interventions. International organizations should focus on delivery resources in the borderlands of the country where the military has limited access. Capitalizing on local efforts by supporting the poorly funded organizations in the borderlands will be most effective in helping the most unprotected in Myanmar..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2022-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Rights groups see the trend as a fallout of heightened insecurity in the community following cases of detention and forceful deportation of a Rohingya woman to Myanmar
Description: "A series of arrests of Rohingyas attempting trying to cross over to Bangladesh from India in the past weeks indicates an emerging trend of reverse migration triggered by forceful deportation of some members of the refugee community to Myanmar. A BSF team on Monday (May 2) arrested 24 Rohingyas, including 10 children, from the state’s Unakoti district. Many among those arrested were possessing refugee cards issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). After preliminary investigation, police said, the group came from Jammu by train to Tripura via Kolkata in West Bengal and Guwahati in Assam. They planned to cross over to Bangladesh through the international border at Kailashahar, police suspect. Earlier, on April 28, six Rohingiyas were arrested by Tripura police at Dharmanagar Railway Station soon after they arrived from New Delhi by Tripura Sundari Express. They too were reportedly planning to sneak into Bangladesh. One woman in the group was carrying UNHCR’s refugee card. Prior to the two back-to-back arrests in Tripura, the Government Railway Police (GRP) arrested 13 members of the community, including six children and two women, at New Jalpaiguri railway station in West Bengal. They reached the NJP railway station in two groups from Jammu and New Delhi, the railway police said, and were waiting to board an Assam-bound train. During preliminary interrogation, the group told the police that they had planned to go to the Rohingya camp in Bangladesh by sneaking out of India through the international border in Tripura. They were arrested under the Foreigners’ Act for travelling without proper travel documents. An estimated 40,000 Rohingyas live in India. Of them, at least 20,000 are registered with the UNHCR as refugees. Heightened insecurity Rights groups see the trend as a fallout of heightened insecurity among the community following renewed cases of detention and a case of forceful deportation of a Rohingya woman to Myanmar by the Government of India. In March this year, a 37-year-old Rohingya woman, Hasina Begum, was deported from Jammu to Myanmar, a country she fled to escape persecution in 2012. “She was deported despite holding a UNHCR’s refugee card and objecting to her push back through the international border in Moreh in Manipur by the Manipur Human Rights Commission,” said Sabber Kyaw Min, director of the New Delhi-based Rohingya Human Rights Initiative. The commission had said her deportation would be a violation of the constitutional right to life. International law prohibits the forced return of refugees to places where their lives or freedom would be threatened. India, however, is not a signatory to the UN Refugee Convention of 1951 or its 1967 Protocol. The country also does not have a clear refugee policy. Perception of Rohingyas Ever since the BJP came to power in 2014, India has viewed the Rohingya issue as a “security threat” rather than a humanitarian crisis. Last year, the Union government had announced plans to deport Rohingya refugees currently lodged in detention centres. The government made clear its plan after the Supreme Court had refused to stay their deportation. Hasina was among the 170 refugees detained in Jammu on March 6, 2021 and lodged in Hiranagar Jail, considered as “holding centres” for Rohingyas to undergo verification process for deportation. Her three children aged 14, 13 and 9 years are now stranded in Jammu without their mother. Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia director at Human Rights Watch, termed the government’s action as “cruel disregard for human life and international law.” The HRW said the deportation highlighted the life-threatening risk Rohingya refugees are facing in India. Min said they also got some unconfirmed reports of another Rohingya man, Jafar Alam, being deported to Myanmar from Jammu. Since October 2018, India has deported 12 Rohingyas to Myanmar, as per rights groups. The government, however, maintained that they left voluntarily. The day Hasina was deported, the authorities in Jammu detained 25 Rohingya refugees and sent them to Hiranagar holding centre for pre-deportation verification. Also read: US to declare Rohingya repression in Myanmar a genocide Amnesty India said the detention was an “abject dereliction of India’s human rights obligations and an egregious violation of international law.” There are 235 Rohingya refugees, including around 20 minors, reportedly lodged at the Harinagar holding centre to undergo nationality verification needed for their deportation. These developments contributed to the sense of insecurity, Min said. Also read: Rohingya children face a dark future without healthcare & education “As per our estimate, around 600 Rohingya refugees have gone to Bangladesh since March this year because of the heightened insecurity,” he added. Fake allegations Their cause has been further hampered by the fake allegations of their involvement in the April riot in New Delhi’s Jahangirpuri. “We had nothing to do with the riots. We are peace loving and law-abiding people. We are committed to abide by the laws of our host countries. Yet, we are targeted,” Min added. Faced with the hostile situation, the community now feels Bangladesh could be a better refuge. Bangladesh has sheltered the highest number of Rohingya Muslim refugees, the most persecuted minority in the world. Nearly 1 million of them live in camps in the eastern nation’s Cox’s Bazar and Bhasan Char Island..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The Federal
2022-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "His Excellency Deputy Prime Minister PRAK Sokhonn, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia as the ASEAN Chair’s Special Envoy on Myanmar, and His Excellency Dato Lim Jock Hoi, Secretary-General of ASEAN in the capacity as the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance Coordinator (SG-AHAC), will co-chair the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 06 May 2022, in Phnom Penh and via videoconference. The Consultative Meeting will be attended physically and virtually by the high-level representatives from all ASEAN member States, ASEAN External Partners, United Nations specialized agencies, and other relevant international organizations. The Consultative Meeting will provide a high-level platform for ASEAN to initiate a multi-stakeholder dialogue that serves to provide guidance on how to advance ASEAN’s humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar based on humanitarian principles and without discrimination. The Consultative Meeting aims to discuss mutually agreeable solutions on how to enhance the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Myanmar whilst leaving no one behind; how to address the operational challenges faced by the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre); and how to support the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines to all communities in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Cambodia
2022-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "MIMU Analytical Briefs shine a light on topical, emerging and under-explored issues relevant to humanitarian and development support in Myanmar based on analysis of available information. Each Brief includes a short narrative document and accompanying infographic as well as the dataset, methodology and an interactive dashboard to enable others to take this analysis further This Analytical Brief focuses on the situation of household amenities in Myanmar based on the review of data from nationwide surveys over the five-year period from 2014 to 2019. As household amenities affect human health, productivity, and overall quality of life, this reveals some important developments in households' living situation. Summary ƒ Whereas a million more people were in paid/for profit employment nationwide by 2019, women continued to be less likely to be employed than men, and rural households were earning significantly less than those in urban areas. While ownership of mobile phones and home internet grew massively, a million households – mainly in rural areas - owned no communications devices at all as of late 2019. ƒ Despite considerable improvements in shelter and access to electricity for many Myanmar households, a third of the country’s households were still living in bamboo houses or short-term huts as of 2019. Myanmar’s electrification rate was the lowest in South East Asia with as many as 30 million people still not connected to the main power grid in 2019, and around 6.7 million households were dependent on solid cooking fuels, presenting additional health risks for women and children in particular. ƒ Although more households had access to safer drinking water from improved sources, over 2 million households were still using unimproved water sources in 2019, mainly in rural areas, with the highest reliance on unimproved water sources in Rakhine and Ayeyarwady. ƒ The use of improved sanitation also improved. However, 2 million people countrywide were still dependent on unimproved sanitation facilities, and a further 3 million people were practicing open defecation which brings particular risks to health, equity, dignity and safety, especially for women and girls..."
Source/publisher: Myanmar Information Management Unit (Myanmar) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-05-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 2.7 MB (Original version) - 23 pages
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Description: "The United Nations Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Myanmar, Noeleen Heyzer, welcomes the convening of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar on 6 May and strongly urges ASEAN leaders and donors to prioritise principled engagement with diverse local humanitarian networks to effectively deliver aid to all communities in need. Over the past few months, the Special Envoy has held extensive engagements with some of Myanmar’s civil society organisations and local humanitarian networks who have been at the frontline in addressing the widening crisis amid escalating violence and increasing displaced populations. These groups have called for unhindered and safe humanitarian access to facilitate delivery of assistance without discrimination. The key messages from local humanitarian networks are clear: there is a need for the utmost respect of international humanitarian law and humanitarian principles; urgently needed humanitarian aid must not be instrumentalised for political purposes; military infrastructure must not be legitimised through aid delivery; and there is a need not only for more donor funding but also for donor flexibility to support local humanitarian actors and networks with access to hard-to-reach conflict affected areas, including internally displaced people, border communities and civilians affected by conflict, including in urban areas. In Myanmar’s currently violent, unstable and insecure context, effective delivery of humanitarian aid requires firm commitment by all aid actors to adhere to international humanitarian law. Given the complexity of Myanmar’s conflict it is imperative that humanitarian assistance is delivered through a diverse range of channels, without discrimination or favour, and reaches the most vulnerable in every part of the country. Safe and unimpeded access for all aid actors is non-negotiable. It is imperative that we build strong, effective and equal partnerships with local and informal humanitarian networks, who have unique access, local knowledge and established trust on the ground, to support the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people, especially in the hardest-to-reach areas, including through cross border assistance. We must recognise the current conflict has a disproportionate impact on women and children. The Special Envoy's consultations with women community leaders have highlighted the urgent need for humanitarian support and protection for women and children, capacity building to address gender-based violence and stronger connection to regional and global women leaders. The Special Envoy urges the global community to give women a key role in any humanitarian consultation, as women can help identify the most vulnerable and help monitor effective delivery along humanitarian principles. Reflective of the Secretary-General's commitment to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, we must actively engage women to fully address the humanitarian and protection needs of the people and amplify their voices for a future federal democratic union of peace, stability and shared prosperity..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Secretary-General
2022-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "People in Need (PIN) aims to scale up its lifesaving nutrition services for displaced people in Rakhine State. To do so we regularly train community volunteers and staff to effectively identify and prevent malnutrition. For example, May Htar Swe is nearly three years old and participates in PIN’s nutrition programme thanks to financial support from the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund (MHF). She lives in the Tin Htein Kan displacement site with her four siblings. In January 2022, PIN’s field team and our community volunteers conducted their monthly mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) screening for children aged 6 months to 59 months in targeted displacement sites in Mrauk U township. During one of the screenings, May Htar Swe was found to have moderate acute malnutrition (MAM). May Htar Swe is the youngest child in her family and was born at the Tein Nyo Station hospital, Mrauk U township, Rakhine State. Her mother, Daw Yin Ma Oo (45), says, “I was exclusively breastfeeding her during the first six months of her life, and always prepared healthy foods when she reached the age to start complementary feeding. But she didn’t have an appetite and ate little food. She has been tiny since she was born. Being a mother and living in the displacement site, I try hard to feed my children nutritious food, but everything has been difficult since we arrived here.” Collaborative nutrition services for malnourished children In collaboration with Myanmar Health Assistant Association (MHAA), PIN referred May Htar Swe to MHAA’s Outpatient Therapeutic Programme (OTP) at Wet Hla IDP site, which provided her with Ready-to-Use Supplementary Food (RUSF). RUSF is a food supplement that is intended to be eaten for two or three months alongside regular food. In addition, PIN and our nutrition community volunteers conducted regular follow-up visits to May Htar Swe. They provided infant and young child feeding (IYCF) counseling to her mother about safe, nutritious cooking methods, food preparation, and characteristics of complementary feeding, as well as important caring and hygiene practices. PIN also provided funding for transportation and meal costs for both the child and her mother to cover the costs of necessary travel during treatment. Daw Yin Ma Oo is thankful to PIN and our community volunteers, “After 4 or 5 weeks of outpatient treatment at MHAA’s OTP, my daughter is improving and reaching normal measurements during the MUAC screening. We thank PIN for covering transportation costs and other costs associated with the OTP clinic. Also, PIN has provided us with nutritious foods, such as vegetable cooking oil and things like hand soap, toothbrushes, and other nutrition services. I am happy that she is healthy now, has gained weight, and has also gotten her appetite back.” Community volunteer approaches to nutrition services Using various community volunteer approaches, PIN has trained volunteers on things such as basic nutrition concepts, IYCF practices, detection of malnutrition through MUAC measurement, the organisation of mother support groups and capacity building to conduct community awareness-raising workshops. Ma Phyu Phyu Htay, a nutrition community volunteer, says, “Since I live in the same displacement site, I can regularly monitor the children’s status until they reach the normal nutrition status measurement by MUAC, which is 12.8 centimetres. I am really happy and proud of myself that I can support the community.” Ko Wai Yan Aung, PIN’s Nutrition Technical Officer, explains the current situation of the nutrition programme, “After informing the community that a volunteer has identified a MAM case, one of our nutrition field officers visits the Tin Htein Kan IDP site to confirm the case. Then we refer this case to MHAA’s OTP and collaborate to supply supplementary food by MHAA. In addition, we provide money to cover the costs of visits to the clinic for the affected family. This is in accordance with our standard operating procedure for the nutrition programme. Now that May Htar Swe is in normal condition, we’ve awarded her mother a counselling gift. We provide these gifts to those who’ve been affected by moderated acute malnutrition in some way and have cured it.” Ko Wai Yan Aung adds, “With help from our community volunteers, PIN has organised the formation of eighteen mother support groups in nine displacement sites in Mrauk U township. Discussion-based mother support groups bring together mothers of children under the age of five, pregnant women, and lactating women to provide a safe space to promote IYCF practices. These practices include exclusive breastfeeding, complementary feeding for children six months of age, safe cooking methods, and hygiene and caring practices on a weekly basis.” From January to March 2022, PIN has conducted continuous MUAC screenings for a total of 255 boys and 296 girls and plans to raise awareness about key IYCF practices and the importance of good nutrition through a series of community events which have been organised by community volunteers and PIN’s field team in April 2022..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: People in Need
2022-05-02
Date of entry/update: 2022-05-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: " The Burmese military junta’s systematic and widespread escalation of violence following its attempt to seize power on 1 February 2021, has created a humanitarian crisis that poses a grave threat to regional human security.  During 1 Feb 2021 – 15 Apr 2022, there were 10,786 armed clashes and attacks on civilians, more than in Syria, Yemen, Iraq, or Afghanistan in the same period. The junta has killed at least 2,146 and arrested at least 13,282 civilians. Those killed and/or detained include elected MPs, journalists, humanitarian workers, civil society members, and students. In the first 41⁄2 months of 2022 alone (1 Jan - 15 Apr), there were 3,134 such incidents involving air strikes, artillery shelling and other battlefield tactics, in every State/Region and the capital territory.  The systematic targeting of civilians, in addition to intensifying the humanitarian crisis, also amount to atrocity crimes that continue to drive up the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees from Burma. According to UNHCR, 614,000 people have been displaced since the coup attempt, adding to over one million people displaced by pre-existing armed conflict and abuses. These populations, further affected by ongoing attacks and blocks on humanitarian aid, are in desperate need of protection, shelter, food, water, medicine, and other aid.  Humanitarian need is greatest in border regions in Burma’s southeast and west, where conflict is particularly high relative to the population size, where the junta continues to block or destroy aid from others.  It is imperative for ASEAN members to facilitate cross-border aid, partnering with like-minded countries and organizations, in the interests of regional human security and its own credibility. The Burma military has a long history of violence against, displacement of, and disregard for the humanitarian needs of ethnic minority populations, particularly at the country’s borders. This was shown clearly in the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic during 2020, when the military continued its widespread violence, gave minimal aid or blocked aid to border regions, and destroyed ethnic health checkpoints for detecting COVID. On 1 February 2021, the military attempted to launch a coup. It locked hundreds of parliamentarians—set to convene parliament that day—in their lodgings; put others under house arrest; and took others to jail. Since that time it has only increased its detentions and other targeting of politicians. It also responded to nationwide peaceful resistance with shocking violence, escalating attacks that have resulted in nationwide conflict. The intensity of conflict and attacks on civilians is not uniform. Although junta troops have torched villages and towns in central Burma, raided them, and arrested civilians there, the humanitarian implications of its onslaught have been worse in areas traditionally targeted by the military. The following maps show (1) raw conflict numbers by State/Region and (2) adjusted for population, mindful that the border zones already suffer a legacy of decades-long conflict and deprivation prior to the coup. Intensifying the humanitarian emergency and impeding humanitarian assistance The junta’s violence has had terrible consequences for Burma’s civilian population. According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), as of 4 Apr 2022 there were 561,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Burma and 53,000 refugees from Burma who had been displaced after 1 Feb 2021, in addition to hundreds of thousands of people previously displaced. In other words, as of 4 Apr, there were at least 1.89 million displaced persons in Burma and just across its borders in neighboring countries.1 These numbers are likely significant underestimates, based on local reporting. The junta has worked to prevent others from providing humanitarian aid or healthcare to vulnerable populations. In June 2021, junta troops blocked aid for Karenni IDPs, and destroyed an ambulance bringing humanitarian aid to Moebye Township (Shan State). The ambulance reportedly contained 80 sacks of rice, medicine, and medical equipment.2 In July 2021, the junta reportedly allowed only around 450kg of rice to enter Mindat (Chin State) each day— not enough to feed residents—despite a ceasefire and humanitarian agreement.3 Junta troops have arrested volunteers for assisting IDPs in Chin, Karen, Karenni, Shan, Mandalay, and Sagaing States/Regions. 