Burmese women's organisations

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Description: Borderline Women?s Collective, Gallery and Tea Garden, located in Mae Sot, Thailand began with three women?s organisations seeking to establish a shared marketing space for women from Burma and living along the Thai-Burma border to sell their hand made items. The women?s groups also hoped that by having a collectively managed market they would build their capacity for running income generation projects with the communities with which they work. In May 2004, the Borderline Women?s Collective opened... As of December 2017, the members of the Collective are: TBCAF (Tak Border Child Assistance Foundation); KWAT (Kachin Women?s Association of Thailand); LWO (Lahu Women?s Organisation); MWO (Mon Women?s Organisation); WDG (Women?s Development Group); CWG (Chin Women?s Group); CFSG (Community Forest Support Group);WDREC ( Women Development of the Rebuilding Environment and Community); Ying Yan Wan ( Shan Women Group).
Source/publisher: Borderline Women
Date of entry/update: 2008-05-04
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Source/publisher: Burmese Women?s Union
Date of entry/update: 2011-01-08
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Minimal content
Source/publisher: Burmese Women?s Union
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-04
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Key Focus Areas: * Contributing to the development of laws, policies, systems, structures and practices to achieve women?s rights and participation at every level * Contributing to the articulation and reinforcement of social practices and cultural norms that favour gender equality, and changing those that discriminate against women * Promoting women?s participation in leadership and public life, and supporting women to have the capacity and opportunity to effectively exercise their roles in all sectors * Addressing gender-based violence through increasing awareness and support to stakeholders for implementation of effective evidence-based mechanisms and strategies to prevent and mitigate violence against women and girls * Strengthening GEN to continue to be a dynamic and cohesive network of skilled and confi dent members who are able to work effectively for women?s rights and gender equality...
Source/publisher: Gender Equality Network (GEN) Myanmar via LRC
Date of entry/update: 2013-07-12
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "In Burma the military regime has been in power for several decades, resulting in armed conflict with the various minority ethnic people including the Kachin, who occupy the northernmost state on the China border. The Kachin Independence Army was the first to negotiate a ceasefire with the junta in 1994 but promises of investment in the infrastructure in Kachin State have not been realised. Instead, the military regime has authorised and benefitted from large-scale extraction of Kachin?s natural resources – timber, gold, jade and HEP – and these benefits are not shared with the Kachin people. Mismanagement of the economy, the prioritising of military expenditure over public services, spiralling costs of basic commodities as well as schooling and medical care, are making it increasingly difficult for people to survive so many Kachin people, mainly young men and women, have left their homeland and scattered to foreign countries. Some of KWAT?s founding members The number of Kachin people coming to Thailand is growing year on year and the social and economic problems in the Kachin community have also increased accordingly. Recognizing the urgent need for women to organize themselves to help solve these problems both in Kachin State and in Thailand, five far-sighted women formed the Kachin Women?s Association Thailand (KWAT) in Chiang Mai on the 9th September 1999. Mission The empowerment and advancement of Kachin women in order to improve the lives of women and children in Kachin society. Vision As a non profit-making organisation working on behalf of Kachin women, we have a vision of a Kachin State where all forms of discrimination are eliminated; where all women are empowered to participate in decision making at a local, national and international level; and where all Kachin children have the opportunity to fulfil their potential. Values We are committed to meeting the needs of the Kachin community by promoting equality, respect, human dignity and independence. To this purpose, we are committed to the development of KWAT as a strong organisation, based upon unity and trust through transparency and honesty. As individuals, we are committed to working together with love, patience, wisdom and sacrifice. Strategic aims • To promote women?s rights, children?s rights and gender equality • To promote women?s participation in politics and in peace & reconciliation processes • To oppose all forms of violence against women including human trafficking • To provide health education & health services • To promote women?s awareness of how to manage and protect the environment"... Last Updated on Wednesday, 03 August 2011 12:00
Source/publisher: Kachin Women?s Association of Thailand (KWAT)
Date of entry/update: 2011-11-24
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Large site, many dead or obsolete links...... "The Karen Women?s Organisation was formed in 1949 and has a membership of over 49,000 women. KWO is a community-based organisation of Karen women working in development and relief in the refugee camps on the Thai border and with IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) and women inside Burma. Since our formation in 1949 we have expanded our focus from one of purely social welfare to try to encourage an awareness of Women?s Rights and to promote women?s participation in the community decision making and political processes......The objectives of the KWO" * To assist women in the endeavour to be free from all forms of oppression. * To promote and empower women in all spheres of life, including education and general living standards. * To encourage women to participate in the struggle for freedom, democracy and equality. * To develop women?s knowledge, ability and skills, including political and organisational skills. * To achieve the rights of women and equal status with men. * To promote and maintain Karen culture and traditions. * To improve the well being of women and children and to increase their access to adequate health, education and welfare service..... KWO aims to empower women through offering various capacity building trainings to teach skills, build confidence and create new opportunities so that women will be better able to solve problems. We are working hard to educate ourselves and our communities so that we can work more effectively and advocate for our struggle on the international stage... We believe that women?s contribution is an essential factor in the peace-building and national reconciliation processes of Burma."
Source/publisher: Karen Women Organization
Date of entry/update: 2003-06-03
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Karenni National Women?s Organization (KNWO) was established in 1993 in Nai Soi refugee camp in north-west Thailand, by Karenni women from Karenni state. Through the years, KNWO has gained recognition as a leading organization in the promotion and protection of women?s rights in Karenni state and in the refugee camps.
Source/publisher: Karenniland
Date of entry/update: 2010-12-13
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Minimal content
Source/publisher: Pa-O Women?s Union (PWU)
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-04
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: What we believe: ?PWO believes that recognizing women?s rights and women participation in different level of political and social tasks is one of the processes of building a just society?... Organizational profile: The Palaung Women?s Organization (PWO) was established in 2000 in response to the dearth of women actively participating within other Palaung organizations. Cultural factors determined that men had greater access to training, better English language and computer skills, greater self-confidence and more leadership opportunities. PWO was formed with the intention of educating and empowering women so that they could develop and strengthen their own self-determination and achieve equality of participation.... PWO mission statement: We are Palaung women who will advocate and advance the statues of women in field of development and working forwards achieving gender equality, justice, peace and democratic society... Goal: To actively work towards the eliminating of all form of violence against women To develop and advance the status of Palaung women to actively participate in the political sphere To advocate toward the improvement of the health and well being of Palaung people To increase attention and response at the local, regional and international levels towards addressing Human Rights violations in the Palaung area... Programs and projects: Women?s Political Development Program; Eliminating Violence Against Women Program; Health Program; Information Documentation and Research Department; Income Generation projects.
Source/publisher: Palaung Women?s Organisation
Date of entry/update: 2012-01-25
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese
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Description: "Rakhaing Women?s Union (RWU) was founded on 14th November 1998 in Bangladesh-Burma-Border under the leadership of Saw MraRaza Linn, who is also a prominent 8888 democracy activist in Rakhaing State, Myanmar. When RWU was founded, her first aim was to work on freedom of Rakhaing with the active participation of women, education and health program and basic needs of refugee women and children along the Bangladesh-Burma-Border. Later, her objectives were added to develop the status of Women and to make them free from discrimination, from violence against Women and also to work on Peace and Democracy in Myanmar. In 1999 Women League of Burma was founded and RWU became the main founder of it. After 24 years in exiled life, Saw Mra Raza Linn was allowed to return to her country on 26th August 2012 for discussion on Peace Talk, then RWU office was opened in Sittway and members of RWU are working closely with people Rakhaing Pray. Now, Rakhaing Women?s Union is working on National Reconciliation, Peace and Negotiation process of Burma(Myanmar) and trying to participate in every decision making level."