4 International NGOs have alerted the world that the junta was blocking aid and using systematic efforts to starve people and prevent them from accessing healthcare.5 Junta troops have particularly targeted Burma’s healthcare sector: As of 10 Jan 2022, there had been at least 415 attacks and threats against health workers, facilities, and transports; 30 health workers killed; 286 arrested or detained; and 128 attacks on healthcare facilities. This focus on the health workers stems from the perception that they began the civil disobedience movement.6 Junta troops have also targeted IDP camps and their populations, killing those in need and further preventing others from being able to help. In January 2022 in Karenni State, staff and patients fled a Loikaw hospital amid clashes and junta-imposed electricity blackouts;7 and junta planes bombed two IDP camps, killing at least six IDPs.8 Amid conflict in Karen State, junta planes bombed a hospital for the second time in January, and attacked refugee camps.9 Activists and vulnerable communities from urban areas and central Burma have also fled to border areas, where they seek refuge from the junta’s terror. These populations join those in need in border areas, and their presence has also served as a pretext for further junta military attacks, such as those in Lay Kay Kaw, Karen State,10 which have displaced over 10,000 people. The scope of need – up by 1,300% As a result of these actions, along with the junta’s mishandling of the economy and the COVID-19 pandemic, millions of people are living hand to mouth, in intense insecurity. In December 2021, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) said that 14.4 million people in Burma would need humanitarian assistance in 2022, a 1,300% increase from its prediction for 2021.11 While need is high nationwide, the severity of need is highest in border regions. According to OCHA, by December 2021 there were 526,000 IDPs in “extreme” need, across the southeast (Southern Shan, Karenni, Eastern Bago, Karen, Mon, and Tanintharyi), northwest (Chin, Sagaing), northeast (Kachin, Northern Shan), as well as in Magway and Rakhine. Since that time, over 5,000 people have crossed the border into Thailand, and many have sought shelter on either side of the Moei river, which divides the two countries;12 the UNHCR and Thai officials estimated in April 2022 that 17,000 people had crossed into Thailand since February 2021.13 Furthermore, the enormous number of people in need even in areas fully under junta control demonstrates that the junta is either unwilling or unable to meet people’s basic needs. Numerous challenges prevent delivery of humanitarian aid within Burma. From the OCHA report: While international and local humanitarian organizations [...] have stayed and delivered during the recent crises, attacks on health workers and severe access constraints (particularly in conflict areas) are resulting in unmet needs with a multiplier effect into 2022. A number of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and International Non-Government Organizations (INGOs) ...had their offices raided, materials confiscated and leaders arrested. Disregard for human rights and international humanitarian law by parties to the conflict is becoming increasingly common, and the operating environment for humanitarian workers has worsened with continued attacks on health and education facilities and personnel [...].14 Community-based and border-based organizations part of the solution Non-governmental health organizations already have infrastructure for healthcare delivery, and have ably provided healthcare in border areas for decades, including emergency public health responses to displaced persons during the pandemic. They coordinate through the Ethnic Health Committee (EHC), comprised of independent Community-Based Health Organizations (CBHOs) and Ethnic Health Organizations (EHOs) under the structure of ethnic organizations such as the Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni National Peoples’ Party (KNPP), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State-based, and Burmese groups. Ethnic health providers have already played a key role in responding to the pandemic, and are now organizing vaccine distribution in ethnic areas. The Chin National Front started administering Covishield vaccines on 15 Aug 2021. The New Mon State Party opened five temporary medical centers and 18 checkpoints in the areas it controls, and is reportedly conducting a vaccination campaign. With the help of the Chinese Red Cross, the Kachin Independence Organization has vaccinated at least 20,000 people, and the Shan State Progress Party has similarly vaccinated over 3,000 people. Civilian and humanitarian aid groups have shown they are serious about combating COVID-19, as well as poor healthcare generally, and could make significant progress with additional funds. The National Unity Government (NUG)—Myanmar’s civilian government—has created a National Health Committee and a National-Level Commission on COVID-19, and established itself as a willing liaison between foreign donors and local communities. ASEAN can lead the way in facilitating aid, but this must involve cross-border assistance. Otherwise, the bloc risks undermining a multi-stakeholder approach and making its intervention dangerously political and one-sided – aligned with the junta which has been the root cause of this threat to regional human security. Cross-border aid essential In light of the desperate humanitarian situation in and outside of Burma, and conflict-related and other junta-imposed impediments to providing in-country assistance, it is critical that foreign states and organizations facilitate the flow of cross-border aid. Furthermore, sole reliance on cooperation with the junta would be misguided and inexpedient, and would exacerbate pre-existing humanitarian gaps in Burma. The military has proven time and again that it is not a responsible steward of humanitarian aid or any other assistance for the people of Burma. Its presence, even alongside foreign aid providers, is likely to frighten communities, and the junta is liable to use aid as a means to further securitization and commission of atrocity crimes.15 It is notable that Adelina Kamal, former Executive Director of the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance (AHA) Centre, is among the loudest voices calling for ASEAN, Burma’s neighbors, the UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, and other international actors to support humanitarian aid that goes through non- state actors in Burma, such as community-based health organizations.16 Funding already exists for cross-border aid. On 10 Aug, the US Department of State announced an aid package of more than US 50 million to provide life-saving protections, food and shelter, health care, WASH, and support to people being persecuted and displaced in Burma.17 On 12 Aug, US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield met virtually with Dr Cynthia Maung—head of the NUG’s COVID-19 Task Force—to discuss US contributions to the COVID-19 relief effort.18 In October 2021, 397 local and allied groups co-signed a letter, calling on International Financial Institutions (IFIs) to repurpose hundreds of millions of dollars in frozen Burma aid to support effective COVID-19 assistance for border-based ethnic communities and prisoners in Burma.19 The first step forward towards a sustainable solution to strengthen community resilience and significantly mitigate the crisis’ destabilizing impacts on the ASEAN region, would be to restart and scale up cross-border aid programs that were present on that Thai-Burmese border in the 1980s – 2000s. It is imperative that the management and implementation of such efforts be organized with the inclusion of and implementation by community-based organizations that already have the trust and cooperation of affected communities on the ground..."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-BURMA
2022-04-26
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Objective: To promote the sustainable recovery of flood-affected people by restoring agricultural production and livelihoods, while strengthening early warning systems. Key partners: Department of Agriculture (DoA) under the Ministry of Agriculture Livelihood and Irrigation (MoALI). Beneficiaries reached: 5 000 households (27 400 people). Activities implemented: Provided 5 000 households (of whom 52 percent female-headed) with 58 340 tonnes of paddy seed, 31 245 tonnes of green gram and 100 tonnes of compound fertilizer, as well as 25 000 surgical masks and 15 000 bars of soap to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Trained 106 field extension field officers as trainers on good agricultural practices (GAPs), climate-smart agriculture (CSA) and nutrition, who then replicated the training for 214 key farmers in the five target townships (Kawkareik and Kyarinnseikgyi Townships in Kayin State, Kyaikmaraw Township in Mon State, and Palaw and Tanintharyi Townships in Tanintharyi Region). Conducted five meetings to assess the early warning systems in the target townships with participation from representatives from the DoA; Livestock Breeding and Veterinary Department; General Administration Department; Department of Disaster Management; and Department of Meteorology and Hydrology. Provided and installed five weather sensors, and trained 65 DoA staff on their use and maintenance. Developed five flood risks maps and shared them with the Myanmar Information Management Unit. Conducted hazard, livelihood and vulnerability assessments in the five townships to define hazard thresholds and triggers for forecast-based early actions, involving 23 participants from township-level governments and 17 farmers and livestock holders. Trained 17 farmers and livestock holders on disaster risk management (DRM) and disaster risk reduction (DRR). Conducted three post-monsoon fora with participation from 205 staff from various departments under MoALI to share experiences, challenges and lessons learned to enhance anticipatory action systems. Results: Enabled 5 000 households to produce an expected 4 287 tonnes of rice and 721 tonnes of green gram, which is enough to cover the staple food needs of each of the beneficiary households for nearly 11 months. Enhanced knowledge on GAPs, CSA and nutrition among extension staff and farmers, improving production. Strengthened early warning systems through enhanced weather monitoring and forecasting, and built capacity on DRM and DRR, mitigating flood risks and increasing resilience to future climate hazards..."
Source/publisher: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-04-28
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
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Description: "Executive Summary Authored by Medway, Gonzalez, Win, Kyaw, Russo. August 2021 The Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme Facility (HARP-F) was established as an intermediary grant distribution mechanism for the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) humanitarian funding in Myanmar. The challenging and ever-changing operating context required a flexible and adaptable funding instrument that could support partner delivery in such circumstances. These characteristics were built into the design of the HARP-F from the outset. This evaluation sought to understand why and how HARP-F and its partners used different remote management approaches, how these approaches compared to those described in the literature, whether the preparedness undertaken was helpful and whether HARP-F and partners were able to manage the multiple risks faced through remote management. The evaluation was conducted in a period of significant crisis in Myanmar, largely due to the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic and the military coup. Consequently, all interactions with stakeholders were conducted remotely, by a team of both national and international consultants, using a mixed methodology incorporating quantitative and qualitative inquiry. Our conclusions HARP-F’s flexibility and adaptability as a fund distribution mechanism was highly appreciated by partners. The most localised responses, whether led by national or international partners, have been best placed to sustain delivery through the pandemic and coup. The formal instruments HARP-F developed to support remote partnership, specifically the Remote Management Partnership toolkit was not applied by partners but was, nonetheless, aligned with many of the operational adaptations that partners actually took. HARP-F’s approach was well aligned with documented good practice. Donors will continue to need intermediaries in Myanmar. They should be clearer about their accountability and reporting requirements and ensure the capacity of any intermediaries that succeed HARP-F is in place to meet such requirements. We also make 19 specific recommendations for any intermediary organisations that follow HARP-F. The recommendations are structured around four of the research questions mentioned above, namely how, what, preparedness and risk management. HARP-F has already taken action in some of these areas where there was a self-evident need to take action, such as in the creation of a flexible budget line in each grant to facilitate quick responses to unanticipated emergencies. These are summarized on the next page..."
Source/publisher: Crown Agents and Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-04-27
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Executive Summary Authored by The Operations Partnership,December 2021. WHAT IS HARP-F? The Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme Facility (HARP-F) is a UK Government Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) initiative launched in 2016. HARP-F is the grant-funding mechanism, and the largest component of the wider Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme. It is managed by Crown Agents. It has so far committed £74.7 million, reaching 1.69 million conflict-affected people via 76 grants, across 8 sectors and in collaboration with 55 partners. WHY REVIEW HARP-F MULTI-YEAR WASH FUNDING? Since 2016, HARP-F has been the largest funding mechanism for humanitarian water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) support in Myanmar. Over the last 6 years HARP-F WASH programming has supported 315,000 conflict-affected people in Kachin, Northern Shan, Rakhine and Chin States, with grants totalling £22.4 million. The case for multi-year humanitarian funding was established as part of the Grand Bargain in 2016. Since then, HARP-F has been the main provider of multi-year humanitarian WASH funding in Myanmar, providing 95% of all humanitarian WASH multi-year funding in Myanmar between 2017 and 2021. This strategic review outlines what has been learned about WASH multi-year funding and identifies where, and how, this learning could be applied in the future. 71 specialists, representing 22 organisations, were consulted via key informant interviews (KII) and focus groups. This included staff from HARP-F, FCDO, the WASH cluster and from the majority of key WASH actors working in Myanmar. 7 KEY LESSONS LEARNED FROM HARP-F MULTI-YEAR WASH PROGRAMMING Provision of “Long term” multi-year funding (>24 months) was a key factor in supporting substantial advances in community ownership and management of WASH services in a challenging operating environment (central Rakhine IDP camps) “Medium term” multi-year funding (12-24 months) was effective in supporting a structured process of local NGO capacity development (mostly evidenced in Kachin/NSS). It was crucial to maintain coordination with other capacity building providers for this funding to be effective. 96% of WASH actors consulted in this review agreed that HARP-F funding has been effective in empowering local and national actors. Multi-year funding of any duration (12 months or more) helped implementing agencies build programme quality and led to administrative and operational cost savings in comparison to typical short term humanitarian funding. This is consistent with previous research on multi-year funding. 93% of WASH actors consulted in this review agreed that multi-year funding substantially increased programmatic impact. Those consulted reported that more time was spent on creating value with targeted communities rather than meeting the increased administrative requirements that back-to-back short-term funding involves. A contextualised strategy framework for WASH programming was helpful in guiding HARP-F support to partners, HARP-F funding decisions and HARP-F partner planning. It outlined relevant approaches to sustainability and resilience for the key operating contexts in Rakhine and Kachin States. HARP-F recognised the difficulty that a funding gap would present for local NGOs and tried to mitigate the risk of this happening. Local NGOs do not typically benefit from the funding reserves that many INGOs have. Given the effort invested by HARP-F and partners in LNGO capacity development it was crucial that HARP-F found ways to ensure sustained funding for local NGOs working in a protracted crisis. The M&E approach needed to be better at capturing outcomes and learning. There would be increased benefit from multi-year funding, and stronger evidence for the future, if M&E approaches were designed to understand emerging long-term outcomes and learning. A results/outputs focused humanitarian M&E approach is not sufficient. Multi-year thinking and planning was encouraged alongside multi-year funding. The HARP-F experience shows that multi-year funding is not the only tool that can support programme quality, efficiency and longer-term WASH outcomes. In a protracted crisis multi-year planning approaches should be encouraged at all levels. There were examples of this happening in Myanmar at both the WASH cluster and implementing organisation levels. APPLYING THIS LEARNING There was a significant scale-up of the humanitarian response during 2021 to respond to new needs following the military takeover in February. Unfortunately, the situation continues to be unstable and unpredictable. Humanitarian access remains a significant challenge. Humanitarian organisations have set an ambitious target of assisting 6.2 million people in 2022. The financial ask identified in the Humanitarian Response Plan is three-times that of 2021. HARP-F will end its programming in March 2022. Since HARP-F currently supports 95% of multi-year WASH projects, it is critical for other funding organisations to consider financing multi-year WASH projects. Continued funding from new sources is important for the sustainability of capacity investments made in communities and local NGOs via HARP-F. There is a risk that the current level of uncertainty in Myanmar could dissuade donors from making multiyear funding commitments. However, short-term funding will yield only short-term results. It seems highly likely that humanitarian access will continue to be a critical problem. Well supported and capacitated community organisations and local NGOs may be the only lifeline available to provide humanitarian assistance and protection to the most vulnerable in many locations. Continuing and deepening support to communities and local NGOs is a critical strategy for the overall response. Multi-year funding is the most effective way to accomplish this in WASH, and in many other sectors. RECOMMENDATIONS Humanitarian actors and donors in Myanmar should Advocate for multi-year WASH funding, especially where long term outcomes are envisioned, or access constraints are likely to be sustained. Multi-year grants with a duration of 2 years or more (in keeping with the OECD definition) are preferred because of the increased efficiency and programme impact gains that can be achieved over such a period. Where multi-year funding is not possible, adopt multi-year plans at the agency, donor and cluster levels. Meanwhile, the situation at community level should be closely monitored to help identify when the situation is sufficiently stable for multi-year funding. Consider adopting multi-year funding and planning modalities for emergency response programming, employing an adaptive management approach. This can also provide a framework that will enable local NGO response capacities to be further strengthened. Humanitarian, development and peace actors in Myanmar should Continue to build linkages between humanitarian, development and peacebuilding mechanisms in order to maximise coherence and shared impact. This coordination becomes increasingly important the more that humanitarian multi-year funding is supported. The Global WASH cluster should Examine how the cluster funding matrix could better capture data relevant to multi-year funding. Original project duration and project extension information is important, as is disaggregated data on primary grants and sub-grants (duration and financial value). If this information is collected, it can more readily be used to track progress against Grand Bargain commitments towards “Quality funding” and “More support and funding for local and national responders”..."
Source/publisher: Crown Agents and Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Programme via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-04-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf pdf
Size: 2.71 MB (Original version) - 45 pages, 1.15 MB 1.17 MB
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Description: "The Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management of the National Unity Government has been implementing the following humanitarian activities in accordance with the policies, strategies and action plans spending the total budget of (2.73) billion MMK from 16th April 2021 to 10th April 2022; Sr. No. Activities MMK (Million) 1. Internally displaced population and Armed conflict affected population 1334.20..... 2. Food security for local communities and local defence forces 803.90.....3 Families with the fallen heroes and the injured 113.72.....4 Civil Servants who joined Civil Disobedience Movement 228.99.....5.Vulnerable people and their families 82.39.....6. Political prisoners and their family members 44.25.....7. Natural Disaster affected communities 10.62.....8. General Support for humanitarian measures 113.49 Of all the support delivered, the highest amount, almost half of the funding has been spent on the humanitarian delivery for internally displaced people. As per the latest report issued by UNHCR on 6th April 2022, there are over (500,000) internally displaced people since the military coup, and the Ministry has provided humanitarian aid to about (100,000) IDPs in every month covering about 20% of the total population affected by armed conflict in Myanmar. According to the statistics, humanitarian assistances were delivered to the following States and Regions depending on the needs, and Kayin, Sagaing, Karenni, Chin and Magway had received the highest amount of contributions..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
2022-04-16
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: After three years of conflict in Rakhine State, internally displaced people (IDPs) face many challenges. Due to the armed conflicts between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and the Arakan Army (AA) lasting from late 2018 to November 2020, many still live in makeshift shelters across the state.