Source/publisher: Rakhaing Women?s Union (RWU)
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-04
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: "SWAN is a founding member of the Women's League of Burma (WLB), an umbrella women's organization comprising eleven women's groups from Burma. SWAN, through its affiliation with other women's organizations, establishes common platforms to promote the role of women from Burma in the struggle for democracy and human rights in their country. SWAN's objectives: * Promoting women's rights and the rights of children; * Opposing exploitation of and violence against women and children; * Working together for peace and freedom in our society; * Empowering women for a better life; * Raising awareness to preserve natural resources and the environment. Background of SWAN SWAN was set up on 28 March 1999 by a group of Shan women active in Thailand and along the Thai- Burma border seeking to address the needs of Shan women. In fact, before the formation of SWAN, Shan women in various locations had already been active in a number of projects to assist women. Even though informal networks were in place, it was felt that more could be achieved, in addressing both practical and strategic needs of Shan women, if a more concrete network among the various women could be formed. This Shan women's network would also be able to coordinate with other women's organizations from Burma, as well as GOs and NGOs working with women locally, nationally and internationally. General Background The Shan State is over 64,000 square kilometers in size and forms the eastern part of the Union of Burma bordering China, Laos and Thailand. The people of the Shan State, like in other areas of Burma, suffer from abuse inflicted by the Burmese military regime, which according to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch Asia is amongst the worst in the world. The abuse inflicted on the Shan people by the Burmese military has forced many people to flee for their lives to Thailand. The Thai government, however, does not recognize the Shan people as refugees and unlike the Karen and Karenni refugees, has not allowed them to set up refugees camps along the Thai-Burmese border. Consequently the Shans are forced to enter Thailand illegally, which leaves them extremely vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Despite this, Shan people are still coming to take refuge in Thailand. The estimated number of Shans working illegally in Thailand is at least 300,000. Among them are many girls and young women who have been trafficked into Thai brothels, where they face a wide range of abuse including sexual and other physical violence, debt bondage, exposure to HIV/AIDS, forced labor without payment and illegal confinement..." Reports, programmes etc.
Source/publisher: Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN)
Date of entry/update: 2003-03-31
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: A facebook page with frequent updates on local news and events.
Source/publisher: Tavoyan Women?s Union
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-05
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: Burmese and English
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Description: About Weave: "The organization was founded in 1990, with the intent to empower indigenous women and support their needs and basic human rights. The organization has evolved over the years, especially in the context of the influx of refugees from Burma. In 1994, WEAVE developed a partnership with refugee women?s organizations. This lead to changes in our mission to reflect the organizations new thrust and direction. WEAVE?s projects attempt to address some of the problems faced by marginalized ethnic women from Burma and their children in the key areas of education, health and self reliance. Our work is multi-sectoral and we continue to create and expand opportunities for women and their communities. While each program has its own focal area, WEAVE has started to become more integrated in our approach, recognizing the interrelatedness of our programs while at the same time trying to remain relevant. Capacity development and advocacy are integral parts of all WEAVE?s programs. WEAVE?s target communities are displaced persons, particularly women, recognizing their role in providing for their families and in ensuring the well-being of their children. Our work has expanded to include the Indo-Burma border, but mainly concentrates along the Thai-Burma border...Vision Mission and Goals: Women?s Advancement and Empowerment through Education... Our Challenge and Commitment: We are Women?s Education for Advancement and Empowerment (WEAVE) a non-profit women?s organization established in 1990. We exist believing that encouraging the leadership of women and the development of their status benefits the whole community... Towards this end: We shall support women to expand their power, rights and opportunities through active women?s organizations in their communities. We shall support and strengthen the development efforts of women?s organizations to become empowered and self-reliant, enabling them to participate fully in their communities and political life. We are women and men of diverse ethnic groups and geographical backgrounds. As individuals and as an organization, we are committed to working in partnership with marginalized ethnic women from Burma .
Source/publisher: Weave
Date of entry/update: 2007-01-30
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Description: Objectives: "To monitor the woman and child rights situation in Mon areas and southern part of Burma, by collecting information about their real situation in the reference to the CEDAW and CRC. To empower and educate women and children in the Mon community, by providing information on their rights accordingly to CEDAW and CRC and encourage them to participate in the struggle in protection of their own rights."
Source/publisher: Woman and Child Rights Project (WCRP)
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-04
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
Format : php
Size: 201 bytes
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Description: Well-designed site containing several substantial reports, links, profiles of member organisations, etc. Members: Kachin Women?s Association - Thailand (KWAT); Karen Women?s Organization (KWO); Kuki Women?s Human Rights Organization (KWHRO); Lahu Women?s Organization (LWO); Palaung Women?s Organization (PWO); Pa-O Women?s Union (PWU); Rakhaing Women?s Union (RWU); Shan Women?s Action Network (SWAN); Tavoy Women?s Union (TWU); Women?s Rights & Welfare Association of Burma (WRWAB)... "The Women?s League of Burma (WLB) is an umbrella organization comprising 11 already-existing women?s organizations of different ethnic backgrounds from Burma. WLB was founded on December 9,1999. Its mission is to work for women?s empowerment and advancement of the status of women, and to work for the increased participation of women in all spheres of society in the democracy movement, and in peace and national reconciliation processes through capacity building, advocacy, research and documentation... Aims: * To work for the empowerment and development of women. * To encourage women?s participation in decision-making in all spheres of life. * To enable women to participate effectively in the movement for peace, democracy and national reconciliation. By working together, and encouraging cooperation between the different groups, the Women?s League of Burma hopes to build trust, solidarity and mutual understanding among women of all nationalities in Burma.".... The site also contains statements made by WLB representatives at various regional and international meetings including the Commission on Human Rights and the World Conference Against Racism.
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma
Date of entry/update: 2003-10-28
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, (links in Burmese, Thai)
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Description: "The Karen Women’s Organisation condemns the Burmese military continued airstrikes and indiscriminate shelling targeting civilians which has been ongoing this month. These attacks have killed and wounded at least 30 civilians mostly women and children. The recent aggressive airstrikes and mortar shelling have been particularly intensive in Kler Lwee Htu, Mutraw district. As just one example, on September 7th, 2023 at 18:03 pm the Burmese military carried out an airstrike in Htee Gaw Hta village, Na Koh Kee village tract, Dweh Lo township, Mutraw district around the school compound areas and killing a teacher with 3 students and wounding one teacher with 5 students. In Kler Lwee Htu district on Sunday, September 3rd, the Burmese military airstrike on civilians resulted in the death of a 12-year-old boy, leaving a 16-year-old girl injured, and causing the destruction of numerous houses and other public buildings..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
2023-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2023-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 75 KB
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Description: "On June 19, 2008, the 15-member United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1820 and designated the day as the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict. This resolution strongly condemns the usage of sexual violence during times of war and conflict, considering it a dangerous tactic and strategy that undermines international peace and stability. Mainly women and LGBTQI people fall victim to conflict-related sexual violence. However, some men and young men are not exempt from that. Sexual violence is the result of power imbalance, gender inequality, and the culture of impunity. The victims of sexual violence are both armed actors as well as many innocent civilians. Sexual violence in conflict is not an unavoidable by-product of wars and conflicts. It can be prevented through specific strategies, such as plans, military orders, Code of Conduct, communications procedures, and operation guidelines. Research demonstrates that conflict related sexual violence (CRSV) does not occur in every war and conflict with the same magnitude and prevalence. By implementing effective guidelines and operations with strong political will, it is possible to decrease and address sexual violence. All warring parties involved in the conflict must uphold the international humanitarian law during armed conflicts. This is also a pressing matter for Myanmar. CRSV should not be perceived as an inevitable part of active armed conflicts. At this time, the National Unity Government and all armed actors must prohibit and prevent it. To effectively support survivors, concerned stakeholders, local NGOs, and CSOs need multisectoral assistance. International development partners must provide timely and adequate resources in the manner that aligned to the local situations. This type of assistance would enable survivors to reclaim their fundamental rights. All survivors have the human right to receive survivor-centered services, live a life free from violence and threats, and access justice. Civic space has been shrinking across the country since February 2021. When CRSV cases happen, those who tirelessly work on them are civil society women's groups. On this day, we would like to take this opportunity to honor these women human rights defenders, frontline workers and first responders, for their important work to help the survivors, despite the danger and risk that could fall on them. It is mandatory for the international justice mechanisms to hold Myanmar’s military, or Sit-Tat accountable for systematic, widespread and pervasive sexual violence and gender-based crimes that they have committed in armed conflicts for decades. Myanmar military and Myanmar Security Forces have been designated in the UN list of parties that have committed widespread and systematic patterns of sexual violence since 2018. It is also necessary to hold perpetrators of all kinds accountable for sexual violence directly or indirectly linked to armed conflicts regardless of their kinship, political party affiliation, ranks in an army, or socioeconomic strata. All perpetrators must be held accountable without partiality to end impunity. We must act urgently to impose immediate and severe punishments for sexual violence crime perpetrators as we continue to build our path towards a Federal Democratic future. Enhancing response mechanisms can be achieved through a survivor-centered approach and seeking guidance from women's and human rights groups. A just and equal future can only be achieved when armed organizations and women's groups collaborate. Sexual violence in conflict is not just a women's issue or a concern solely for survivors; it is a Myanmar’s societal issue. Sexual violence during conflicts shatters mutual trust and represents a misuse and abuse of power. To rebuild trust, a comprehensive societal approach, in accordance with the international definitions and standards, should be adopted..."
Source/publisher: Women Advocacy Coalition Myanmar
2023-06-19
Date of entry/update: 2023-06-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 201.04 KB
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Description: "The Women's League of Burma will organize 16 Days of Activism in various forms and activities along with white ribbons campaign under the theme of "Justice + Accountability = End System of Impunity” to mark the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, which falls today on the 25th November. The Women's League of Burma is not only solely opposed to violence but also uses the Zero Tolerance policy to condemn any kind and act of violence. In addition, WLB has documented all forms of violence committed against women and highlighted the issues from the national to the international level for justice and accountability. Burma/Myanmar is a country of prolonged civil war, and the main reason for the increase in violence against women in various ways is the use of the patriarchal system and military dictatorship. Additionally, due to the existing mindset dominated by patriarchy, the presence of those who practice the ideology of the patriarchy, and military dictators who seized power unjustly for generations, the survivors have not received full justice and accountability until today. According to the WLB’s members' organizations, since the t military junta seized the power on 1st February 2022 until today, they have documented 111 domestic violence cases, 14 rape cases committed by civilians, at least 16 rape cases, and 3 sexual assault and violence cases committed by the military Junta’s soldiers. In addition, according to news media, there are more than 40 cases of women being raped and burned to death for forced disappearance. The violence continues to occur every day with no punishment mechanism for the perpetrators, who are getting impunity for their crimes. Additionally, because of the current situation in Burma/ Myanmar, it is a terrifying situation that no one, including women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations, has no security protection but is also deeply concerned. WLB has designated the Military Junta as a criminal for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, which have been systematically and intentionally committed for generations. Therefore, WLB strongly urges to work together in respective roles to ensure accountability of the perpetrators and to achieve justice. Women’s League of Burma would like to encourage women, girls, persons with diverse sexual orientations, and anyone to join the White Ribbon Campaign to eliminate physical, mental, and sexual violence and to stand against all forms of violence with WLB. For the reason stated above, the Women's League of Burma urges authorities and officials as follows: • To collaborate with national and international human rights organizations and women organizations to eliminate violence against anyone, including women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations, as soon as possible. • To take effective action against perpetrators who have committed violence against women, girls, and persons with diverse sexual orientations. • To develop effective policies and implementation activities to stop violence, to prevent and protect against violence. • To provide the necessary security protection and services, rehabilitation programs, and financial support for the victims and survivors. • For the international community to take effective action to end the system of impunity and access to justice for the crimes committed by the military Junta..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2022-11-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 299 KB
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Description: "This submission outlines the dangerous and rapidly deteriorating on-the-ground situation faced by women and girls following the coup by the Burma/Myanmar military (the military or Tatmadaw) on February 1, 2021. Since the coup, women and girls have faced direct and imminent threats to their health, welfare and safety and have lost hard-won gains in political, social and economic rights. This precarious situation demands immediate attention and action by the United Nations (UN) and the international community at large. Women and girls face significant and escalating security threats The military has committed atrocities in ethnic areas for over 70 years. Since the coup, the Tatmadaw and its proxies have expanded these brutal campaigns in ethnic areas, such as Chin and Karenni/Kayah states, and extended their reign of terror to urban and “dry zone” areas dominated by the Bamar majority, such as Sagaing and Magway. Civilians and aid workers have been targeted with systematic and widespread indiscriminate and disproportionate violence, including mass and arbitrary arrests and killings, air raids, artillery strikes, sexual violence and arson.3 These unrelenting attacks fully meet the definition of terror under international and national law and amount to violations of international humanitarian law and human rights laws. The UN has concluded these atrocities amount to crimes against humanity and, potentially, war crimes. While there has been a massive deterioration of safety and security for all civilians since the coup, women and girls face disproportionate threats and risks from security forces. Women have been victims of escalating sexual violence crimes, with recent qualitative research presenting a troubling snapshot of security force-perpetrated rape, gang rape, sexual assault and sexual harassment, including in detention. These cases are only the tip of the iceberg given the low level of reporting, and dovetail with other research demonstrating that security forces have for decades