Description: "People in Need (PIN) continues to deliver humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected populations in Rakhine State. Before the rainy season begins, it is essential to maintain and repair makeshift shelters. With financial support from the Myanmar Humanitarian Fund (MHF), PIN provided emergency shelter kits to 750 households, alongside shelter kits provided by UNHCR. Additionally, PIN provided 235 collective shelter sets to 11 internal displacement sites in Mrauk U and Kyauktaw townships, Rakhine State in 2021. Urgent requirements for sheltering U Ba Kyaw, a site leader at the Pya Hla IDP site in Mrauk U township, shares his concerns regarding the accommodation of IDPs sheltering there, “Our shelters are made of bamboo and tarpaulin, created in previous years as a temporary measure. Most of our shelters at the Pya Hla site where more than 900 people are sheltering are damaged and IDPs are facing difficulties living there. Among them, 50 households urgently need to reconstruct their entire home.” said U Ba Kyaw. “Before the rainy season, at least 50 households returned to their villages in Pauktaw township, but most of them returned soon after because Myanmar military troops are residing near their village. They are afraid and do not dare go back again.” He adds, “PIN distributed shelter kits and other necessities aids to us, it was very helpful. Pya Hla site is now sheltered in the compound of a Buddhist monastery. Some houses moved outside of the monastery compound and were rebuilt again. We need more support for shelters. However, international organisations and UN agencies provide us with shelter, food, and cash distributions. Thank you to these organisations and donors for supporting us.” PIN plans to support these needs by distributing an additional 230 emergency shelter kits to 9 displacement sites in 2022 with support from MHF. Shelter and NFI materials support for IDP sites Rakhine state is part of the most disaster-affected areas in Myanmar. It is regularly impacted by cyclones and floods, and displaced people are most vulnerable. During the rainy season, most IDPs are facing challenging living conditions in IDP sites. Temporary shelters, built in early 2019, need immediate repair or reconstruction. IDPs in these sites are reliant on aid assistance provided by international and national organisations. Daw War War Naing, a mother of three who lives in Wet Hla IDP site, Mrauk U township, says, “Our house needs to be repaired before the rainy season comes. We already face difficulties and prices are skyrocketing. We cannot afford to buy wood and bamboo to rebuild the house. That is why we are waiting for the shelter kits from international organisations and relevant governmental officials. Last year, PIN provided shelter kits that were useful for us. However, we need to repair or rebuild soon.” Daw Yin Nu Sein, a 62-year-old woman, lives at the Wet Hla IDP site with her granddaughter. She already rebuilt her small hut by borrowing money because it was destroyed by strong winds and weather. “I cannot wait until assistance comes because my small hut was already damaged. Even though I do not have money to rebuild the house, I borrowed it from others at high rates. This small hut cost 80,000 kyats (USD 50). Regardless of borrowing money, I was afraid that if heavy rain and strong winds came, we could not stay at our hut.” she explains. In 2022, PIN address the essential needs of IDPs as per their requests. Together with shelter kits supported by UNHCR, PIN distributes additional shelter kits, which include traditional building materials such as bamboo, myaw post, and thatching/nipa palm leaves for 9 targeted IDP sites in Mrauk U township, Rakhine State..."
Source/publisher: People in Need (People in Need)
2022-04-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "A recent job posting for the international non-profit organization Search for Common Ground sought a “proactive, dynamic and experienced” person to work in their Yangon office on “Youth, Peace and Security”. The posting failed to mention the February 1 2021 military coup, but did proclaim that “Search Myanmar is at an exciting stage and has been trying to reach a new level of growth, scaling up…to support its strategy in-country to support Myanmar in its priorities of peace, development and democratic change.” I’m not sure “exciting stage” is the apt characterization for contemporary Myanmar. Search is also looking for a Conflict Analyst, a Project Director, a Gender and Diversity Consultant and several other positions. There has been a flurry of new job postings in the international development space in Myanmar, many of which avoid mentioning the coup. When the issue does arise, it is referred to as a ‘military takeover’, likely because the Ministry of Information under the junta’s State Administration Council (SAC) banned the use of the term ‘coup’, as well as the terms ‘junta’ and ‘regime’. It all contributes to a strained return to normalcy, as the United Nations (UN), international organizations, and Western embassies all contrive to rationalize the relentless bad news from around the country. Filling jobs is prosaic way to keep busy. Nor does aid money spend itself. Although it would be a demonstration of common decency if job postings didn’t talk about “exciting opportunities” when so many potential applicants have been killed in street protests, are in prison, have gone underground to continue civil disobedience, have been exiled, or have chosen to take up arms against a brutal and illegal military system. That rather limits the pool of applicants, something which they could have acknowledged in their ‘search’ for common ground. In the aftermath of the first anniversary of Myanmar’s putsch, there was the inevitable slew of morosely serious ‘webinars’, which blend into a distant droning sound of helplessness until one discerns the rising signals of reengagement amongst many international donors and diplomats. There are signs big and small, from the woeful visit of outgoing Australian Ambassador Andrea Faulkner to SAC head Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyitaw in early April, obviously on instructions from the Australian government, obtuse statements from diplomats in Yangon, to continued recruitment of multiple positions that scream business as usual and the continued operations of programs that a coup would normally halt. The UN’s most superfluous agency, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), has also advertised for a new Myanmar country director. Yet the UNODC Asia Pacific Regional Director, the studiously self-promoting Jeremy Douglas with his steely Elliot Ness-like intensity, has been spouting alarmist nonsense about a post-coup explosion of crystal methamphetamine production and the perfect conditions for criminal enterprises, given that the Myanmar Police Force (MPF) is otherwise occupied suppressing dissent. The rise of meth production in northern Shan State preceded the coup by years, the MPF only arrest low-level traffickers and users, not major players protected by the military, and the UNODC hasn’t had much success in drug eradication in Myanmar in several decades. Also, the UN’s common position doesn’t permit any interaction with the Myanmar military or police, so what exactly would the successful applicant be doing? The job posting states; “Keep abreast with the latest developments and trends in Myanmar regarding all areas under UNODC mandates and advise on possible policy and operational responses; Represent UNODC’s position and interests in Myanmar and liaise with Government’s institutions [in line with the common UN position], civil society, regional and international aid agencies and financial institutions, and the media.” So really not much of any use. Or is it the thin edge of a wedge of reengagement? UNODC permitted the attendance of an SAC official at the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs several weeks after the coup, and it worked closely with the MPF on drafting the 2014 Anti-Terrorism Law, so its new country head should be watched closely. The World Food Programme (WFP), arguably one of the the most important agencies operating given the scale of food insecurity and conflict-induced displacement, recently released its ‘2021 Highlights’, not exactly a very conflict-sensitive title. It referred not to a coup d’etat or widespread atrocities, but to a “Political Crisis…Myanmar military stages a takeover prompting near paralysis of economy and public services”, while the number of people receiving assistance increased by one million. An overall tepid description of what the WFP continues to call a ‘crisis’. UN Secretary General Special Envoy Noeleen Heyzers efforts have also dissolved into bland formula, especially after she was pilloried for her remarks (or misstatement) on ‘power sharing’ in late January. Her April 1 visit to Cambodia resulted in a limp concoction of generalities as she pledged to: “continue to amplify the voices of the people of Myanmar and encourage international action based on an accurate assessment of the situation…continue to engage with all key stakeholders, focusing on helping articulate the bottom-lines and conditions needed for momentum towards any talks about talks in the greater interest of peace, stability and democracy.” It’s as if the coup didn’t happen, the SAC doesn’t exist, or that the military regime isn’t the primary perpetrator of the violence she hopes to quell. Stringing inoffensive words together sends clear signals for the UN inside Myanmar and others to get back to work. The UN Office Coordinating Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) has also distributed a clear set of Joint Operating Standards (JOS) that are a model of rectitude and humanitarian impartiality. However, when one sees this contained in the JOS, “this engagement must be principled and should never be considered political legitimization, recognition of – or support to – a party of conflict”, the question is how much legitimization the UN as a whole is bestowing on the SAC as a matter of course? The appointment of the American humanitarian expert Liam Mahony to be an advisor to the UN Humanitarian Country Team in Yangon may provide answers to this. Mahony produced a number of excoriating reports on the UN and international NGO’s failures in Rakhine State, “A Slippery Slope” and in 2018 “Time to Break Old Habits”, about the massive failures of the international community to prevent the atrocities against Rohingya Muslims. The promise of peace has been exhumed in other ways than just Search Myanmar. The 11-donor Joint Peace Fund (JPF), a US$100 million Ponzi scheme of Western donor avarice and incompetence, has staged a Lazarus-like rebirth with a new strategy: “Following the military takeover…the JPF conducted a major restructuring of its operations to support national stakeholders seeking to resolved the decades-old conflict…(a)n interim strategy was developed as a basis for JPF support to peace process stakeholders during a transition period from January to December 2022…that strengthens local conflict management mechanisms – enabling actors to mitigate the impact of violent conflict on civilians – and retains the foundations for actors to communicate and negotiate to end conflict and violence.” In other words, we utterly failed at supporting peace between 2016 to 2021, so give us more money and during a multisided civil war sparked by a military coup we can resolve it. There is an astonishingly misplaced optimism in this interim strategy. The JPF is recruiting a Senior Conflict Analyst (meaning foreigner), National Conflict Analyst (meaning someone from Myanmar), Senior Gender Advisor, and two other National Gender Advisors. The ‘Roles and Responsibilities’ of all these positions are highly unlikely to be achieved in any meaningful way, and will contribute little beyond having lunch at the Alamanda Inn’s French restaurant in Yangon’s Golden Valley Green Zone The central normalizer must be the European Union (EU), maintaining its massive My Justice program (justice in Myanmar?) implemented by the British Council, the Oxfam-directed Durable Peace Program, and the unfortunately mistimed Nexus Response Mechanism (NRM), a US$50 million fund to to “implement innovative, flexible, and rights-based activities at the nexus of the humanitarian, development, and peace sectors…(the) objective is to contribute to long-term peace and national reconciliation, security, stability and sustainable development by reducing the vulnerability, building the resilience, and protecting the rights of conflict and disaster affected communities across Myanmar”, which sounds like a planning document from 2016, not the Myanmar of 2022. To be continuing a project with the Orwellian title of ‘Durable Peace’ in the current carnage is surreal, if not sick. This from a donor who instituted the much derided MyPol police reform scheme, and injected 175 million euros directly into the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) education budget [out of a total grant of 221 million euros], and was a major donor to the JPF. Compounding the EU’s post-coup cognitive dissonance, EU Ambassador Ranieri Sabatucci’s slew of snarky tweets are enraging many inside Myanmar and he seems determined to pick fights with anyone but the SAC. One of his most recent tweets stated that “#Myanmar social media is full of trollers, located abroad (sic). They judge/speculate without knowledge of the facts. Their insults and aggression discourage healthy pluralistic debates. The result, could be shrinking of democratic space on social media. They should not succeed.” If only Ambassador Sabatucci put as much effort into ensuring the SAC won’t succeed. The EU exemplifies the two-step strategy of normalization. Back home in Brussels, impose sanctions, make strong speeches and resolutions from the EU Parliament, but in the halls of the European External Action Service (EEAS) seek ways to recover the relationship. Throwing money doesn’t work, but it makes the EU feel useful, and important. Much of this post-coup normalization is being orchestrated by the all-enveloping efforts of the United Nations Office of Project Services (UNOPS), a benign-sounding behemoth of a project-implementing bureaucracy that has been criticized for its slow pace of adaptation to the post-coup reality, and being predisposed to accommodating authority regardless of its credentials. If the James Bond franchise ever had an UN agency as an evil nemesis, it would be UNOPS, where donors send so much bulk funding to be dispersed with the tenderness of a wood chipper. Arrayed on the other ‘side’ of this normalizing pathology is a mirror image complex of advisors and consultants to the parallel National Unity Government, and various anti-SAC forces. They operate in twilight and obscurity far more than the worker drones of the UN, equally unaccountable and their utility rarely questioned. Who are they and what are they up to? What role did they play in supporting the military or the NLD over the past several years? They will likely have their complicity in the deficiencies of the NLD expunged as unfortunate association. Yet in light of the recent US government designation of the Rohingya genocide, it would behoove Western donors to ensure they are not paying engorged salaries to anyone in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s former inner circle who cooperated in the attempted cover-up of major atrocities. In fact, any of the opportunists who were orbiting Naypyitaw under the NLD government should automatically be highly suspect. If for no other reason than their obscene salaries. As feeding frenzies go, it’s perhaps not as fulsome as the early years of the ‘transition’ or the boom years of the post-2015 election when massive development funds were creating major opportunities for the moneyed classes of the international development set. Think of today’s repurposing of so much money that cannot legally be implemented inside Myanmar as a ‘decent interval’ before the West eventually downscales from the country to a pre-Cyclone Nargis mentality and funding mechanisms. This would return the country to a site of sanctions and condemnation, and funneling the bulk of aid to warehoused Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, cross-border assistance to the unremitting attrition warfare of eastern Myanmar, occasional food deliveries to the rural resistance zones of Sagaing and Magwe regions, and undulating optimism at the prospect of ‘durable solutions’ to resolve ten years of protracted displacement of 100,000 people in Kachin and northern Shan states, and the potential funding windfall it may bring to international agencies to assist. But then anything connected to governance, peace, human rights, or the scams of social cohesion, have a markedly limited role in the current conflict. It is open to question how much genuine utility they had even before 2020, when the peace process was clearly dead and projects of governance were circumscribed by an autarkic and incompetent ruling party. So why do so many of these actors remain engaged? Pay checks and lifestyles, is a simple explanation. By at least mid-2021 there was already an exodus of foreign technical experts to other countries, much the same as the stampede of people from Afghanistan and Cambodia into Yangon in 2014. It is now clear that Ukraine has almost permanently distracted media and diplomatic attention away from not just Myanmar, but Yemen, Ethiopia and the Congo. Many Western donors have already calculated their post-pandemic and post-‘takeover’ priorities to resume trade with Southeast Asia, which compels the charade of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centrality in resolving the Myanmar crisis. As the one-year anniversary of agreeing the Five Point Consensus approaches later this month, any optimism that there will be progress any time soon is clearly strained or delusional, yet it hasn’t prohibited a movement towards ‘living with the SAC’. It is as if an orchestra of connivance is tuning its instruments, readying itself to build to a crescendo of credible normalization that doesn’t look like the betrayal of Myanmar it really is. But every job advertisement, qualified statement, self-lobotomized tweet, call for ASEAN to take the lead, or addition to the bonfire of pointless knowledge, is actively assisting the SAC in solidifying its rule. On behalf of the people of Myanmar, who are not drowning, but waving, its craven cynicism should be challenged at every turn..."