carried out brutal campaigns of violence, including sexual violence, as part of armed conflict in ethnic areas, including massive genocidal clearance operations against the Rohingya. Women have actively and bravely participated in and led the civil resistance movement, facing great personal risks to put an end to a brutal military junta. An estimated 3,100 women have been arrested and detained since February 1, 2021, with over 2,400 still in custody.4 Women have reported widespread violence in detention settings, including sexual abuse, torture and sexual harassment. Female detainees have also been denied medical treatment, including maternal healthcare, and access to potable water.5 Currently, there are nine women human rights defenders (WHRD) on death row whose lives are in grave danger given the military junta’s recent execution of four democracy activists, the first such executions in 30 years. All WHRDs were convicted after closed trials in a military court that fell far short of international standards. At a societal level, women have been hit hard by the economic downturn caused by foreign divestment and factory shutdowns. This economic hardship and lack of security resulting from the coup have pushed women and young women to fall victim to trafficking gangs and to agree to slave-like labour conditions or prostitution. Moreover, the level of societal gender-based violence has increased since the coup, as civilians have taken advantage of the violent chaos engulfing the country. Since the coup, women have lost the economic, social and political gains that they fought for with increasing political activism and participation over the past decade. Women now face massive protection needs to secure their welfare, sustain gender equality progress and support women’s leadership. As the UN has noted, women are “starting to see their future disappear” and the UN and international community must act with urgency and purpose.6 Burma/Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis has had a devastating impact on women The military has caused a devastating humanitarian crisis through its Four-Cuts Strategy of cutting off telecommunication, food, money, and intelligence in Karen/Kayin, Karenni/Kayah and Chin states, and the Sagaing and Magway regions. These brutal, scorched earth campaigns include air strikes, military offensives and burning of villages, which has destroyed over 28,000 homes thus far.7 As a result, over one million people have been displaced – amounting to one in every ten people.8 Civilians have had to travel deep into the jungle on a moment’s notice to avoid military attacks. Displaced persons, including women and girls, must deal with health risks, food scarcity, lack of shelter and inadequate medical care, especially during the current rainy season.9 Malaria, dengue fever and other waterborne diseases are rampant and poisonous snakes are a scourge. Drought, water shortages and poor water quality have resulted in not being able to meet basic hygienic needs and illness. Dry goods and food items are being depleted and food insecurity is acute. Women face particular health challenges, including a lack of sexual and reproductive health services which has led to an increase in premature births, underweight births and increased infant mortality.10 This dire situation presents formidable challenges to the health and safety of women and girls and requires targeted assistance, such as women’s dignity and delivery kits, lactating mothers’ support and sexual and reproductive health assistance, such as birth control and HIV drugs which are no longer available. Service delivery to those in need, already limited by decades of ethnic strife and chronic underfunding, has completely broken down. Humanitarian aid workers cannot access those in greatest need, and efforts by international and regional agencies to deliver humanitarian aid are woefully inadequate.11 Given this dire situation, brave volunteers from women’s groups, civil society organisations, communities, Ethnic Health Organisations (EHOs) and Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) have stepped in to help despite security risks. The military targets these courageous individuals and groups, leading to regular harassment, arrest and murder.12 Current humanitarian aid delivery efforts focus on partnering with the military which is completely illadvised and counterproductive. The military has caused the crisis and is not to be trusted with aid delivery to areas that it is currently attacking. Civilians will not accept humanitarian aid distribution through any military-affiliated channel as they are afraid of backlash and there is a risk that the military will instrumentalize aid. Instead, the international community must build channels for providing humanitarian assistance by collaborating only with, and dramatically increasing support to, women’s groups, civil society organisations, communities, EHOs and EROs. In particular, women’s groups that have stepped in to fill service gaps have not experienced an increase in funding to support the increased burdens on the ground, highlighting an urgent priority for the international community.13 No avenues for justice exist Ample evidence exists to show that the military and its proxies have for decades committed heinous crimes, including murder, rape and genocide. These crimes have been widespread and systematic, part of a deliberate strategy to intimidate, terrorise and punish local populations. Since the coup, the patterns of abuse and violence seen in ethnic areas have been extended throughout the country, indicating that no group is immune from the security force abuses that ethnic groups have experienced for more than 70 years. The military has long enjoyed impunity for its actions, which has directly contributed to the current crisis. The coup has further proven the military’s disdain for the rule of law and its firmly-held belief in its omnipotence, including its perceived entitlement to commit human rights abuses without consequence. Survivors of security force abuses, including conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), are unable to access any justice in the current context as the legal system has been eviscerated and no trust exists between civilians and law authorities, which are under the aegis of the military. With no chance of domestic accountability, international and regional justice and accountability mechanism are crucial. The international community has not adequately responded to the crisis The international community, including the UN Security Council, have a mandate to secure international peace and security as well as to protect women in conflict settings in accordance with multiple directives in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda. Yet, the international community has ceded to ASEAN the responsibility for finding a solution to the crisis. ASEAN’s efforts have failed, in part due to continued engagement with a recalcitrant military which has repeatedly thumbed its nose at the toothless “Five Point Consensus.” This failed strategy has prolonged the crisis and obstructed necessary protections for civilians, including women, who face massive security and humanitarian needs. The international community must abandon reliance on ASEAN and instead take bold action to resolve this dangerous situation and build trust with the people of Burma/Myanmar. As the 12 July 2022 report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar acknowledged, interactions with civilians “…to build trust and increase confidence in the Mechanism’s ability to contribute to international criminal accountability processes are critical…”.14 Yet, trust can never be built as long as the UN, including its in-country teams, international agencies and regional actors work and engage with the military and the military-appointed State Administration Council (SAC). Recommendations The international community must collectively raise their voices to secure the human rights, safety and welfare of women and girls in Burma/Myanmar and expeditiously take the following actions: § Dispatch a well-equipped monitoring and intervention mission to secure the immediate and unconditional cessation of the military’s violent terror campaign against the people to prevent further atrocities. § Impose a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale or transfer of all weapons and other equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance. § Impose targeted sanctions against the military and its proxies to effectively cut off financial flows and endeavor to cut off supplies of aviation fuel to the military. § Support and stand with the people by refusing to engage with the military, its proxies or the SAC and work with the National Unity Government, as the legitimate representative of the people, and other groups working to build a truly democratic federal union. § Condemn the military for killing civilians and executing human rights defenders in the strongest terms, take effective action to stop further executions and atrocities and secure the immediate release of political prisoners, including human rights defenders and WHRDs. § Work and collaborate only with local actors, including women’s groups, as described above, to provide humanitarian aid and avoid any contact and cooperation with the military or its proxies; mediate with neighboring countries, such as Thailand and India, to open a humanitarian corridor to provide assistance to local aid actors; protect aid workers, including women first responders, from harm and harassment; urgently address country-wide food shortages; streamline aid procedures and delivery to be flexible and user-friendly to eliminate administrative burdens; and find innovative and alternative ways, using existing reliable social networks, to distribute aid outside of military channels. § Provide targeted, long-term and specific resources to women’s groups to support service delivery and the gender equality movement. § Ensure impartial and independent investigations so that perpetrators are held accountable for their crimes; fully and unequivocally support all efforts to ensure justice, including by: referring the situation to the International Criminal Court; instituting a special or regional accountability mechanism; supporting and intervening in international accountability efforts, such as those already underway at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court; and initiating domestic proceedings via universal jurisdiction. § Protect those fighting for democracy and justice, especially women, and develop a comprehensive protection plan in accordance with WPS mandates to provide a safe haven for CRSV survivors, WHRDs and women peacebuilders; ensure that any resolution to the crisis includes the meaningful participation of women and has a clear mandate for justice and accountability for CRSV survivors. § Establish a Task Force on Myanmar and conduct an exceptional inquiry into the situation of women and girls in Myanmar, as the CEDAW Committee has done for Afghanistan and for Myanmar in 2019..."
Source/publisher: Women’s Advocacy Coalition - Myanmar and Women’s League of Burma
2022-09-15
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "In Myanmar, the National Registration Card (NRC)[1] is an essential citizenship document required for school enrollment, travel, marriage, and fixed-asset inheritance. According to data from the 2014 Census, about one-third of the population in Myanmar does not possess any identity documentation, including NRC cards.[2] The data also showed that women make up 54% of those lacking citizenship documents.[3] According to data from the Department of National Registration and Citizenship under the State Administration Council (SAC), the government has recently completed 90% of the Pan Khin (Flower Farm) project by the end of May 2022, which aims to issue NRC cards for those who do not have cards yet. Over 3.4 million people without NRC cards are expected to be issued cards over the project’s duration (May 2021 to November 2022).[4] However, applying for the NRC still presents difficulties for women, and even if they are successful, the NRC continues to validate patriarchal policies at the state level. This essay sheds light on the challenges women encounter when applying for the NRC and how the NRC legitimizes gender-based discrimination in daily life. The 1982 Citizenship Act, created by the Burmese Socialist Programme Party, serves as the foundation for the current legal framework for citizenship documentation. This law defines “Native citizens” (မွေးရာပါနိုင်ငံသား) as those from ethnic groups such as the Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Burman, Mon, Rakhine, Shan, and others living in Myanmar before 1823 and the British invasion. Although they are not considered nationals (တိုင်းရင်းသား), legal citizens are nevertheless qualified to apply for citizenship. However, non-Buddhist minorities—including Muslims, Chinese, and even groups that the law considers indigenous, such as Kachin and Kayah—have experienced discrimination while seeking NRCs.[5] Women have more challenges than men in NRC applications, and women from ethnic and religious minority backgrounds face multiple barriers to accessing NRCs. According to Norwegian Refugee Council’s 2018 report,[6] women have limited knowledge and access to information about citizenship documentation. Most households prioritize applying for men’s citizenship documents, particularly when unofficial fees make it expensive for everyone at home to apply for a citizenship document. Even though an NRC cannot offer all of the rights that female citizens are guaranteed in all of Myanmar’s constitutions, not having an NRC makes life more difficult for women. The main objective of this article is to understand the institutional barriers that women experience during the application process for an NRC, as well as the state’s institutionalized patriarchal practices affecting women through the NRC. Although the article primarily uses data from a 2018 study, the findings are still relevant today. Because the NRC application is one of the routes for corruption by state officials, the alleged success of the SAC’s Pan Khin project during the unstable post-coup period generates many doubts about its effectiveness. More precisely, the project is being implemented amid turbulent political conditions in which more than 1,037,800 people have been internally displaced across Myanmar, as of June 1, 2022, due to country-wide armed conflicts,[7] and the recognition as citizens of nearly 890,000 Rohingya people fleeing Bangladesh remains uncertain.[8] Moreover, even in the democratic transition period, the NRC issuing processes were criticized as being corrupt, incorrectly registering applicants’ ethnicities, whether on purpose or accidentally, and utilized as a political tool for elections. Rushing the project instead of addressing the existing problems related to citizenship documentation leads to the issues becoming more entrenched, while women are marginalized based on their ethnicity, class, gender, and religion, and also encounter institutional impediments when seeking citizenship documents and the rights granted by those documents. This article clarifies the following issues based on data gathered in 2018: first, what NRC means to women; second, institutional and structural barriers; and third, patriarchal practices ingrained in citizenship documents. For the 2018 study, I collected qualitative data from 56 women of different ethnicities from different regions by conducting Focus Group Discussions and In-depth Interviews. The study focused on collecting case studies which represent the experiences and perspectives of the participants. The locations of the study were selected based on geographical differences: the lower part of the country (Hpa-An and Mawlamyaing); the economic hub of the country (Yangon); the Dry Zone (Magwe and Minbu); and the upper part of the country (Myitkyina and Namatee). The participants, who were over 18 years of age were recruited from both urban and rural areas; some had successfully obtained their NRC, while others have not. What the NRC means to women The first part of the article mainly investigates undocumented women’s vulnerability and their motivations for seeking an NRC. First, all the interviewed participants listed traveling issues as a priority. The reason is that an NRC is also used as a travel document for boarding flights, buses, and trains as well as for overnight stays in other locations. In previous decades, women, particularly those living in rural or ethnically underrepresented areas, did not make significant efforts to obtain an NRC because there was limited need or opportunity to travel, due to inadequate road access, a lack of security and safety, or other factors including cultural barriers for rural women taking overnight trips. Even if they had to travel, they brought the ward/village administration’s letter of endorsement, in lieu of an NRC. However, women in border regions—for instance, those from the states of Mon and Kayin—had reasons other than travel for applying for the NRC, because they had to rely on border trade or move over the border to find a job. In this instance, they needed to possess the official documents that can only be applied for with an NRC, either a border pass or a permit for legal stay in another country. Before, they weren’t concerned about having formal documents because they were crossing the border illegally. However, once they became aware of the potential of trafficking of female irregular migrants, they began to favor having the NRC, which serves as a supporting document when applying for a passport or border pass. The second justification has to do with job applications. When women applied for jobs, those who did not possess an NRC had to borrow NRC cards from close friends or relatives, listing the friend’s card number on the application. The NRC is the source that is used to confirm a cardholder’s background, age, and right to work. Most of these incidents occurred in industrialized urban areas, particularly in garment industries where a larger female labor force was needed. Employers carefully checked an applicant’s ID card to confirm their age and background after reports of labor exploitation in garment manufacturers became public in 2017, and the authorities sometimes monitored those factories due to pressure from the international community and human rights defenders. Those without an NRC often had to find cheap labor in canneries or shoe factories in the informal sector. Accessing microloans was a further justification for an NRC card. If women did not have one, they would have to borrow money from informal lenders at an interest rate of between 10 and 20 percent. Women also sought to obtain an NRC for their schooling or to connect that card to their child’s identity card application. The matriculation exam and university entrance were both off limits to those without an identity document. However, women from minority groups, such as Hindu or Muslim women, had different motivations for why the NRC was crucial to their ability to maintain their citizenship and avoid statelessness. They were more worried about security. For instance, one Tamil female participant noted that although Muslim and Hindu Tamils can appear quite similar, she was concerned that Tamil Hindus would be at risk in any conflict between Muslims and Buddhists. Additionally, Muslim women in the country’s center or other regions felt their citizenship was in jeopardy whenever the Rohingya crisis on the border between Bangladesh and Myanmar came up. These women were worried that nearby communities would experience more community violence and that they would become victims of the conflicts. They wanted NRCs to be able to defend their citizenship, preserve their citizenship, and exercise their rights as citizens. Institutional and structural barriers experienced by women applying for the NRC The second part of the study examined the institutional and structural barriers experienced by women in the ID card regime. In this case, not having adequate information, a lack of supporting documentation, having to pay unofficial fees to the immigration officers, and officers’ mistakes in data entry were the problems most experienced by women. Men also have the same experiences; however, seasonal laborers, migrant workers, rural women, and ethnic women are more vulnerable because rural women and ethnic women have a lower level of education, a lack of exposure to interacting with government authorities, and additionally, ethnic minority women experience a potential language barrier. For instance, the documents pertaining to one’s ancestors’ citizenship status as well as character reference letters from the ward and township administrations and the police are necessary when applying for an ID card. However, when the officers put pressure on the applicant to submit those documents, women retreated from the application procedure because their ancestors had not been in the habit of retaining their records. Such circumstances created an opportunity for immigration authorities to elicit bribes. In addition, men were given preference over women in a family to obtain an NRC when the family had to pay these expensive unauthorized fees to officials. Moreover, the ward and township administration or police force were male-dominated areas; rural women were not comfortable visiting