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Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2022-04-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In April 2022, Human Rights Watch, the European Rohingya Council, and 37 other concerned groups wrote to Canada, Denmark, the European Commission, Germany, Japan, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States, about the government of Bangladesh’s closure of schools for Rohingya refugee children. The letter to the EU is reproduced below, and the letter to the US is linked here. *** April 15, 2022 Josep Borrell Fontelles, High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Jutta Urpilainen, Commissioner for International Partnerships Janez Lenarčič, Commissioner for Crisis Management Cc: Ambassador Charles Whiteley, Head of EU Delegation to Bangladesh Dear High Representative Borrell, dear Commissioners Urpilainen and Lenarčič, As a leading donor to the Rohingya humanitarian crisis, the European Commission has provided crucial support for Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh. Education for many of those children is now in peril. We therefore hope that the EU will publicly call on Bangladesh authorities to reverse their decision to close schools for tens of thousands of Rohingya children in the refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar who now have no access to education, and urge like-minded governments to do the same. We also urge you to pressure the Bangladesh government to officially recognize and approve the work of Rohingya community-led schools in the refugee camps and allow humanitarian funding to support formal, accredited education for Rohingya students, including secondary education. Under current restrictions, EU funding may only support informal, unaccredited, basic lessons for younger children. Annex: Bangladesh Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner’s School-Closure Order In December, the authorities ordered,[i] without explanation, the closure of early childhood development programs, informal “home-based learning centers” with 22,000 students, and community-led “private” schools that were teaching the formal Myanmar curriculum to up to 40,000 students.[ii] The home-based and early childhood programs were established with support from the EU and other donors. The community-led schools provided Rohingya refugee children’s only access to instruction in a formal curriculum and to secondary-level classes since August 2017, but the authorities did not recognize or allow the schools to request approval or legal status, and they received no humanitarian funding. To our knowledge, neither the EU nor any UN agency has advocated publicly on behalf of the community-led schools. Since December, Bangladesh authorities have demolished and forcibly closed community-led schools, detained a teacher who had not closed his school, and warned that teachers and families whose children continue to study will suffer confiscation of their family data cards, which are needed to obtain essential humanitarian aid and services, and will be transferred to a remote, flood-prone island, Bhasan Char. The camp authorities also ordered the closure of madrasas, which provide Islamic religious instruction. Refugees and humanitarian groups fear the school closures are part of government plans to coerce more families to relocate to Bhasan Char. Refugees on the island face severe movement restrictions, food and medicine shortages, abuses by security forces, and are prevented from returning to the mainland.[iii] The Bangladesh government is opposed to Rohingya refugees integrating locally and prohibits Rohingya children from studying outside the camps. Humanitarian groups may provide only informal, basic lessons, and instruction in the Bangla language and school curricula is banned.[iv] However, the community-led schools taught the Myanmar curriculum, in response to widespread demand among Rohingya refugees for education that will enable their children to repatriate and build successful lives in their homeland. Bangladesh agreed in January 2020 to permit the humanitarian education sector to teach the Myanmar curriculum, initially to 10,000 secondary-level students.[v] Under the education sector’s plan, supported by the EU and other donors, the community-led schools were to gain government recognition and be included in the sector.[vi] The school closures undermine this plan. The EU has prioritized funding for education in emergencies and pledged to “advocate for and support education system reform” in emergencies and protracted crises, “such as expanding and strengthening the teaching workforce.”[vii] EU law also links the preferential trade status granted to Bangladesh to its fulfillment of basic human rights and subjects Bangladesh to “enhanced engagement.” The EU should ensure that its enhanced engagement also covers pressing human rights issues including all children’s access to education.[viii] In April 2018, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights was “deeply concerned” that Bangladesh’s refusal to grant legal status to Rohingya prevented them from accessing education outside the refugee camps.[ix] Bangladesh’s policies are denying Rohingya refugee girls and boys the chance for a better future. The closure of community-led schools will place former students at increased risk of trafficking, and teachers whose schools were closed have said their male former students are now engaged in child labor and that girls have been married off. Bangladesh saved countless Rohingya lives by opening its borders in August 2017, but the authorities’ restrictions on schooling are creating an education and protection crisis for a generation of Rohingya refugee children, which could ultimately impact peace and security in the camps. We hope that you will continue to raise these critical issues with the Bangladesh government on an urgent basis. We would be grateful if you would agree to meet with representatives from a number of our organizations to discuss these issues in more detail in the coming weeks..."
Source/publisher: "Human Rights Watch" (USA)
2022-04-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Washington, DC – Today, Representative Gregory W. Meeks, Chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, issued the following statement regarding the passage of his legislation, the “Burma Unified Through Rigorous Military Accountability Act of 2021”, or BURMA Act, by the U.S. House of Representatives. “Today’s passage of my BURMA Act sends a clear message to the Burmese military that there will be accountability for their brutal and illegal February 1st 2021 coup, and for its subsequent crimes against humanity and human rights atrocities that have cost over 1,700 lives and displaced nearly half a million people. Together with last month’s formal determination by the Biden Administration that the Burmese military committed a genocide against Rohingya, the passage of the BURMA Act reaffirms the United States’ leadership to protect human rights and democratic values and ensure accountability and justice. I am proud to stand with the Burmese people who are fighting for their freedom.” A PDF of the BURMA Act can be found here, and key provisions include: Authorization to impose sanctions on individuals and entities who helped stage the February 1, 2021 coup d’état and are responsible for the subsequent repression of fundamental freedoms, human rights abuses, use of indiscriminate violence towards civilians, and other gross atrocities. Authorization for a new position at the State Department, a Special Coordinator for Burmese Democracy, to promote an international effort to impose and enforce multilateral sanctions on Burma and coordinate United States Government interagency efforts on Burma. Authorization for support to civil society and for humanitarian assistance in Burma, Bangladesh, Thailand, and the surrounding region. Call for the United States to pressure the United Nations to take more decisive action with regards to Burma. A report on the military’s genocide, crimes against humanity, and other atrocities against Rohingya and other ethnic minorities in Burma..."
Source/publisher: House Foreign Affairs Committee
2022-04-06
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-06
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Sub-title: Announcement in relation to International Aid for Health Care and Humanitarian Assistance
Description: "1. A Public Report on COVID-19 Vaccine was published on 18th October 2021 by National Health Committee (NHC) and COVID-19 Task Force (CTF). It was stated in the report that multiple discussions and meetings took place with UN organisations and organisations such as COVAX Facility, GAVI, the diplomatic community, and international partners. CTF’s people-centred three fundamental principles: (a) People first, (b) Transparency and (c) Equal and balanced communication, were published on 16th September 2021. The public was also informed that based on these principles, CTF is not only negotiating that the immunisation can be delivered fairly but also that GAVI’s activities are being monitored together with the international community. (https://nhcmyanmar.org/public-report-on-covid-19-vaccine.../) 2. Despite numerous discussions and meetings with COVAX Facility, GAVI in contravention of their own pledges, to date our Ethnic communities and the public have not had any equitable access to COVID-19 vaccines. We have learned that on 30th March 2022, COVAX Facility, GAVI distributed 2.2 million doses of Sinovac vaccines to the terrorist military council. 3. COVAX Facility, GAVI have not distributed any vaccines towards those who are in real need, such as the Ethnic Communities in the border areas, refugees from the armed conflict, the civil servants and the public who are having to evade arbitrary detention by the terrorist military council. 4. But COVID-19 Task Force together with Ethnic Health Organisations rose to the challenges and started COVID-19 mitigation programmes and rolled out vaccination programmes in the border areas. 5. We urge the World Health Organisation, Myanmar, United Nations Organisations, COVAX Facility, GAVI and other international organisations to not only roll out COVID-19 Vaccination programmes but aid and assist in healthcare provisions and humanitarian assistance directly to Ethnic Communities by involving third party organisations that have no allegiance to the terrorist military council via cross border areas at the earliest opportunity. In doing so, we would also like to remind the said organisations to abide by the people-centred three fundamental principles mentioned above..."
Source/publisher: National Health Committee - Myanmar
2022-04-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-05
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Sub-title: ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထောက်မှုဆိုင်ရာ နိုင်ငံတကာအကူအညီအထောက်အပံ့များနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ အသိပေးကြေညာချက်
Description: "၁။ အမျိုးသားကျန်းမာရေးကော်မတီ (NHC) နှင့် COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ထိန်းချုပ်ကုသရေးအဖွဲ့ (CTF) တို့သည် "COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ဆေးနှင့်စပ်လျဉ်း၍ ပြည်သူထံတင်ပြခြင်း" ထုတ်ပြန်ချက်ကို (၁၈-၁၀-၂၀၂၁) ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပြီး ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ အဆိုပါထုတ်ပြန်ချက်တွင် မိမိတို့ အနေဖြင့် COVAX Facility, GAVI အပါအဝင် UN အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ၊ သံတမန်အဖွဲ့များ၊ နိုင်ငံတကာ မိတ်ဖက်အဖွဲ့အစည်းများနှင့် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် တွေ့ဆုံဆက်သွယ်ညှိနှိုင်းမှုများ ဆောင်ရွက်ခဲ့ပါ ကြောင်း၊ CTF ၏ အခြေခံမူနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များဖြစ်သည့် (က) ပြည်သူသာ အဓိက ဖြစ်ရမည်၊ (ခ) ပွင့်လင်းမြင်သာမှုရှိရမည်၊ (ဂ) ညီမျှသော ဆက်ဆံမှု ရှိရမည် ဟူသော ပြည်သူအခြေပြု မူဝါဒ (၃) ရပ်ကို (၁၆-၉-၂၀၂၁) ရက်စွဲဖြင့် ထုတ်ပြန်ခဲ့ပါကြောင်း၊ အဆိုပါ မူဝါဒ (၃) ရပ်နှင့် အညီ တန်းတူညီမျှ ကာကွယ်ဆေး ထိုးနှံနိုင်ရေးမူဝါဒကို မျှမျှတတဖြစ်စေရန် CTF က ညှိနှိုင်း ဆွေးနွေးနေသည့်အပြင် GAVI ၏ ဆောင်ရွက်ချက်များကိုလည်း နိုင်ငံတကာနှင့်အတူ စောင့်ကြည့်လျက်ရှိပါကြောင်း ပြည်သူကို အသိပေးတင်ပြခဲ့ပြီးဖြစ်ပါသည်။ (https://nhcmyanmar.org/public-report-on-covid-19-vaccine.../) ၂။ သို့ရာတွင် ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများအားလုံး တန်းတူညီမျှ ကာကွယ်ဆေး ထိုးနှံနိုင်ရေးမူဝါဒနှင့်အညီ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် အကြိမ်ကြိမ် တွေ့ဆုံညှိနှိုင်းဆွေးနွေးချက်များကို COVAX Facility, GAVI အဖွဲ့အစည်းအနေဖြင့် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ခဲ့ခြင်း မရှိဘဲ (၃၀-၃-၂၀၂၂) ရက်နေ့တွင် COVAX Facility, GAVI သည် Sinovac အမျိုးအစား COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ဆေး (၂.၂) သန်းကျော်ကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီသို့ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့ကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ ၃။ COVAX Facility, GAVI အနေဖြင့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသရှိ တိုင်းရင်းသားပြည်သူများ၊ စစ်ဘေးရှောင် ပြည်သူများ၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ ဘေးအန္တရာယ်မှ တိမ်းရှောင်ထွက်ပြေးနေရသည့် ပြည်သူ့ဝန်ထမ်းများနှင့် ပြည်သူများအတွက် အမှန်တကယ် လိုအပ်လျက်ရှိသော COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ဆေးများကို ယနေ့အချိန်အထိ ပေးအပ်ခဲ့ခြင်း လုံးဝ မရှိပါ။ ၄။ သို့သော်လည်း COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ထိန်းချုပ်ကုသရေးအဖွဲ့ (CTF) နှင့် တိုင်းရင်းသား ကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့အစည်းများ လက်တွဲ၍ COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ထိန်းချုပ်ကုသရေးလုပ်ငန်း များနှင့် COVID-19 ကာကွယ်ဆေးထိုးနှံခြင်းလုပ်ငန်းများကို စိန်ခေါ်မှုများရှိသည့်တိုင် နယ်စပ် ဒေသများကို အခြေပြု၍ အကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်လျက်ရှိပါသည်။ ၅။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအခြေစိုက် ကမ္ဘာ့ကျန်းမာရေးအဖွဲ့ (WHO Myanmar) အပါအဝင် UN အဖွဲ့ အစည်းများ၊ COVAX Facility, GAVI နှင့် အခြားနိုင်ငံတကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများအနေဖြင့် ကာကွယ်ဆေးထိုးနှံခြင်းလုပ်ငန်းများအပြင် ကျန်းမာရေးနှင့် လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှု ဆိုင်ရာ အကူအညီအထောက်အပံ့များကို အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီနှင့် ဆက်စပ်မှု လုံးဝ မရှိသည့် Third Party အဖွဲ့အစည်းများမှတစ်ဆင့်သော်လည်းကောင်း၊ အကြမ်းဖက်စစ်ကောင်စီ၏ စွက်ဖက်မှု ကင်းမဲ့သည့် နယ်စပ်ဒေသများကို ဖြတ်ကျော်၍သော်လည်းကောင်း တိုင်းရင်းသား ပြည်သူများထံ လက်ဝယ်အရောက် ပေးပို့နိုင်ရေးအတွက် အမြန်ဆုံးအကောင်အထည်ဖော် ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် တိုက်တွန်းအပ်ပါသည်။ ထိုသို့အကောင်အထည်ဖော်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံ တကာအဖွဲ့အစည်းများသည် အထက်ဖော်ပြပါ ပြည်သူအခြေပြုမူဝါဒ (၃) ရပ်ကို မသွေဖည် စေဘဲ ဆောင်ရွက်ရန် ထပ်မံအသိပေးထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။..."
Source/publisher: National Health Committee - Myanmar
2022-04-05
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-05
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Description: "1. Since the coup in February last year, armed clashes have occurred intermittently between the Myanmar military and the citizens and Ethnic Armed Organizations who are resisting the Myanmar military-led regime, mainly in the southeastern and northwestern regions of Myanmar. As a result, about four hundred and forty thousand people have become internally displaced, and they are facing shortages of food and daily necessities. 2. Against such backdrop, the Government of Japan decided on April 1 to provide an Emergency Grant Aid of 8.3 million US dollars for humanitarian assistance to the populations in the south east area of Myanmar. This Emergency Grant Aid is to be delivered directly to the people of Myanmar through the offices of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the World Food Programme (WFP) and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). 3. This assistance will be delivered to approximately one hundred and sixty-five thousand people..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-02
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Description: "In continuation of her close cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Special Envoy visited the Kingdom of Cambodia. This mission was undertaken against the backdrop of escalating violence throughout Myanmar, as bombings and other excesses committed are compounding multiple vulnerabilities facing millions of people struggling for survival. The Special Envoy held frank and constructive discussion with the ASEAN Chair His Excellency Mr. Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia and the ASEAN Special Envoy His Excellency Mr. Prak Sokhonn, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, with a view to fostering meaningful and effective implementation of the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus. This important collaboration has been part of the Special Envoy’s close engagement with all ASEAN Foreign Ministers who, in their February statement, encouraged the ASEAN Special Envoy to coordinate closely with the Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on Myanmar to ensure synergy. In her interactions with Member States, including during recent visits to the United Nations Headquarters in New York and Washington D.C., in the Security Council and through various Regional Organizations, the Special Envoy has continued to stress the urgency for coherent international backing of a unified regional approach supportive of a Myanmar-led process reflective of the will of the people. Recalling the importance highlighted by the Security Council and General Assembly for the Special Envoy to maintain communication and engage intensively with all relevant parties in Myanmar, the Special Envoy shared her comprehensive assessment of the somber ground realities and sentiments among a range of domestic stakeholders as she sought to strengthen complementarity to the work of ASEAN. In this respect, the Special Envoy’s extensive discussions with the Cambodian Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister focused on helping align the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus with the will and needs of the people, without further delay. She stressed it was paramount for ASEAN to listen carefully to all voices on the ground in supporting durable peace and national reconciliation. The Special Envoy emphasized that indicators and results on the ground were urgently needed, adding any goodwill towards protecting the people of Myanmar and their livelihoods needed to be demonstrated in concrete terms. The Special Envoy highlighted she will continue to amplify the voices of the people of Myanmar and encourage international action based on an accurate assessment of the situation. She will also continue to engage with all key stakeholders, focusing on helping articulate the bottom-lines and conditions needed for momentum towards any talks about talks in the greater interest of peace, stability and democracy. Such engagement will include the UN-ASEAN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) platform which will be co-chaired with Her Excellency Ms. Retno Marsudi, Foreign Minister of Indonesia. This platform would advance the humanitarian and protection agenda at the local level, especially for women and children who are disproportionately impacted by the violence, and to amplify the voices and vision of women and young people as agents of change. The Special Envoy urged the Prime Minister to leverage his influence on Myanmar’s Commander-in-Chief to de-escalate violence and serve the greater interests of the people. In the context of her own potential visit to Myanmar, the Special Envoy and the Prime Minster discussed the importance of convincing the military leadership that any stability requires the immediate cessation of hostilities and a genuinely inclusive approach. A federal democratic union must be pursued in accordance with the will of the people, grounded firmly in the ASEAN Charter and the norms and values of the United Nations. In her discussion with the ASEAN Special Envoy, Special Envoy Heyzer appreciated his sustained efforts in Myanmar to address obstacles in delivering humanitarian assistance, and his follow up proposals including a Consultative Meeting, and further discussions on visit outcomes such as the ASEAN Troika mechanism, the Friends of Myanmar, and the Humanitarian Corridor Arrangement. She highlighted the importance of effective humanitarian assistance to all people in need without discrimination. This will require safe and unhindered access to all affected areas and the delivery of aid through all existing channels. In this regard, the Special Envoy reinforced the importance of an expanded approach to providing humanitarian assistance, adding that a robust ASEAN-UN umbrella, which both Envoys could co-facilitate to deliver assistance to affected communities through all existing channels and address the multiple priority needs of the people across the country. This would include civilian protection as well as food security, socio-economic resilience, humanitarian and COVID-19 assistance. The Special Envoy’s discussions in Phnom Penh also stressed that addressing the plight of the Rohingya needed to be part and parcel of any broader solution for a genuinely inclusive Myanmar. She urged ASEAN to redouble its efforts to help support durable solutions for Rohingya remaining in Rakhine as a key confidence builder. There is an urgency to help the people of Myanmar realize, in concrete terms, their desire for a peaceful, democratic and inclusive future. ASEAN and the broader international community have a responsibility to amplify and support the will of the people. It is also the obligation of any responsible military to protect its citizens and respect their aspirations. She reiterated her commitment to working closely with ASEAN and its members towards this end, making available the wide array of comparative advantages and expertise of the United Nations to reinforce and complement regional action..."