those places frequently to obtain the necessary reference letters. When the officers questioned them extensively, women were reluctant to raise objections. This was brought on by a lack of experience working with government agencies and authorities. The fact that ethnic women were reluctant to speak Burmese was an additional barrier. As a result, the immigration officer often filled out the applicants’ information on their behalf due to either a literacy issue or a linguistic problem. This situation could create a human error, such as entering an incorrect birth date, name, or ethnicity. The applicants then had to start over at the beginning of the procedure if they wished to fix those errors. In this case, women often accepted the mistake as they felt uncomfortable to re-start the process. The chances of migrant or seasonal workers missing regularly scheduled government projects were also higher. Every two or three years, these ‘one-stop shop’ projects visit the ward or village to provide NRCs to those who do not have it. But the arrival of that project in the ward cannot be predicted, so migrants or seasonal workers might miss it. In order to obtain an NRC, they would have to visit the township immigration office separately. They were under time pressure because they could not take many vacation days from work, so when the officials took too long to issue their NRC, they had to pay unofficial fees to expedite the process. The corrupt officers more frequently victimized women in this situation since the officers were aware that women found it harder to travel or return to the office often until their card was issued. Patriarchal practices ingrained in citizenship documents The third section of the study investigated the patriarchal structure promoted by the NRC and its effects. Even though women might hold an NRC, this article demonstrates that several dynamics of discrimination restrict women’s ability to exercise equal citizenship rights. We can see what kinds of information need to be described in the NRC. For example, women’s employment status in the NRC and family registration list is typically listed as “dependent.”[9] Even though the female applicants wanted to be described as “household head”, the immigration officers did not accept that request. For example, one of the interviewed participants wanted to change her role to a household head on the family registration list while her father was paralyzed. But the officer told her she was not allowed as long as her father was alive. When her father died, she tried again. But the officer only recognized that her younger brother should take that role even though he is the youngest in the family, as he was the only man. Also, in some areas, women’s names were rarely recognized in land ownership documents. According to one of the participants in Kayin State, her name was allowed to be put in the land document only along with her husband’s name, even though her husband was living away and she was leading a farming business. Despite not being legally defined, the practices of favoring male household leaders are used as unwritten rules by officials. The dependent status in the NRC is always reflected in the status written in the family registration list. Thus, there are direct impacts on women’s economic and social lives and an indirect impact on their voting rights. For example, in the selection process of 10 household leader positions in 2012, only the heads of each family, mostly men, were invited to vote. So, when voting practices show a preference for one gender over another, women can essentially lose their right to vote, which could indirectly affect female candidates. Most voters were still men, even though the rules were altered in 2015 to allow one representative over 18 from each household to cast a ballot, whether a head of the family or not. That demonstrated how the state documents supported the idea that males should be the head of the home and women should be submissive in society. Additionally, although the dominant Bamar ethnic group does not require women to embrace their husband’s family name upon marriage – a custom long-cited as evidence of gender equality in Myanmar – women cannot be considered to enjoy equal rights with men.[10] For example, some ethnic groups, such as the Kachin, must still adopt the husband’s clan.[11] Therefore, the children must adopt the name and clan of their father. Identifying and preserving the father’s ethnicity has an effect on determining the ethnicity of the offspring. The father’s ethnicity is listed first in the NRC for those of mixed ethnicity. For instance, the children are Mon+Kayin ethnically since their father is Mon and their mother is Kayin. Similarly, the offspring would be considered “Kayin+Mon” if the father is Kayin and the mother is Mon. This case indirectly impacted the process of voting for ethnic ministers. Ethnic minorities were given one vote under the 2008 Constitution for the position of ethnic minister in each state or region. Therefore, a person of mixed ethnicity was only allowed to cast one vote in favor of the ethnic minister who represented them as the group listed first on their ID card. As a result, it appears that only the father’s ethnicity is acknowledged when choosing ethnic ministers. However, some respondents then expressed concern that as only their father’s ethnicity is recognized, their ethnic population in the state’s official documents would decline. Consequently, regarding CEDAW Article 9,[12] this practice directly restricts the rights of women and children. The third concern relates to the father’s name being recognized in the NRC and giving his identity card and signature more weight when children apply for their NRC. The contribution and recognition of single mothers is discouraged by this policy. This practice supports patriarchal norms because only fathers are recognized in children’s enrollment in school and their medical records from private or public institutions. Participants in the interviews asserted that this practice of favoring a father’s name when enrolling children in school or creating any registered documents resulted in more serious social problems, such as challenges with allowing single women to adopt children and difficulties with having an unwanted or unplanned pregnancy, while a male partner refuses marriage or support to his child. Conclusion Card holders use their NRCs for the following purposes: traveling, applying for jobs, education opportunities, access to property, as well as a guarantee for security as a citizen. This study found that women faced more barriers than males in the NRC application procedure, even though men may have similar reasons for acquiring NRC, such as for jobs and educational purposes. For example, the Federation of General Workers Myanmar’s recent report in August 2022 indicated that the Zhejiang Tongli Clothing factory dismissed about 100 workers whose NRC registered Regional codes were 5 (for Sagaing Region) or 8 (Magwe Region), as these regions have been leading the anti-military armed resistance among the Bamar-majority regions since the coup.[13] The military junta has forced people not to employ or accommodate those coming from these regions. Men from those regions have encountered military tyranny, but women’s suffering is two-fold, including both limited job opportunities and security concerns. This trend has increased the likelihood that female garment factory workers from Sagaing or Magwe regions will need to pay to rent or ‘borrow’ NRC cards from women from other regions in order to work. In this regard, women’s barriers to access to citizenship documentation are not only concerned with the state’s patriarchal institutionalized practices but also intersectional challenges related to class, religion, and ethnicity. First, migrant female workers and marginalized women such as Hindu and Muslim women, as well as illiterate women, have more difficulties acquiring the national ID card. Secondly, the most challenging factors women have encountered in the NRC application process include lack of adequate capacity in dealing with government officials, lack of education, lack of adequate information and supporting documents. Furthermore, language barriers also create limitations for non-Bamar ethnic minority women. Third, the practice of recognizing only fathers’ names and fathers’ ethnicity discriminates against women, particularly violating CEDAW’s Article (9). In addition, single mothers are disempowered because they are not adequately recognized. The status of women defined as “dependent” on their ID cards thus has negative impacts on women’s social, economic, and political life. For example, women have some limitations in applying for land ownership, voting, or running in an election because they are defined as “dependent”. Based on the findings, the study puts forward the following recommendations with the objective of giving women the ability to fully enjoy full citizenship rights by eliminating all limitations. The state should establish a women-friendly system at government offices such as the immigration, police, and township administrative offices. A women-friendly system means appointing female staff and officers to assist the female applicants in a friendly manner. The state needs to recognize self-determination with regard to ethnicity. This would allow children who are of mixed ethnicity to have the choice of whatever ethnicity they would like to identify with. Everyone needs to determine which ethnicity they represent to cast a vote for the ethnic minister position. The practice of recognizing only the father’s name on the national ID card and different kinds of application forms (including job applications and school enrollment) should be eliminated. Occupational status should not be included on the national ID card, or on the family registration list; or women should be given the right to define their own occupational status. Women will have to overcome obstacles in obtaining an NRC as well as limitations to enjoy the same rights as males as citizens as long as institutional impediments and practices of legitimizing patriarchy through NRC are not eradicated. The democratic forces working to create a federal democracy after a dictatorship should also think about the best way to address the ethnicity issue on the NRC and the wider system that preferences the father’s ethnicity..."