Source/publisher: United Nations Secretary-General
2022-04-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-04-01
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Description: "This regular update, covering humanitarian developments from 1 February to 15 March, is produced by OCHA Myanmar in collaboration with the Inter-Cluster Coordination Group and UNHCR. The next humanitarian update will be issued in April 2022. HIGHLIGHTS & KEY MESSAGES Civilians continue to bear the brunt of the conflict, which has further escalated in northwest and southeast Myanmar. As of 14 March 2022, there were an estimated 889,900 Internally Displaced People (IDPs) across Myanmar including 519,500 people newly displaced since the military takeover and 370,400 IDPs in protracted displacement from previous crises. Overall displacement figures fluctuated during the month in light of recent small-scale and often shortlived returns. Humanitarian actors continue providing critical lifesaving assistance to displaced people and host communities wherever they can, including through local partners amid serious access challenges. Increasing challenges are being reported by clusters around transportation of supplies into conflict areas. An inter-agency mission in Kachin and northern Shan has identified significant response gaps and escalating needs due to protracted displacement from continuing armed confrontations between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) and among different EAOs. Preparedness efforts and COVID-19 preventative supplies provided by humanitarian partners have contributed to management of the fourth wave in February. After a surge in February, new cases have slowed in early March. Additional funding for the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) which requests US$826 million to reach 6.2 million people in need of life-saving support is critical. Almost a quarter of the way into the year, a number of clusters are reporting major resource gaps with no funding yet received by some sectors in 2022. KEY FIGURES 889.9K Internally displaced persons across Myanmar 519.5K People currently displaced across Myanmar by clashes and insecurity since February 2021 370K People remain internally displaced in Rakhine, Kachin, Chin and Shan due to conflict before February 2021 5.6K Estimated civilian properties, including houses, churches, monasteries and schools burnt or destroyed since February 2021. SITUATION OVERVIEW The security and humanitarian situations remained tense across Myanmar during the reporting period. Armed clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF) and Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) have continued unabated in multiple states and regions, with heavy weapons, including airstrikes and artillery fire in various locations, resulting in casualties among the civilian population, destruction of properties and further displacement. Civilians have been injured and killed by shelling, gunfire, landmines, explosive remnants of war (ERW), and unexploded ordnance (UXO). Since the military takeover, at least 1,600 people, including over 100 children, have been killed, and thousands injured or maimed according to OHCHR. Landmines and other ERW and UXO are an increasing concern as growing numbers of displaced people move through conflict areas. In 2021, 88 civilians, including 19 women and 19 children, were killed and another 196 people, including 33 women and 55 children, were injured from landmines and ERW, according to UNICEF. Shan State recorded the highest (38 per cent) of the total casualties, followed by Rakhine (17 per cent) and Kachin (18 per cent) states. Children represented 27 per cent of casualties from landmine and ERW incidents countrywide. In the past year, many families have been forced to flee their homes and villages, often more than once, for safety with a surge in displacement in January, February and early March 2022. Across Myanmar, as of 14 March 2022, 889,900 people remain displaced. This includes 519,500 people displaced by conflict and insecurity since 1 February. The majority of IDPs are women and girls. The fighting has also caused unprecedented destruction of civilian properties, including houses, across the country. As of 7 March 2022, more than 5,640 houses, churches, monasteries, schools, and markets had been either burnt down or destroyed across Myanmar, mainly in Chin and Kayah states and Sagaing and Magway regions. Prices for basic commodities have significantly increased compared to December 2021, building off an already highlevel post-takeover, largely due to increased fuel costs, deteriorating exchange rates, transport and import restrictions, and supply disruptions caused by insecurity, adding an additional burden on families. Between February 2021 and February 2022, the prices of basic food items increased by nearly 30 per cent across Myanmar. Nearly half the population (46 per cent) is estimated to be living in poverty in 2022 according to UNDP. COVID-19 continues to add additional suffering and complexity with a fourth wave still impacting the country, although case numbers have started to subside in early March. Women are carrying an unequal economic burden from both the pandemic and the political situation as households struggle to make ends meet. Reports from the World Bank and International Labour Organization (ILO) show that the socio-economic impact of the crisis has disproportionately affected women and girls. According to the ILO, 580,000 women were estimated to have lost their employment within the first six months of 2021. To address this unprecedented situation, humanitarian actors in Myanmar have prepared a Humanitarian Response Plan for 2022, requesting US$826 million to reach 6.2 million people in need of life-saving humanitarian support. Fifty two (52) per cent of the people targeted are women. The Plan remains desperately underfunded (see cluster section for sectoral breakdowns of funding gaps). Annually, 8 March marks International Women’s Day and is a global opportunity to celebrate women achievements, raise awareness on women’s equality, and lobby for accelerated gender parity. This year’s theme was “gender equal today for a sustainable tomorrow”. The United Nations in Myanmar issued a statement on this day reiterating “its commitment to put women and girls at the centre of its development and humanitarian response to the ongoing crises in the country, to ensure that their needs are met, and to support their role and agency in shaping a future path for their country.” To achieve this, humanitarian actors need the urgent financial support of donor member states to save the lives and future of millions of women and girls in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-03-19
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-19
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Description: "COX’S BAZAR – The almost one million Rohingya refugees and their host community in Cox’s Bazar remain vulnerable and need continued support – almost five years since they were forced to flee their homes for safety, according to the latest Refugee Influx Emergency Vulnerability Assessment conducted by the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) and its partners. The Rohingya’s extreme vulnerabilities are further exacerbated by large-scale hazards, including fires and floods that hit the camps in 2021. Almost all 900,000 refugees – 95 percent of them - remain entirely dependent on humanitarian assistance today. In the host community, where most families rely on daily-wage jobs, a slow economic recovery after COVID-19 lockdown measures has caused their vulnerability levels to increase, with 52 percent of the families considered moderately to highly vulnerable now compared to 41 percent in 2019. “The Ukraine crisis is a stark reminder that no one chooses to be a refugee. In this year of unprecedented humanitarian need, we hope the international community won’t lose sight of the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, who are more vulnerable than ever and may be plunged further into destitution by the impact of food and fuel price hikes,” said Sheila Grudem, WFP Senior Emergency Coordinator in Cox’s Bazar. Access to food remains a top priority for both refugees and host communities, with 82 percent and 59 percent of families, respectively, reporting so. They are also worried about the continuation of food assistance. A growing number of families in both communities fall into debt to cover their most essential needs, such as food. This is particularly worrying as their ability to withstand any new shocks and stressors will be compromised. In 2021, WFP continued to provide monthly cash-based food assistance to almost 900,000 Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar and increased the number of fresh food corners available at its retail outlets in the camps. All refugees can now purchase fresh fruits and vegetables, live chicken and fish from the outlets using their monthly entitlements, known as “e-vouchers”. This assistance also provides substantial economic opportunities for the host community, injecting US$11 million into the local economy every month. WFP also continued its cash assistance to host community families affected by the economic consequences of COVID-19, reaching 450,000 people in 2021. WFP directly provides economic opportunities year-round in the host community through cash-for-work programmes as well as livelihoods grants and business skills trainings. “In 2022, we count on the continued support of all donors to help us provide vital assistance to Rohingya families as well as their host community, who has demonstrated remarkable solidarity by welcoming them almost five years ago. Any drop in funding will directly threaten the food security of refugees and make the recovery of the communities more difficult,” Grudem added..."
Source/publisher: World Food Programme (Rome)
2022-03-13
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Naing Naing Oo remembers meeting a group of children who had survived being stranded at sea. In a small boat, with little food, they drifted for days. "When we talked to them, we were inspired – they had been so strong," says Naing Naing. "They had survived." In her role working for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) from Maungdaw in Myanmar's Rakhine State, Naing Naing was one of many who helped the children following the incident. "Now, when they see me, they recognise me," she says. "I cannot forget this thing." Naing Naing works as part of a team in Maungdaw that provides a range of support for families separated by violence. A parent who needs financial help to visit a son or daughter in prison. A person recently released from a police lockup who needs assistance making the long journey home. Families looking for lost loved ones after a clash. These are just some examples of cases where Naing Naing and her colleagues seek to provide support. It is work that is collaborative and unceasing. Naing Naing has been with the team since 2017, joining just as outbreaks of violence resulted in waves of displacement impacting hundreds of thousands of people in Rakhine. At that time, colleagues from across Myanmar were called in to help respond to the massive spike in humanitarian needs. Years later, working as part of a close-knit team remains a highlight for Naing Naing.   "The first thing I think of is the working environment, which is amazing," she says. "I have lots of support from my colleagues." Beyond the team, it is also the ability to work directly with people in northern Rakhine that is most rewarding. "I can work with communities – I can talk with and learn from them," Naing Naing says. "I feel great working for the ICRC because we are an organisation that doesn't take sides – I feel really comfortable explaining who we are to villagers, to other people, to my family." The ICRC has worked in Maungdaw, not far from the border with Bangladesh, since 2015. Activities range from emergency assistance – like food and health services – to helping communities build sustainable livelihoods, often together with partners such as the Myanmar Red Cross Society (MRCS). "Here, lots of people know about the ICRC because of our food distributions," Naing Naing says. "People also know our support in reconnecting families well." The communities surrounding Maungdaw, and neighbouring Buthidaung, are multilingual and multifaith. Naing Naing grew up here, with neighbours and classmates reflecting this diversity.   Her familiarity with Maungdaw, and the communities' familiarity with the ICRC, helps with the work. "I can explain our organisation is a humanitarian organisation," she says. "I explain we don't take sides; we don't discriminate based on belief or colour of skin – but they already know this from our activity." In 2022, the dual impacts of COVID-19 and the 2021 military intervention still overlay the legacies of ongoing conflicts across the country to make life more challenging for people in Myanmar. Despite the obstacles these overlapping impacts also pose for humanitarian work, the numbers tell a story of hope. Across Myanmar in 2021, we were able to help more than 4000 recently released detainees return home. We helped families visit loved ones behind bars more than 200 times and delivered close to 250 written messages. For Naing Naing, helping people feel comfortable enough to share their stories and needs is key to this work. "It depends on the person – I don't ask hard questions, I ask 'how are you?'" she says. "That's how we start the conversation..."
Source/publisher: International Committee of the Red Cross (Geneva) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "This Real-Time Report is part of the Diaspora Emergency Action & Coordination Initiative (DEMAC) "Research study on diaspora humanitarian response and engagement". The Real-Time Report investigates from November 2021 - January 2022 how Myanmar diaspora organizations engage with the current crisis in Myanmar, how they mobilize funding, what their advocacies are and who they partner or coordinate with on the ground to support the people most in need of humanitarian assistance. DEMAC, together with external consultants, undertook an initial rapid review to map the structures and activities of 30 diaspora organizations involved in the response. Semi-structured interviews with 21 people representing diaspora organizations, international humanitarian organizations and people affected by the crisis were conducted. Social media posts from the Facebook accounts of 30 diaspora organizations were also monitored over a six-week period. The Myanmar Context In February 2021, the Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, seized power through brutally repressing the population, resulting in a “deep human rights, humanitarian, and economic crisis”. The crisis is compounded by deepening economic recession, the global pandemic, health system collapse, and surging poverty and food insecurity. As of 6 December 2021, this crisis had already displaced 284,700 people across Myanmar. A further 25,000 refugees have been displaced to neighboring countries. The UN has documented over 1,000 civilians killed and 8,000 arbitrarily detained. Many have been tortured—including children. The Diaspora – Lifelines to Myanmar Myanmar has an extensive, active, and committed diaspora. The type of support prioritized is independent of international aid categories of humanitarian assistance, human rights, protection or direct support for politics and civil disobedience. Their activities are largely in parallel and separate to the existing humanitarian architecture. The diaspora is mainly engaged in activities such as fundraising, advocacy, education, settlement assistance and documentation of human rights abuses. As of 2021, over 3 million Myanmar nationals have migrated internationally, primarily to Thailand, Malaysia, the United Kingdom, and Japan. Close to 2 million Myanmar nationals live in neighboring Thailand, the largest destination for Burmese migrants. Key challenges for Myanmar Diasporas Unsurprisingly, the key challenges for diaspora organizations are funding and resources, as well as access. Many organizations operate on a voluntary basis, necessarily limiting the time available from their members. For diaspora organizations supporting the civil disobedience movement, providing support can be particularly dangerous, especially when using Hundi and communicating through underground networks. Recognition by the International Humanitarian Community The international humanitarian community recognizes the unique value offered by diaspora organizations—their reach in areas inaccessible to international actors, access to real-time information and people, some of whom may move regularly, and ability to act informally and relatively quickly, unrestrained by formal bureaucracy. They have an ability to meet needs that are impossible for the international community to address..."
Source/publisher: Danish Refugee Council via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2022-02-21
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 3.75 MB (Original version), 2.83 MB (Reduce version) - 37 pages
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Description: "Anna Ruth* vividly remembers the day her husband was killed as the family tried to escape gunfire for the second time in less than a year. When fighting between the Myanmar Armed Forces and other armed groups reached the village they had sought refuge in near Loikaw, the capital of Myanmar’s south-eastern Kayah State, she and her family fled with other villagers to the nearby forest to hide. But her husband and some of their neighbours wanted to go back to gather food and other essentials. “I told him not to go because it was too dangerous, but he didn’t listen,” she recalls. “In the evening, the group returned but my husband did not. I later found out that he was shot while collecting some belongings from my mother-in-law’s house where we had been sheltering.” In Kayah State, a humanitarian crisis has been building since renewed armed conflict broke out in May 2021. With six of the state’s seven townships now affected by intense fighting, tens of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes. Some have sought safety at places of worship and community centres, while others are hiding in the jungle. Across Myanmar, similar patterns have been playing out of clashes between the Myanmar Armed Forces, ethnic and other local armed groups, followed by waves of fresh displacement. Since the military takeover on 1 February 2021, some 440,000 people have been forced to flee airstrikes, shelling, and burning of villages, more than half of them in the south-east of the country, with Kayah and Kayin States the worst affected. Anna Ruth and her family, like many others in Kayah State, have been displaced several times. “We have been running since June 2021,” she explains. “First from our village in Demoso Township to my mother-in-law’s in Loikaw Township, and from there to the forest where we stayed for months.” Left widowed with four young children, she eventually sought safety in another village in Loikaw Township, only to be displaced again a few weeks later when fighting intensified across Kayah State last month. Desperate for safety and unsure where to go next, Anna Ruth followed other displaced families and crossed into neighbouring Shan State. “I’ve lost everything except my children.” “I never imagined that this would happen to me. Before, my family was living happily in our village. Now, I’ve lost everything except my children,” she said. They are now sheltering at a monastery where, in scenes repeated across Myanmar, the local community and local charities are showing solidarity and leading the humanitarian response. Despite their best efforts, resources are increasingly stretched as more displaced people arrive. UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, has been working with local partners and communities to relieve some of this pressure and supplement grassroots aid efforts to assist some 30,000 people who have arrived to Shan State from Kayah State since the beginning of the year. The agency has set up a temporary base in the Shan State capital, Taunggyi, to coordinate distribution of emergency aid in the area and address shortages of basic household materials and clothing. Over the past few weeks, some 10,000 internally displaced people from Kayah, spread across several townships in Shan State, have received blankets, kitchen sets, mosquito nets, jerry cans, buckets, sleeping mats, tarpaulins, and winterization kits. Local well-wishers have also contributed items such as toothbrushes, soap, and shampoo. Having arrived with few possessions, Anna Ruth is grateful for the help. “At first, we were unsure about taking shelter at the Buddhist monastery as we are Christians,” she explained. “But the monks warmly welcomed all of us. Now, we live together with other displaced people in harmony. The blankets, buckets, mats and clothing provided are very helpful for us as I was only able to bring some of my children’s clothing with me.” With the ongoing conflict in Kayah State showing no sign of abating, further displacement towards Shan State is expected in the weeks, and even months to come. While relieved to have found a place of refuge, Anna Ruth yearns to return to her native Kayah State. “My children keep asking when they can go back home. We hope we can return soon.”..."
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Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
2022-02-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "1. The National Unity Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar welcomes and thanks those international aid agencies, including the agencies of the United Nations and non-governmental organizations, who are providing support to the people of Myanmar, particularly in the areas of public health and humanitarian assistance for prevention and treatment of COVID – 19 and major diseases such as HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. 2. The combination of the illegal coup conducted by the military on 1 February 2021 and the impact of COVID-19 has caused a serious humanitarian crisis in Myanmar. The crisis is particularly acute amongst the poor and vulnerable population, including women, children, and internally displaced persons. Threat of COVID-19 fourth wave with highly transmissible Omicron variant is looming over the horizon. The people of Myanmar are in desperate need of a full range of public health and humanitarian services. 3. Since the coup d'état the junta has waged a campaign of terror against the people of Myanmar, committing crimes against humanity through more than 1,500 extra-judicial executions, 12,000 unlawful detentions, wide-spread use of torture and clearance operations of whole communities involving mass murder, sexual violence, robbery and arson attacks. 4. The military, as part of its strategy, has targeted healthcare workers through extra-judicial execution, deaths in custody, enforced disappearances and unlawful detention. Many of these health workers had done no more than to provide basic first aid to protestors injured by the security forces or medical assistance to people with COVID who were supporters of the protest movement. The military has also continuously devised various obstacles to deter the delivery of essential health care and humanitarian assistance including medicines and medical supplies intended for Myanmar people, particularly those suffering in the conflict affected areas. 5. Therefore, we would like to sincerely urge the international community, including the United Nations and non-governmental organizations, to work together with us, the National Unity Government, to develop and implement more effective strategies, including supporting cross-border aid, to provide urgent and much-needed health and humanitarian aid for the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2022-02-10
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 42.09 KB 105.19 KB
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Description: "The humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been deteriorating since the coup in February last year. According to the United Nations, many Myanmar citizens are forced to face difficulties in their lives with no way out due to the economic stagnation after the coup and the spread of COVID-19. The United Nations announced on January 30 the Humanitarian Response Plan for Myanmar, calling on the international community to provide assistance of US $826 million over the next year. The Government of Japan has provided more than US $20 million in humanitarian assistance since the coup to improve the humanitarian situation in Myanmar. Japan has also provided ambulances and oxygen concentrators in response to the outbreak of COVID-19. The Government of Japan has decided to provide additional humanitarian assistance to Myanmar totaling approximately US $18.5 million, in response to the voice of ASEAN member states which emphasize the importance of humanitarian assistance aiming at resolving situation, and above all, the increasing poverty of the people of Myanmar caused by the economic stagnation triggered by the coup. Japan will deliver food, daily necessities such as shelters and mattresses, and medical supplies to the people of Myanmar through international organizations and the ASEAN Secretariat. The Government of Japan will continue to proactively provide humanitarian assistance that reaches the people of Myanmar in need, in cooperation with international organizations and the ASEAN Secretariat, taking into account the local situation and humanitarian needs and urgency. Japan will pay close attention to the needs of the people of Myanmar who are facing difficult circumstances. Japan hopes that other countries will also implement humanitarian assistance in response to the United Nations’ appeal..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan
2022-02-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-02-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 41.26 KB
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Description: "ပြည်ထောင်စု ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတမြန်မာနိုင်တော် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေး ကော်မရှင် ကြေညာချက်အမှတ် (၁/၂၀၂၂) ၂၀၂၂ခုနှစ်၊ ဇန်နဝါရီလ (၃၁) ရက်..."
Source/publisher: National Unity Government of Myanmar
2022-01-31
Date of entry/update: 2022-01-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "12 November 2021: International humanitarian action for Myanmar, including provision of COVID-19 vaccinations, is a minimum response to the crisis, not a solution, and must not be leveraged by the illegal junta to reach a default political settlement, says the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar (SAC-M). The United Nations (UN) Security Council issued a statement on Myanmar on Wednesday calling for full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access to people in need and for the full protection, safety and security of humanitarian and medical personnel. The Council also called for greater international support to ensure delivery and distribution of COVID-19 vaccinations. The Security Council met amidst warnings that an offensive launched by the military junta in the northwest of Myanmar could out scale the genocidal atrocities committed by the same military against the Rohingya in 2017. The Council failed to even refer to northwest Myanmar, with stronger action blocked by Russia and China, who continue to supply the illegal junta with weapons and financial resources. “The one thing even the Security Council can agree on is the need for international cooperation to improve the dire health and humanitarian situation in Myanmar,” said Yanghee Lee of SAC-M. “Humanitarian assistance alone is not a solution to the crisis. The junta will also seek to leverage humanitarian assistance to reach a default settlement. An effective humanitarian response that empowers local actors is urgently needed.” Since the attempted coup in February, the junta’s sustained, widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population has forced nearly three million people across Myanmar into urgent need of humanitarian assistance. The junta has weaponised Myanmar’s devastating third wave of COVID-19, targeted medical professionals, occupied hospitals, forcibly displaced an estimated 250,000 people, blocked aid and destroyed food and medical supplies. Local humanitarian and medical networks including ethnic service providers, community-based and civil society organisations, have been working to deliver assistance to people in need. The National Unity Government (NUG) has also established a COVID-19 task force to prevent, mitigate and control the spread of the virus. However, in addition to facing daily attacks by junta forces, local actors are being hindered by weeks-long bureaucratic processes and onerous requirements placed on them by donors and international agencies resulting in more needless loss of life. “The only way to meet the calls made by the Security Council this week is for the international community to honour their pledges to ensure localisation of humanitarian assistance,” said Marzuki Darusman of SAC-M. “Relief aid must include reinforcement of the existing humanitarian and medical infrastructure that is in place already and operated by the NUG, civil society and various ethnic communities.” International donors including ASEAN, the EU, the UK, the US and UN agencies must partner with local actors and direct humanitarian aid through cross-border channels. A people-to-people approach of leveraging existing community networks is fast, adaptive and built on trust. This is essential, as the Myanmar military has a history of exploiting humanitarian crises of its own making for political gain. That was the case in the wake of Cyclone Nargis, on the back of which the military misled the international community into accepting its handling of the crisis giving it legitimacy for its continued control of the country. It must not be allowed to happen again. “It is critical that humanitarian assistance does not embolden, legitimise or otherwise entrench the military junta — the source of the violence that has long enveloped Myanmar,” said Chris Sidoti of SAC-M. “The junta is the cause of Myanmar’s suffering. It is not a partner for the delivery of aid.”..."
Source/publisher: Special Advisory Council for Myanmar
2021-11-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 101.72 KB
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Description: "U.S. Senators Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Jeff Merkley (D-OR) sent a letter to Abul Kalam Abdul Momen, the Bangladeshi Minister of Foreign Affairs, advocating for increased humanitarian access and improved living conditions for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. More than 900,000 Rohingya are currently taking refuge in Bangladesh following a brutal campaign of genocide that the Burmese military have perpetrated against Rohingya Muslims. Joining Rubio and Merkley in sending the letter were Senators Ben Cardin (D-MD), Susan Collins (R-ME), Dick Durbin (D-IL), Roger Wicker (R-MS), Chris Coons (D-DE), Ron Wyden (D-OR), Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), Ed Markey (D-MA), Cory Booker (D-NJ), and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA). “We understand from discussions with numerous stakeholders that limitations on the movements of humanitarian workers and Rohingya volunteers have impeded the delivery of important social services in Cox’s Bazar,” the senators wrote. “While we acknowledge the need for caution and some restrictions due to the COVID pandemic and we understand that Bangladesh has recently relaxed some of those restrictions, we want to stress that it remains critical that humanitarian actors and Rohingya volunteers have ongoing access to the camps to ensure that refugees continue to receive basic social services and protections.” “We are also concerned with limitations on some programming, including educational and livelihood opportunities,” the senators continued. “We welcome the Government's steps toward providing Rohingya children with an education in the camps, a sacrosanct right per the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. We urge you to work with UNICEF to revive and expand the pilot of the Myanmar curriculum across all ages and grades to enable UN humanitarian agencies and NGOs, funded by international donors, to provide Rohingya children with formal, accredited education in the camps.” The senators also expressed concern and alarm over reports that refugees have been forcibly relocated to Bhasan Char, an island encampment built to house Rohingya refugees. Refugees have been prohibited from leaving and, in some cases, forcibly returned to Bhasan Char after escaping. The senators urged Bangladesh to allow freedom of movement for refugees, to allow independent monitoring of the relocation process to ensure it is truly voluntary, and to allow the United Nations to conduct a technical assessment of the flood-prone island’s habitability. The senators noted that the United States — the largest international donor to the refugee resettlement process in Bangladesh — has prohibited the use of any American funds to support forced relocations to Bhasan Char. Rubio is a senior member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. The full text of the letter is below. Dear Minister Momen, We are grateful to the people and Government of Bangladesh for providing more than 900,000 Rohingya refugees with relative safety, security, and sustenance after fleeing horrific violence in Burma. The Government of Bangladesh – with support from international donors led by the United States, humanitarian agencies, and Rohingya and Bangladeshis in Cox’s Bazar – has admirably managed many aspects of the crisis, including limiting the spread of infectious disease and minimizing loss of life to natural disasters. We welcome especially your efforts to vaccinate over 35,000 Rohingya against COVID-19. Without taking away from these laudable efforts, we write to you to discuss concerns about humanitarian access, education and livelihood opportunities, and relocations to Bhasan Char. We understand from discussions with numerous stakeholders that limitations on the movements of humanitarian workers and Rohingya volunteers have impeded the delivery of important social services in Cox’s Bazar. While we acknowledge the need for caution and some restrictions due to the COVID pandemic and we understand that Bangladesh has recently relaxed some of those restrictions, we want to stress that it remains critical that humanitarian actors and Rohingya volunteers have ongoing access to the camps to ensure that refugees continue to receive basic social services and protections. We are particularly concerned about the protection environment given the broader feelings of insecurity that refugees, especially women, are expressing as a result of criminal and militant groups operating in the camps and recent fires. We also note with great sadness the murder of Mohib Ullah in Cox’s Bazar and urge the government to work in a transparent manner to bring the perpetrators of this crime to justice as well as to redouble efforts to ensure that criminal groups are not able to operate with impunity in the camps. More broadly, we call upon the Government of Bangladesh to allow consistent, unimpeded access to the camps for humanitarian actors and volunteers and a full resumption of protection activities. We are also concerned with limitations on some programming, including educational and livelihood opportunities. We welcome the Government's steps toward providing Rohingya children with an education in the camps, a sacrosanct right per the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. We urge you to work with UNICEF to revive and expand the pilot of the Myanmar curriculum across all ages and grades to enable UN humanitarian agencies and NGOs, funded by international donors, to provide Rohingya children with formal, accredited education in the camps. We are supportive of the broad education goals identified in the 2021 Joint Response Plan, and ask you to work in partnership with the UN, donors, and NGOs to offer improved, accredited education to Rohingya youth. In the face of these challenges, we understand that Rohingya frustration is increasing. We note the Government of Bangladesh’s significant investments to develop Bhasan Char and welcome the recent announcement that your government has concluded a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. It is imperative that your government take all steps to implement this MOU, including provisions allowing for freedom of movement for Rohingya Refugees on Bhasan Char. Nonetheless, we are troubled by recent reports that some Rohingya that have attempted to escape from Bhasan Char were detained and returned to the island, and that others were relocated to Bhasan Char against their will, which would go against your Government’s stated commitments to a voluntary process in which refugees are able to give fully informed consent. We urge the Government to demonstrate its commitments to voluntary and fully informed relocations by allowing Rohingya to return to the mainland if they so choose while also allowing independent monitoring of the relocation process. We encourage you to allow the UN to conduct a comprehensive technical assessment of Bhasan Char’s habitability. We do not support the forced relocation of Rohingya to Bhasan Char and have prohibited the use of funds to support such a policy. Until Rohingya can safely return home, Bangladesh will unfortunately carry an outsized responsibility to ensure their protection. As elected officials in the United States, we are prepared to do our part to help Bangladesh attain sufficient international support and resources to help both Rohingya and affected Bangladeshi communities in Cox’s Bazar; encouraging meaningful consideration of third country resettlement options; holding Burma accountable for addressing the root causes of the crisis in Rakhine and for atrocities committed against the Rohingya; and continuing to urge the international community, including our own country, to respond strongly to the coup in Burma. We extend our deepest gratitude for everything Bangladesh has done for the Rohingya since 2017 and, indeed, since the 1970s. As elected representatives of the United States, the largest donor to the humanitarian response in Cox’s Bazar, we look forward to continuing to work with you to find durable solutions to this crisis..."
Source/publisher: Senator Marco Rubio
2021-11-09
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Updating journalists at the daily media briefing in New York, Stéphane Dujarric cited humanitarians in saying that “conflict, food insecurity, natural disasters and COVID-19” have left some three million women, children and men in urgent need of life-saving assistance and protection. “This includes one million people who were in need at the start of the year, plus an additional two million people identified as needing help after the military takeover on 1 February”, he said. At that time, following a general election in which Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won by a landslide, the military seized control of the country and declared a year-long state of emergency. As protesters took to the streets, security forces imposed curfews and other restrictions, leading to widespread alleged human rights abuses, thousands of arrests, and hundreds of deaths. Displaced and vulnerable people Since then, clashes between Myanmar Armed Forces, different ethnic armed organizations and people’s defense forces have left some 219,000 people newly displaced, said Mr. Dujarric. This comes as a recent wave of COVID-19 has exacerbated the dire humanitarian situation. At the same time, floods in Rakhine and Kayin states, have left tens of thousands without water and sanitation. “The UN once again calls on parties concerned to ensure that aid can be scaled up to reach people affected by the continued armed conflict”, said the Spokesperson. Despite conflict and COVID, the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and its partners have been able to reach more than 33,000 people with water and sanitation supplies. Mr. Dujarric also said that UNICEF continues to help nearly 150,000 internally displaced people and others in Kachin, Northern Shan, Rakhine and Sagaing. Families flee Meanwhile, the agency on Monday posted a detailed account of the deteriorating situation in Mindat – located in the southern Chin state of western Myanmar – which has been under martial law since May. According to a UN humanitarian report, Mindat is one of the worst affected places in the country, with residents there urgent need of support. Amid continuing armed clashes and a devasting third wave of the pandemic, UNICEF told the story in a blog post of Hay Mar and her husband, who, like many others, decided to flee the violence, forced to leaving behind some of the most vulnerable - including elderly relatives, and heavily pregnant women. “My mother-in-law could have run with us, but she said she didn’t want to. She wanted to stay in her home”, said Hay Mar. The family fashioned makeshift shelters in the forest, which left them with little protection from the monsoon rains. Future of uncertainty Two weeks after Hay Mar and her family left, she began to worry about her mother-in-law. With her three children in tow, she decided to return to the town. Although her youngest was petrified as they re-entered, she said that he is now slowly showing signs of overcoming the trauma and is returning to the lively boy he once was. While Hay Mar is happy to see positive changes in him, she is unsure how long this period of peace and calm will last. Like most of the other children in Mindat, her 12 and 17-year-olds have been out of school for almost two years – first because of the pandemic and then due to the life-threatening security crisis. “If we live in this situation, how will my children grow? I’m very worried about their future. I just want to live in peace”, she told UNICEF..."
Source/publisher: UN News
2021-10-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "KEY DISPLACEMENT FIGURES 22,000 Estimated refugee movements to neighbouring countries since 1 February 2021 980,000 Refugees and asylum-seekers from Myanmar in neighbouring countries as of 31 December 2020 206,000 Estimated total internal displacement within Myanmar since 1 February 2021 370,000 Estimated internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Myanmar as of 31 December 2020 HIGHLIGHTS The security situation across the country continues to be volatile and fluid, including in south-east Myanmar, Kachin/Shan (North), and Chin States. Some 206,000 people have been displaced internally in Myanmar as of end July, due to armed conflict and unrest since 1 February 2021. This includes some 170,000 IDPs in Southeast Myanmar and Shan (South). This total number of IDPs has remained steady since the last update. The situation of internally displaced people within Myanmar has been compounded by the severity of the COVID-19 pandemic. Myanmar has reported record numbers of cases and deaths and is experiencing its most severe wave of infections so far. As a result, access restrictions have been introduced in many areas with, in some cases, IDPs and other communities going into self-imposed lockdowns. The humanitarian situation in Myanmar has been further exacerbated by heavy floods, particularly in the south-east of the country, at the end of July. There have been no significant movements of refugees in the reporting period, including into India and Thailand. Some 7,000 refugees crossed into Thailand in March and April, almost all of whom subsequently returned but remain displaced in Myanmar. There have been reports of groups continuing to gather in border areas on the Myanmar side close to Thailand, including opposite Thailand’s Mae Sariang, Khun Yuam and Mueng districts. The groups have not yet demonstrated an intention to cross. There are also continued reports of arrests, which have though decreased in July compared to June, of Myanmar nationals attempting to enter Thailand irregularly in the Kanchanaburi/Ratchaburi area. Thai authorities consider them “illegal migrant workers” for whom there is no systematic identification of people in need of international protection..."