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Source/publisher: "Tea Circle" (Myanmar)
2022-09-12
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "စာစောင်မှာပါဝင်တဲ့ အကြောင်းအရာများကို page မှာဝင်ရောက်ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်သလို စာစောင်အပြည့်အစုံကို အောက်ပါ link ကနေ ဝင်ရောက်ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါတယ်..."
Source/publisher: Women Alliance Burma
2022-09-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-11
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Description: "We, the Women's League of Burma (WLB) and the Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) along with World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) , International Service for Human Rights (ISHR), Mesoamerican Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders, Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) and FORUM-ASIA are calling for global attention to stop the Burmese military junta from executing democracy activists, who are on the death row in detention including 9 women human rights defenders (WHRDs) . We are greatly concerned about their fate following the execution of Phyo Zeya Thaw; Kyaw Min Yu, known as "Ko Jimmy," Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, the country's first death sentences carried out in over 30 years. Despite the widespread international condemnation of the execution, the military junta spokesman stated at a press conference that they had proceeded with the executions to keep the stability of the country in line with the rule of law, and it would not hesitate to repeat the actions. Moreover, the statement of the junta's Ministry of Foreign Affairs also said that they would continue to "take necessary legal actions against criminals" and tell foreign governments and agencies to stop interfering in the country's domestic affairs. All WHRDs were convicted after closed trials in the military court that fell far short of international standards. Alarmingly, reports revealed that death row detainees at Insein Prison have been separated from other inmates and a number of prisoners may be at especially high risk, as they have received more than one death sentence for their anti-regime activities. All has indicated that the illegitimate military junta is planning to continue the horrifying execution of political prisoners sentenced in death penalty. As of 30 August 2022, a total of 8 3 post-coup death row political prisoners including the following 9 women human rights defenders: 1. Myit Myit Aye 2. Moe Moe Myit Aung 3. Zin Mar Tun 4. Hla Hla Naing (Ka) Ma Naing 5. Khin Wint Kyaw Maung 6. Hsu Wai Hnin 7. Su Myat Thwe. 8. Cho Cho 9. Aye Aye Min These women were among other many fellow women, who actively and bravely participated in various activities using their professional skills, facing great personal risks to protest against the military coup, and to put an end to the brutal military dictatorship. It is high time to take decisive action against these serious violations of international law to preserve international peace and security and fulfil mandates contained in Resolution 1674 regarding the protection of civilians and Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. The international community, the United Nations bodies, the United Nations Security Council and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must raise their voices for securing the human rights, safety, and welfare of the women of Burma/Myanmar. Women's League of Burma (WLB) and Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) calls the International Community to: Condemn the Burmese military junta for killing civilians and executing Human Rights Defenders in the strongest terms and take effective action to stop further executions and atrocities Reject the Burmese military and its proxies by supporting and standing with the people of Burma to topple the military dictatorship; Apply concerted and strongest actions against the junta for the immediate and unconditional cessation of military violence and the release of all arbitrarily detained, including human rights defenders and WHRDs. Immediately dispatch a well-equipped monitoring and intervention mission to Burma to end the military violence and terror campaign against the people, to prevent further atrocities; Enact targeted sanctions against the Burmese military and its proxies to effectively cut off financial flows; Institute a comprehensive global arms embargo, with robust monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, to end the direct and indirect supply, sale, or transfer of all weapons and other equipment that may be used for training, intelligence and military assistance; Refer the situation on human rights in Burma to the International Criminal Court for their crimes against humanity, which have been perpetrated against innocent civilians, including peaceful protests and ethnic groups..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma and Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development
2022-09-01
Date of entry/update: 2022-09-01
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Description: "ဖက်ဒရယ်စနစ် သန္ဓေတည်ဖို့ ပြည်နယ်ဖွဲ့စည်းပုံအခြေခံဥပဒေ အကောင်အထည်ဖော်စို့" စကားဝိုင်းဆွေးနွေးပွဲမှ ကောက်နုတ်ချက်အပြည့်အစုံကို WLB ၏ ဝဘ်ဆိုဒ်တွင် ယခု ဖတ်ရှုနိုင်ပါပြီ။.....Now you can access the Federalism Beyond Revolution: Panel Discussion’s Journal; Volume 2 on the WLB's website..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-08-22
Date of entry/update: 2022-08-22
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Description: "For the first time in the nation’s history, the number of internally displaced people (IDPs) in Burma/Myanmar has reached nearly 1 million people. The junta has torched 12,000 civilian homes across the country, in what can only be viewed as the military’s overarching strategy to intentionally displace the population, rather than a by- product of local level retaliation. The Burmese Army is actively preventing the delivery of lifesaving assistance to people affected by the conflict – blocking roads, destroying non-military supplies, imposing travel restrictions on international humanitarian workers and arresting local activists and people delivering lifesaving aid to IDP camps from Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Despite the overwhelming evidence that the Burmese Army has committed grave crimes against humanity, and is the root cause of the humanitarian crisis, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) and ASEAN’s humanitarian body (AHA), agreed to deliver humanitarian aid to Karenni/Kayah, Karen states, and Magwe, Sagaing and Bago regions in consultation with the work committee of the military junta . OCHA and AHA’s assessment and delivery of programs will provide the junta with access to areas it has directly targeted with airstrikes and on-ground offensives. The agreement not only legitimizes the regime; it places the Burmese Army in a position to weaponize humanitarian aid. People all over Burma/Myanmar are facing severe food insecurity with an estimated 25 million people now living under the national poverty line, and 6.2 million people in need of life-saving aid. The conflict, along with the impact of COVID-19 containment measures, super-charged economic instability, leading to a currency crisis, rising inflation rates and a collapsed banking system. Women have been most impacted by the economic crisis, not just experiencing significant job losses, but taking on more unpaid care and domestic work. Women are also more likely than men to make sacrifices to reduce the financial stress on households. Alongside the peaceful pro-democracy movement, various armed resistance forces have emerged across the country. Some of the most effective armed resistance forces are fighting junta soldiers in an area called the Dry Zone, west of Mandalay. Not being a traditional battle ground for the junta, they have recruited, armed and trained pro-military networks to provide back-up, intelligence and local geographic knowledge. The pro-military networks are referred to widely as Pyu Saw Htee. The Pyu Saw Htee are reportedly poorly armed and have failed to take control of the region. The clashes between the two forces has unleashed a self- sustaining cycle of violence with retributive attacks on both sides..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2022-07-11
Date of entry/update: 2022-07-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "As today, March 8th, marks International Women’s Day, KHRG would like to honor all the women who have defended human rights and continue to do so in this critical time. We extend our appreciation for their contributions, dedication and achievements now and in the past. This year’s theme for International Women’s Day is “Break the Bias” meaning that all of us, collectively, must work together to break gender bias and ensure women’s equality. Whether deliberate or unconscious, bias makes it difficult for women to move ahead. Bias against women exists at every level of our communities and can only be broken if each of us is active in fighting against it. Since the military coup on February 1st 2021, women have actively led and participated in the fight for human rights and democracy. Women led the first anti-coup protests and the first person to be killed in anti-coup protests was a woman. Since then, countless women have made unspeakable sacrifices in the fight for democracy and human rights. As the situation in Burma/Myanmar has become increasingly dangerous and unpredictable, more and more women have become victims of killing, torture, rape and detention. However, women are choosing to fight back at whatever cost to regain their rights and the rights of all people in Burma/Myanmar. During past periods of armed conflict in Burma, women often assumed positions of authority within their communities, despite the risk to their own security. Due to fighting and human rights abuses, many men fled their villages or went to fight on the frontlines, leaving women to take on leadership roles traditionally occupied by men. Following ceasefire agreements in 2015, men have taken back positions of authority. Women in Burma, however, continue to actively fight for human rights and a better future for their children, yet often in the margins. As armed conflict has resumed, women are once again taking on risky positions within their communities. Women’s voices and their leadership need to be recognised and promoted in this critical time, but also ensured into the future. In Southeast Burma where armed conflict is escalating, thousands of civilians have been displaced, including women and children. Displaced mothers and pregnant women are living in conditions unsafe for childbirth and adverse to the caring of young children. Displacement sites leave women subject to physical security, food insecurity, poor sanitation, COVID-19 infection and other illnesses, inclement weather, and other unforeseeable threats. The defence of human rights is thus critical to the defence of women’s rights in such situations. Today, we would like to honour all the women who have given or dedicated their lives for others, women who have fallen victim to atrocities and chose to fight, and women who take care of and protect their communities. As we recognize these women and their courage, all of us must continue fighting for a more equal world where there is no more bias, stereotypes and discrimination..."