Source/publisher: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Geneva) via Reliefweb (New York)
2021-08-04
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "The people of Myanmar face an unparalleled national three Cs (coup, COVID and climate change) crisis today as we confront a failed military coup, catastrophic third COVID-19 wave, and natural disasters engineered by changes in the climate. As the third wave of COVID-19 spreads rampantly throughout Myanmar, it is possible that the next COVID-19 variant could arise out of Myanmar; this is a major threat to regional and global public health security, a threat that must be immediately addressed by ASEAN and Myanmar’s neighboring countries as well as the international community. For six months, the military junta has robbed the people of Myanmar of their sense of security and dignity. The military has murdered 940 people, including over 70 children as young as 6 years old. They have arbitrarily detained over 5,400 people. Of those, 19 percent are women who have been at the forefront of leading anti-junta protests on the streets. The Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs has reported rape and sexual violence against girls and women in detention. Along with peaceful LGBTIQ protesters, they have been sexually assaulted and harassed, made to conduct humiliating and degrading acts that amount to torture in detention. Meanwhile, food insecurity is growing, the banking sector is in crisis, and the economy is collapsing with the World Bank forecasting Myanmar’s economy to shrink by 18 percent, and the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the decades of military rule, and the mismanagement of essential administration, including in the health sector. Instead of funding education and health, the military focused on stealing wealth from the people of Myanmar to fund their decades-long civil war against ethnic communities, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in ethnic areas and genocide against the Rohingya with impunity. As a result, more than half a million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar. This is the reason why Myanmar requires such dire levels of international assistance today. In the face of these challenges, the people of Myanmar, and the National Unity Government (NUG) have repeatedly called on ASEAN and the international community for rapid and expanded humanitarian aid intervention. We welcome the generous support that has been provided by the regional and international community in response to the humanitarian crisis so far, particularly in dialogue with the NUG and NUG-aligned administrative bodies, as well as civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs), but the needs are far greater and require a more robust and coordinated intervention. Responsibility for this human rights and humanitarian crisis rests squarely with the military junta, which, rather than tackling these issues to the benefit of the people of Myanmar, continues to weaponize COVID-19 and humanitarian aid for its own political gain. It is vital that humanitarian assistance programs be designed and implemented in a way that ensures that they are not being used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta. ASEAN and the wider international community must coordinate with and empower existing governance structures that are supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, particularly through NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas for localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground. The NUG’s people-centered response to humanitarian aid prioritizes the immediate needs of the people of Myanmar. The “People First” approach places the people’s well-being and health services as our first priority, as we endeavor to work with all UN agencies and development partners to bring equitable access to healthcare and COVID-19 vaccination for all people of Myanmar in accordance with international standards, including those laid out by the WHO and UNICEF. We urge ASEAN, and its humanitarian assistance through the AHA Center, to adhere to certain principles in provision of humanitarian aid. While the people in Myanmar are in desperate need of assistance, support must reach those most in need in a way that does not legitimize the junta, which is the cause of the people’s suffering. While recognizing that communication with the military may be unavoidable in some instances in providing humanitarian aid, all ASEAN, UN and international partners are strongly urged to avoid communications with the military junta, which will imply or provide it with legitimacy or recognition. To this end, we strongly urge ASEAN to have regular, meaningful and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders as set out in its five point consensus, in particular by holding dialogue with the NUG and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) as well as ethnic armed organizations. By AUNG MYO MIN 5 August 2021 The people of Myanmar face an unparalleled national three Cs (coup, COVID and climate change) crisis today as we confront a failed military coup, catastrophic third COVID-19 wave, and natural disasters engineered by changes in the climate. As the third wave of COVID-19 spreads rampantly throughout Myanmar, it is possible that the next COVID-19 variant could arise out of Myanmar; this is a major threat to regional and global public health security, a threat that must be immediately addressed by ASEAN and Myanmar’s neighboring countries as well as the international community. For six months, the military junta has robbed the people of Myanmar of their sense of security and dignity. The military has murdered 940 people, including over 70 children as young as 6 years old. They have arbitrarily detained over 5,400 people. Of those, 19 percent are women who have been at the forefront of leading anti-junta protests on the streets. The Ministry of Women, Youths and Children’s Affairs has reported rape and sexual violence against girls and women in detention. Along with peaceful LGBTIQ protesters, they have been sexually assaulted and harassed, made to conduct humiliating and degrading acts that amount to torture in detention. Meanwhile, food insecurity is growing, the banking sector is in crisis, and the economy is collapsing with the World Bank forecasting Myanmar’s economy to shrink by 18 percent, and the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the decades of military rule, and the mismanagement of essential administration, including in the health sector. Instead of funding education and health, the military focused on stealing wealth from the people of Myanmar to fund their decades-long civil war against ethnic communities, committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in ethnic areas and genocide against the Rohingya with impunity. As a result, more than half a million people are now internally displaced in Myanmar. This is the reason why Myanmar requires such dire levels of international assistance today. In the face of these challenges, the people of Myanmar, and the National Unity Government (NUG) have repeatedly called on ASEAN and the international community for rapid and expanded humanitarian aid intervention. We welcome the generous support that has been provided by the regional and international community in response to the humanitarian crisis so far, particularly in dialogue with the NUG and NUG-aligned administrative bodies, as well as civil society organizations (CSOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs), but the needs are far greater and require a more robust and coordinated intervention. Responsibility for this human rights and humanitarian crisis rests squarely with the military junta, which, rather than tackling these issues to the benefit of the people of Myanmar, continues to weaponize COVID-19 and humanitarian aid for its own political gain. It is vital that humanitarian assistance programs be designed and implemented in a way that ensures that they are not being used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta. ASEAN and the wider international community must coordinate with and empower existing governance structures that are supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, particularly through NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas for localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground. The NUG’s people-centered response to humanitarian aid prioritizes the immediate needs of the people of Myanmar. The “People First” approach places the people’s well-being and health services as our first priority, as we endeavor to work with all UN agencies and development partners to bring equitable access to healthcare and COVID-19 vaccination for all people of Myanmar in accordance with international standards, including those laid out by the WHO and UNICEF. We urge ASEAN, and its humanitarian assistance through the AHA Center, to adhere to certain principles in provision of humanitarian aid. While the people in Myanmar are in desperate need of assistance, support must reach those most in need in a way that does not legitimize the junta, which is the cause of the people’s suffering. While recognizing that communication with the military may be unavoidable in some instances in providing humanitarian aid, all ASEAN, UN and international partners are strongly urged to avoid communications with the military junta, which will imply or provide it with legitimacy or recognition. To this end, we strongly urge ASEAN to have regular, meaningful and inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders as set out in its five point consensus, in particular by holding dialogue with the NUG and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) as well as ethnic armed organizations. It is crucial that resources be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively meet the needs on the ground in a way that does not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta. By resourcing CSOs, CBOs, ethnic administrations, and in some circumstances services through CDM health professionals, ASEAN and international support can meet the needs of the people without causing greater harm. This can also ensure that COVID-19 support and vaccinations are not used as a weapon against the people and those participating in the CDM. Commitment to providing cross-border assistance is key to meeting the urgent needs of the people of Myanmar. Cross-border aid can be delivered through CSOs and CBOs with decades of experience in provision of essential services, particularly in ethnic administrations. The COVID-19 Task Force set up by the Ministry of Health, NUG and ethnic health organizations is central to such provision of assistance at this time. Decentralized and localized aid is reflective of the emerging federal democratic union that we aspire to build and cross-border aid is currently essential in the realization of inclusive and equitable provision of aid. These above positions of the NUG in regards to humanitarian aid are clearly laid out in the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management position paper issued on June 19. On July 18, reiterating these calls, the NUG sent a letter to the UN Secretary General, requesting a robust and well-designed intervention from the international community. Every day that passes without ASEAN and the international community’s urgent action is a day that we lose more lives. The military exists to serve its own interests and has demonstrated over the past six months that it will not act in the best interest of the people of Myanmar. Rather, it serves to perpetuate its own status quo, which will only be further emboldened by the inaction of ASEAN and the wider international community. The attempted coup has failed. It is the people of Myanmar, despite the immense challenges and against all odds, who are keeping the future of Myanmar from falling into decades-long military rule once again. But we require immediate support. ASEAN must act, and it must act NOW. Not only for the sake of the people of Myanmar but for the sake of ASEAN. Their continuing insistence on working through the junta is an affront to its own founding Charter, with its declaration of “adhering to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”. History is repeating itself once again. Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is an aspiring dictator, a third-generation military chief who is following in the footsteps of previous dictators, appointing himself as the “caretaker” of Myanmar. This is a threat to global stability and security, and while ASEAN has an important role to play, the world must no longer wait for ASEAN to act. The current human rights, humanitarian and COVID crisis requires robust and immediate action by the UN Secretary General and the UN Security Council. Their immediate action is needed to save lives. Aung Myo Min is Minister of Human Rights in the National Unity Government of Myanmar..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" (Thailand)
2021-08-05
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: The Writer Says That Asean Must Deliver Humanitarian Aid Directly To The People Of Myanmar Without Waiting For The Junta's Consent.
Description: "Three months have passed since Asean agreed to a five-point consensus plan on how to respond to the crisis in Myanmar. During this time, the situation in Myanmar has drastically deteriorated. Yet, the five-point plan remains little more than a piece of paper, with few signs to date of any steps towards implementation. Meanwhile, the bodies are still, quite literally, piling up on the streets of Myanmar. Earlier this year, the police and soldiers massacred hundreds who joined peaceful protests against the military coup. These days, it is the junta's deadly weaponising of a third wave of the coronavirus that is filling up morgues and causing untold destruction. The pandemic is wreaking havoc across the country. Acute oxygen shortages and a collapsed healthcare system mean that very few people are getting the treatment they need. The five-point consensus included an agreement that Asean would provide humanitarian assistance to Myanmar. That has still not materialised, even as the need for life-saving aid has become ever-more desperate. This week, Brunei will host the 54th Asean Foreign Minister's Meeting. It is expected that the long-overdue appointment of the Asean special envoy to Myanmar - also agreed to as part of the five-point consensus - will be announced. But the announcement of the special envoy, meant to lead regional efforts to end the crisis, will be irrelevant if there is still no clear idea of what Asean will do next. What should happen next? The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, of which I am a founding member, has outlined a way forward. Supply lines must be opened across Myanmar's borders to allow life-saving assistance into the country. Asean plays a key political role in this, with Asean member states neighbouring Myanmar. Asean must engage with local health and other service providers already on the ground. The National Unity Government has established a joint Covid-19 task force with Ethnic Health Organisations. It is led by highly respected humanitarian leaders who have decades of experience getting emergency services to people fleeing from the Myanmar military. They know how to deliver assistance safely and securely, and Asean must support them. There is no more time to waste. With every day that passes, Asean's complacency moves closer to complicity in the junta's brutal assault on the people of Myanmar. The leader of the junta, General Min Aung Hlaing, stated last week that he is seeking the release of Covid-19 funds from Asean, making a mockery of regional efforts to combat the virus. After launching his coup in February, he abandoned Myanmar's testing and vaccination programme and decimated the country's healthcare system, his soldiers are using hospitals as military bases and targeting medical professionals, forcing thousands into hiding. In recent weeks, his forces have opened fire on crowds of people anxiously waiting to refill oxygen cylinders, and then seized what scarce supplies of oxygen there are left. They have looted and destroyed medical supplies, including personal protective equipment, and continued to abduct doctors and nurses who are working undercover to treat patients, all the while in fear for their own lives. Asean member states would be fools to give Covid-19 relief money to the junta. As I stated in 2018 as chair of a United Nations (UN) fact-finding mission on Myanmar, General Min Aung Hlaing should be investigated and prosecuted for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The only way for humanitarian assistance to reach the Myanmar people is for it to be delivered directly to them. In 1948, the Berlin Airlift overcame a Soviet blockade to see food, water and medicine reach the people of besieged West Berlin. There are no excuses. It is unacceptable for Asean to wait for the junta's consent to begin implementing any part of the five-point consensus. If the special envoy cannot be appointed, the Asean chair and secretary-general must take the lead. At this week's ministerial meeting, Asean must finally start acting in the interest of the principles enshrined in the Asean Charter; respect for fundamental freedoms, promotion and protection of human rights and the promotion of social justice, as well as peace, security and stability in the region. People in Myanmar are struggling to breathe. But in the struggle for relevancy, this could be Asean's last gasp. The writer is a founding member of the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: South Asia Monitor
2021-08-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: If Myanmar becomes a failed state it will only be because the outside world failed to come to the country’s aid.
Description: "Since the military coup in Myanmar in February of this year, fears have grown that the country is becoming a failed state, or even sliding into all-out anarchy. While the murderous junta has certainly tried its best to drive the country to the brink of ruin, the fact is that it has not been able to do so. Myanmar is not a failed state, but a failed coup – thanks to the resourceful and resilient people of the country. Across Myanmar, an almost parallel state has emerged, comprised of a broad coalition of democratic forces. This network provides healthcare, safety, and other vital services in the vacuum left by the illegal junta over the past six months. With a deadly wave of COVID-19 ravaging the country, it is crucial that the international community works with the National Unity Government (NUG) and other actors who are trying to save lives. The global attention on Myanmar since the coup has been welcome, including headlines highlighting how at least 936 people have been killed by the junta and many thousands detained arbitrarily. Myanmar is now faced with a spiraling third wave of COVID-19, which the junta has weaponized by hoarding medical supplies for itself and its cronies and denying treatment to those who do not support it. This is where Myanmar’s brave pro-democracy movement has stepped in. This movement has blossomed from workers’ strikes, peaceful protests, and boycotts of military-owned businesses into de facto state organs serving the people where the Tatmadaw will not. What has emerged is a decentralized web of local responders, ethnic service providers, civil society organizations, humanitarian actors and groups aligned with the NUG and Civil Disobedience Movement. This network, held together by the common thread of building a democratic, inclusive Myanmar, is fighting to ensure the provision of vital services and life-saving humanitarian aid for millions of people. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month. Committed residents have formed their own local administrative committees, shutting out the junta and planting the seeds of a new democracy. These parallel civilian structures operate in many important ways: former government health workers have volunteered at mobile and underground clinics, at the risk of their lives, while ethnic administrations are enrolling new students in primary schools. They are also distributing aid to the displaced in Chin, Karenni, Kachin, Shan, and other states. We should not underestimate the scale of the problems. Millions face food shortages and hundreds of thousands have fled the junta’s brutality, cut off from food, water and medical supplies in the mountains and jungles. Others have sought refuge across Myanmar’s borders. In this context, the third wave of COVID-19 is bringing the country to its knees. However, despite the damage already done, it is wrong to assume that is only a matter of time before Myanmar joins the wretched list of failed states. If Myanmar becomes a failed state it will only be because the international community failed to come to its aid. The international community has a significant role to play, not least in ensuring that Myanmar does not become a forgotten crisis. Last week the Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, of which we are the founding members, called for an urgent humanitarian intervention, mandated by the United Nations Security Council, to support the desperate battle against COVID-19. The international community must recognize the NUG as the legitimate representatives of the people of Myanmar and work with it to get medical supplies and health professionals to the areas most in need. The Tatmadaw has hoarded medical supplies, underreported case numbers, and even seized the oxygen that the sick and vulnerable need to breathe. Their impunity must end, and they must be held to account for decades of atrocities – and certainly not allowed to lead any COVID-19 response. The world must support the democratic movement holding the country together. The NUG and ethnic health organizations have formed a COVID-19 Task Force, with which the international community must now engage. For decades, ethnic service providers, civil society groups, and humanitarian actors have used their own well-established systems in the border states to get life-saving humanitarian aid to people who need it. Food, water, cash, medical supplies, and COVID-19 vaccines must be directed through the COVID-19 Task Force to these networks. The cooperation of neighboring States – Bangladesh, China, India, Laos, and Thailand – will be essential to enable humanitarian supplies to cross their borders into Myanmar. That is the kind of international help that is needed, not the sale of more arms by Russia to the junta. Another important moment will come in September, when the U.N.’s credentialing committee will decide on who will represent Myanmar at the body. The current ambassador to the U.N., Kyaw Moe Tun, has emerged as a powerful pro-democracy voice on the world stage since the coup. The U.N. must recognize the NUG as the legitimate representatives of the people of Myanmar before the U.N. General Assembly meets. Opting for a junta-appointed representative would be a betrayal to the people of Myanmar and legitimize military horror. We strongly believe that when Myanmar’s history is written, it will be not of a failed state, but of a failed coup. The world must now do everything to make this a reality..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat" (Japan)
2021-06-03
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Summary: The situation in Myanmar (Burma) is grave. The Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, is continuing its violent crackdown on protestors, which has led to hundreds of deaths and thousands of disappearances. A crisis of this scale requires swift, coordinated action, and the many thousands of people who have been displaced by the violence urgently require humanitarian assistance. The UK holds a number of unique roles and responsibilities which allow it to lead on preventing further violence and ensuring essential humanitarian support reaches those who need it. The Government has taken some strong measures in response to the coup and the violence, but there is much more that it can do. In this report we recommend a number of actions the UK Government should take to help reduce the violence against civilians. At a time when the Government is planning greater engagement with the Indo-Pacific, Myanmar presents a test of how effective our policy in the region can be. We recommend that the Government take further steps to secure a binding arms embargo on Myanmar, widen its sanctions approach to include a much broader range of people and organisations, provide humanitarian and logistical support to ethnic advocacy and media organisations, and take steps to ensure that those perpetrating these crimes will face justice in the future. Effective mediation in Myanmar requires concrete action. Failure to do so in the past has led to the crisis we see today. Failure to do so in the future will only lead to further violence, instability and loss of life.....Introduction: 1. In February 2021, the Myanmar military staged a coup which led to the deposition and detention of the country’s democratically elected representatives, and the military taking control of the country. The protests and violence that have followed the coup have led to hundreds of deaths, thousands of disappearances, and tens to hundreds of thousands of displaced people. Evidence from diaspora groups paints a harrowing picture: many speak of family members who have been unlawfully detained and many others who are beyond contact.1 2. The Tatmadaw2 staged this coup and declared a state of national emergency following their claims that the 2020 General Election was compromised by mass voter fraud. It has provided no evidence for these claims.3 The election has been found by international observers to “reflect the true will of the electorate”.4 3. While there has been much international condemnation of the coup and the military junta’s violence against protestors, there has been little substantial action taken. Months on from the coup, clear proof that the junta is committing serious crimes against the Myanmar people continues to surface regularly. Statements of condemnation have not and will not prevent these crimes—only clear action will. 4. The need for this action is urgent. Dr Sasa, the Minister for International Cooperation in the democratically elected National Unity Government (NUG), said: It is a pivotal movement in our history. The darkest hour in our history which was heading to the great civil war and genocide. Some 54 million brave people of Myanmar are facing the cruellest military junta.5 The UK has a unique role to play. As the United Nations Security Council ‘penholder’ on Myanmar, and as an accepted Dialogue Partner to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),6 there are several fronts on which the UK can exert further diplomatic influence. This crisis is also a major test of the effectiveness of the UK’s tilt to the IndoPacific region, as announced in the Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy.7 If the Government is serious about building its influence in the region it should show a willingness to take moral leadership and prevent further conflict and loss of life. This report sets out what more the UK Government could and should do..."
Source/publisher: House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee
2021-07-13
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 330.89 KB
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Sub-title: 2020 IN REVIEW MYANMAR HUMANITARIAN FUND AT A GLANCE
Description: "2020 IN REVIEW MYANMAR HUMANITARIAN FUND AT A GLANCE HUMANITARIAN CONTEXT Humanitarian situation in 2020 The humanitarian situation in Myanmar remained complex over the reporting period. By the end of 2020, the active conflict in Rakhine and parts of Chin states resulted in a cumulative displacement of over 97,000 people in 194 sites. Despite an absence of largescale clashes in Kachin State since mid-2018, close to 96,000 people remained in displacement sites set up after fighting broke out in 2011, of whom roughly 40,000 were in areas controlled by non-state armed actors. The volatile security situation in northern Shan also continued to drive small-scale short-term displacement, with over 8,700 people temporarily displaced over the course of the year. In parts of Kayin State and Bago Region in the southeast, military operations generated additional internal displacement from December, with latest reports indicating up to 5,300 people displaced due the clashes. According to the 2021 Humanitarian Needs Overview (HNO), by the end of 2020, more than one million people in Myanmar were in need of some form of humanitarian aid, due to armed conflict, vulnerability to natural hazards, inter-communal tensions or other factors. COVID-19 pandemic The outbreak of COVID-19 and subsequent control measures established by the Government created additional challenges in humanitarian settings across the country, and increased the humanitarian caseload, due to urgent humanitarian needs of returning migrants. The rapid increase in locally transmitted COVID-19 cases across the country from mid-August 2020 has further complicated an already challenging humanitarian situation, with Rakhine State emerging as a key epicenter, in addition to Yangon Region, which has seen the largest number of cases. The Government has also put in place strict measures on international and domestic travel and cumbersome processes to obtain visas and entry permits. People in need Some 336,000 displaced people (of whom 29 per cent are women, 20 per cent are girls and 21 per cent are boys) remain in camps or displacement sites in Kachin, northern Shan, Rakhine, southern Chin, eastern Bago and Kayin. In addition, an estimated 470,000 non-displaced stateless persons in Rakhine remain in need of various forms of humanitarian support due to significantly reduced access to livelihoods and critical services including education and healthcare caused by movement restrictions, inter-communal tensions and other factors. Other vulnerable persons are the members of host communities, other conflict-affected populations, and persons in the process of pursuing durable solutions to internal displacement. Severity of needs While the drivers and underlying factors triggering humanitarian needs have had an impact on all crisis-affected people to varying degrees in Kachin, northern Shan, Rakhine, southern Chin, Kayin and eastern Bago states, specific population groups and locations have been more severely affected than others and this has been factored into the needs analysis process and consequent humanitarian response. Among the four population groups, internally displaced and stateless persons (in Rakhine) are in general experiencing the highest levels of inter-sectoral needs, with women, girls and other at-risk population groups being disproportionately affected within these categories. There is also a strong correlation between severity of need and levels of armed conflict. Security and access constraints The humanitarian crisis was further compounded by the insecure operating environment. A combination of access related constraints continued to impede the ability of humanitarian partners to reach people in need in a timely manner. Following global trends for the containment of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government established strict measures resulting in an extended disruption of humanitarian assistance in Rakhine State in particular. This is in addition to the pre-existing humanitarian access challenges, which remained largely in place, including due to security risks, bureaucratic impediments, blanket bans on eight townships in Rakhine over the course of the year, in addition to continued challenges with access to mobile Internet data in eight townships in Rakhine and Paletwa of Chin states..."
Source/publisher: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (New York) via "Reliefweb" (New York)
2021-07-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 3 MB (Reduce version) - 62 pages
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Description: "မြန်မာနိုင်ငံရှိ နိုင်ငံတကာ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားမှုလုပ်ငန်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၏ သဘောထားရပ်တည်ချက် မြန်မာ ဘာသာပြန် အပြည့်အစုံ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အကူအညီများ ပေးအပ်လျက်ရှိသော နိုင်ငံတကာ အဖွဲ့အစည်းများအတွက် အမျိုးသား ညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာ​ထောက်ထား​ရေးနှင့်​ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲ​ရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာနနှင့် လာရောက်ထိတွေ့ ပူးပေါင်း ညှိနှိုင်း ဆောင်ရွက်ကာ ပိုမိုထိရောက်သော လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေး နည်းလမ်းများအား​ဖော်ထုတ်အကောင်အထည်ဖော်နိုင်ရေး ကို ဦးတည်လျက် ဤသဘောထားရပ်တည်ချက်ကို ထုတ်ပြန်အပ်ပါသည်။ (ထုတ်ပြန်ချက် အင်္ဂလိပ် မြန်မာ ဘာသာ နှစ်မျိုးစလုံးကို ဝန်ကြီးဌာန website https://mohadm.nugmyanmar.org တွင် ရယူနိုင်မည် ဖြစ်ပြီး pdf file လိုအပ်ပါက email မှ တဆင့် ဆက်သွယ်တောင်းခံနိုင်ပါသည်။)..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရ လူသားချင်းစာနာထောက်ထားရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်ဆိုင်ရာစီမံခန့်ခွဲရေးဝန်ကြီးဌာန အမိန့်ကြော်ငြာစာအမှတ် ၀၁/၂၀၂၁ ၁၃၈၃ခုနှစ်၊ နယုန်လပြည့်ကျော် ၇ ရက် (၂၀၂၁ခုနှစ်၊ ဇူလိုင်လ ၁ ရက်) လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးကော်မရှင် ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်း (Forming of Commission for Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response) ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်၊ အမျိုးသားညီညွတ်ရေးအစိုးရသည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အတွင်း ဘေးအန္တရာယ်အမျိုးမျိုး ကျရောက်ချိန်များတွင် ကူညီကယ်ဆယ်ရေး၊ လူသားချင်းစာနာမှု အထောက်အပံ့များ ပေးအပ်ရေးနှင့် အရေးပေါ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေးတို့အတွက် လိုအပ်သည့် စီမံခန့်ခွဲမှုကိစ္စရပ် များကို ကြီးကြပ်လမ်းညွှန် ပေးနိုင်ရန် လူသားချင်းစာနာကူညီရေးနှင့် ဘေးအန္တရာယ်တုံ့ပြန်ရေး ကော်မရှင်ကို အောက်ပါ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များဖြင့် ဖွဲ့စည်းလိုက်သည်။ အဆိုပါကော်မရှင်အတွက် လိုအပ်ပါက အဖွဲ့ဝင်များ တိုးချဲ့ခြင်းနှင့် လုပ်ငန်းကော်မတီများ ထပ်မံ ဖွဲ့စည်းခြင်းတို့ကို ဆောင်ရွက်သွားမည်ဖြစ်သည်။..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
2021-07-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Urgent call for responsible and ethical humanitarian assistance The NUG calls for rapid and expanded humanitarian assistance to save the lives of all people in Myanmar. The recent military coup and ongoing atrocity crimes committed by the junta have yet again plunged our people into a complex political and humanitarian emergency. The NUG’s humanitarian policy is led by the needs of our people on the ground. These needs are acute, and are the direct result of the unlawful actions of the military. Since 1 February 2021, the military has killed more than 900 individuals, including many children; it has unlawfully detained thousands, subjecting many to torture; and it has precipitated a banking crisis and rising food insecurity, with the World Food Program estimating that an additional 3.4 million people will now go hungry. This adds to the military’s decades of misrule and criminal behavior, which are the reason why Myanmar has required such high levels of international assistance. More than half a million people are now internally displaced. People across Myanmar require urgent assistance. The military is ill-equipped to manage the economy and meet the needs of our people. This same military is impeding access and recourse for life-saving humanitarian assistance to the people of Myanmar. The military continues to target the general public as well as healthcare and humanitarian workers. Humanitarian assistance should prioritize the immediate needs currently called for by communities. There are serious needs across all sectors. We echo calls for an emphasis on basic needs: food, water, medicine, and shelter, and/or direct financial support. The NUG respects and supports the basic values of humanity and impartiality in humanitarian aid, which seek to protect life and health, and ensure respect for human beings on the basis of need alone. The NUG and the people of Myanmar are struggling to free our country from military dictatorship and establish a peaceful federal democratic union. As such, we expect humanitarian agencies to respect the fundamental rights of Myanmar's citizens to determine their own political future, and to recognize and support us as we do so. The NUG also calls for all international humanitarian actors to agree to certain guiding principles to ensure that their activities do as much good as possible and avoid the risk of benefiting the military in its campaign to control the country through mass violence.....Goal: The NUG calls on all international humanitarian aid to be provided in a way that meets the needs of people most in need and is rooted in a localization approach that respects the people's democratic right to organize the delivery of their own relief.....Guiding Principles: 1. International humanitarian assistance should be provided to all those in need, without discrimination and be designed to reach the specific needs of the most vulnerable. 2. International assistance must reflect the needs and will of the local public. 3. International humanitarian assistance programs must be designed and implemented to ensure they are not used to promote or benefit the political or financial interests of the military junta. 4. International humanitarian assistance should be coordinated with and empower existing governance structures supported by the people in all parts of Myanmar, including NUG-aligned administrative bodies and CSOs/CBOs in ethnic-administered areas, for a localized humanitarian response to needs on the ground. Principles for international humanitarian assistance in Myanmar/Burma: Strong principles and conditions are required to ensure that humanitarian work does not in practice serve the harmful interests of the military. Assistance must reach those most in need and must not in any way legitimize the junta that is the cause of the people’s suffering. We urge international humanitarian actors to collectively agree to the following principles when considering the provision of assistance to areas controlled by the junta: 1 . Avoid substitution policies or undermining the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) The people of Myanmar are using their agency to peacefully oppose the unjust military coup. This involves making difficult sacrifices, including not participating in the military administration. The people do not want international actors to undermine this peaceful resistance strategy. Respect their decisions. It would be unethical to substitute international provision of services, such as healthcare, education, or others, where the CDM is actively choosing to not provide these services through the military administration. Instead, resources should be provided directly to local actors who can flexibly and creatively provide these services in ways that do not legitimize or otherwise support the military junta. By resourcing established civil society organizations and ethnic administrations, depending on the location and including to provide services through CDM professionals, international assistance can help ensure that needs are met without causing greater harm..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Disaster Management - NUG
2021-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Dear friends, brothers and sisters, thank you for having me! On behalf of the people of Myanmar, I want to say a warm thank you for giving me this opportunity to present the plight of the people of Myanmar and appeal for your prayers and support in this darkest hour in the history of Myanmar. The National Unity Government of Myanmar and the brave people of Myanmar greatly appreciate you all for your prayers, your support and for standing with us at this critical moment in our history. This is the most pivotal moment in the history of Myanmar. While the fate and future of Myanmar hangs in the balance, the strong and continued support and prayers from you all are absolutely crucial in stopping this reign of terror. More so than ever, the 54 million courageous citizens of Myanmar need the continued strong friendship, coordinated support and prayer from you all in fulfilling our hopes, aspirations, and dreams. The people of Myanmar have suffered so much for far too long under the hands of the brutal and cruel military generals and their regimes. I want to take this opportunity to appeal to you all for your prayers, support and action: According to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.2 million civilians are currently displaced by the violence caused by the military junta's reign of terror. There is nothing normal about 1.2 million innocent civilians in Myanmar being forced to flee their homes due to this oppressive military junta. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is predicting that over half of the population of Myanmar (approximately 27 million people) will be living in poverty within a year. There is nothing normal about 27 million innocent civilians in Myanmar facing this harsh poverty. The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) is predicting that more than 6.4 million people in Myanmar are going to face starvation by the end of October of this year. There is nothing normal about 6.4 million innocent civilians dying from starvation and thirst. It will be heart breaking to count the number of deaths caused by not only the deepening crisis of violence, but also by the tragedy of poverty and hunger that has begun directly as a result of the terroristic actions of this brutal military junta in Myanmar. We cannot allow the normalization of 1.2 million Myanmar People being violently forced to flee from their homes because of a Military dictator’s thirst for power. We cannot allow the normalization of 6.4 million Myanmar people being forced into starvation, nor can we allow the normalization of 27 million people in Myanmar being forced into extreme poverty because of the greed of a few old generals. Injustice cannot be made into justice. Since the failed coup in Myanmar on the first of February 2021: There can be no justification whatsoever for the brutal murder of over 915 people, including 72 children, by the military junta forces. We will never allow the normalization of the murder of innocent civilians, and it is a matter of justice and accountability. There is no justification whatsoever for illegally arresting and detaining more than 6,200 innocent Myanmar people without cause, including our elected officials, our State Counsellor, Daw San Suu Kyi, Mr. President U Win Myint and dozens of brave journalists, by the illegal military junta. There is no justification whatsoever for the torture and intimidation by the military junta of innocent civilians and forcing over 2,000 of them to flee from illegal arrest warrants, for the mere 'CRIME' of expressing their fundamental and universal Human Rights. The illegal military junta committed another crime against Humanity on the 16th of June 2021 by burning down the entire village of Kinma (over 250 homes), in Sagaing Region of Myanmar, and burning elderly people to death who were trapped inside their homes. This is not a first, however, as this military junta is guilty of war crimes, genocide, crimes against Humanity, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people and the people of Karen, Kachin, Shan, Mon, Rakhine, and Chin States, which account for over 40% of the population of Myanmar. This violence we are seeing instigated by the military junta in Myanmar is both systematic and widespread. The brutal junta forces are attacking Churches, Schools, Villages, Towns and Cities across Myanmar with heavy battlefield weapons. They have occupied Churches, Schools, Community halls and Hospitals nationwide to use as Barracks and Supply Depots. These junta forces are replacing textbooks and pencils with guns and bullets; replacing Bibles and Hymnals with Mortars and bombs; and replacing live-saving Hospital equipment with weapons of destruction and death. It is not normal that classrooms are being occupied by junta soldiers, and that the school children are being forced to flee for their lives; nor is it normal that places of worship and community centers are being occupied by the junta forces, and that the communities, Pastors, Monks, and leaders are being forced to flee for their lives. It is not normal that our Hospitals, Colleges, Universities, Banks, and Economy is crashing due to this military reign of terror. It is not normal that our Teachers, Tutors, Professors, Doctors, Nurses, Midwives, Engineers, Scholars and Civil Servants are being forced to flee for their lives because of their peaceful movement of CDM which is more powerful than the military junta’s acts of terrorism against the people of Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Ministry of International Cooperation Myanmar
2021-06-24
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The pro-democracy protests continued across the country in different townships despite the continuing lethal attacks by the junta forces and arrested of protests and the youth. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) figures showed that as of 9 May, 780 people have been killed by the junta, 3,826 are currently under detention while 84 were sentenced. 1,540 arrest warrants have been issued and among them 20 were sentenced to death and 14 to three years imprisonment. The military junta also said that it would not agree to a visit by a Southeast Asian envoy until it could establish stability. Maj. Kaung Htet San, a spokesperson for the junta’s State Administration Council said in an online news conference: "Whether we will follow the suggestions of ASEAN or not will depend on the situation of the country." Explosions and killings have been reported in several states and regions including Yangon in the past week while growing numbers of clashes between the military and the civilian defense forces are also reported in Chin State state, Magway and Sagaing regions. Four administrators appointed by the junta were killed in Yangon, Mandalay and Sagaing regions, while a NLD MP and four other people were killed in the explosion of a parcel bomb in Bago region. Local media also reported the fighting between the military and the KNLA and KIA in Kachin and Kayah States and the military air raids in those areas left dozens of civilians injured. It is also reported more than 7,000 people in Papun district in Karen State are hiding as their villages are being attacked while more than 3,000 fled into Thailand. People of Salween River Basin Network, a civil rights group based in Mae Hong Son, urged the Thai government not to push the refugees back. The CSOs also repeatedly requested humanitarian organisations and relief agencies to take part in the distribution. In addition, more than 200 local and the international NGOs called on the UN to impose Myanmar arms embargo. The junta also banned three media outlets including Myitkyina Journal, The 74 Media based in Kachin state and Tachileik News Agency from Shan state, totaling up to 8 abolished media outlets since the coup. The detained Japanese journalist, Yuki Kitazumi, was charged for spreading “fake news”. The National Unity Government (NUG) set up a “people’s defence force” to protect civilians and outlined 35-point basic principles for its defense ministry, after the junta announced that the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), National Unity Government (NUG) and People Defense Force (PDF) are terrorist organizations..."
Source/publisher: Asian Network for Free Elections (Bangkok)
2021-05-10
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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