Source/publisher: Karen Human Rights Group
2022-03-08
Date of entry/update: 2022-03-08
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 119.83 KB 113.15 KB
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Description: "Today marks an important day on the International calendar. This is the special day when we ask people in the world to stand quietly for a moment and think about the violence perpetrated against women every day, and what we can do, all of us, to stop it. Today we are asking everyone to Have Courage to Speak Out about injustice and stop all forms of violence against women..."
Source/publisher: Karen Women's Organisation
2021-11-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Australian Council for International Development (ACFID) has presented the 2021 Sir Ronald Wilson Human Rights Award to The Women’s League of Burma. The Women’s League of Burma (WLB) is a national network of 13 ethnic women’s rights organisations working towards the advancement of the status of women for a peaceful, just and federal democratic union for over 20 years. In the immediate aftermath of the military takeover earlier this year, WLB closed its Yangon office and established an advocacy team to work underground in Burma/Myanmar and across the border in Thailand and India. They now produce a monthly situation report detailing human rights violations against women, which has become a key source of data used by journalists, global analysts and activists. Presenting the award ACFID President Susan Pascoe said “Throughout 2021, WLB has been at the forefront of challenging the military coup in Myanmar, demonstrating outstanding leadership in international advocacy promoting women’s human rights. “Members of the WLB risk their lives every day to defend and advance the rights of women of all ethnic identities in Burma. This award acknowledges their courage in the face of violence. Continuing on, Marc Purcell, CEO of ACFID, stated that “ACFID supports WLB’s call for urgent action to reject the military junta and support a transition towards an inclusive, federal democracy.” WLB has taken a strong public position in promoting the human rights of Rohingya women. It was one of the first civil society organisations in Myanmar to speak out against the military’s deadly crackdown on the Rohingya Muslims in August 2017, which resulted in more than 700,000 people fleeing across the border into Bangladesh. On receiving the award, the General Secretary of the WLB, Naw Hser Hser said, “Following the coup, the majority of the people of Burma, including democracy activists and women’s human rights activists, have felt let down by much of the international community. This award sends the message to women human rights defenders in Burma, including from the 13 member organizations of WLB, that the Australian community does recognise and support our struggle for justice and peace. The award motivates us, boosts us to withstand any obstacles and helps sustain us. “We hope through this award more people in the Australian community will understand the scale of atrocities committed by the military junta and will reject the military junta, and over 70 years of struggle of ethnic nationalities against the dictatorship. “We hope the international community, including the Australian Government, will join with other democracies to adopt targeted sanctions on military leaders and their business interests. [We hope that] “This award is dedicated to all heroines, both fallen and alive, especially ethnic women, who have dedicated their lives to our struggle for fundamental rights. On behalf of WLB, I would like to say thank you and express our most sincere gratitude and appreciation for presenting us with the Sir Ronald Wilson Human Rights Award from the Australian Council for International Development. We are humbled at the recognition of our work, and accept the award with grace and humility.”..."
Source/publisher: The Australian Council for International Development
2021-11-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The Women's League of Burma (WLB) strongly condemns the gang-rape of a mother of four children from Akllui village of Tedim township in Chin state by three military junta soldiers at her home. She was assaulted between 11 P.M to midnight on November 11, 2021. Forty soldiers arrived in Akllui village on November 7, 2021. After their arrival, three junta soldiers entered the home of a mother of a one-month-old baby around 11 P.M on November 11, 2021. They interrogated and investigated her and her husband on allegations that they had ties to members of the People's Defense Force (PDF). Despite the couple's insistent denials that they had no affiliation to the civilian armed groups, the soldiers refused to accept their testimonies. They began to threaten them, and forced them to switch off the lights in their home. One of the soldiers took the husband to the back of the house and aimed a gun at his head before slamming his head on a glass table where he sustained injuries. The remaining two soldiers went into the bedroom and told the woman to put her young baby down, and forced her to lie on the bed. Guns were aimed at her and they threatened to kill her. She was raped repeatedly while she begged for mercy. After some time, two of the three soldiers came back. They threatened the husband and the other one raped the mother again in front of the husband and left. At midnight, the three drunk soldiers returned and forced the husband to watch while two of the soldiers raped the woman again. The soldiers confiscated the couple's phone, power-bank, and a cash amount of 18 000 Myanmar Kyats and gold earrings. They made the husband escort them on a motorbike to a local liquor shop; and beat and tortured the husband when they found out that the shop was closed. This case of a harrowing gang-rape against a post-partum mother in Akllui is further evidence that impunity still continues for the Burma military's systematic use of rape as a weapon of war and sexual violence against ethnic women. Since the coup on 1 February 2021, sexual violence has become more widespread. WLB calls for urgent action to hold the military junta accountable through international accountability mechanisms for their crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-11-19
Date of entry/update: 2021-11-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf pdf
Size: 85.15 KB 418.57 KB
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Description: "In the eight months since the military coup of the 1st February 2021 Myanmar's economy and health care systems have been crippled and internal armed conflicts have been expending across the country. Since September 7th, the day the National Unity Government (NUG) announced a defensive war against the military junta by the National Unity Government (NUG), armed conflicts between local resistance forces and the military (SAC) have intensified in some states/ regions of Myanmar. Military arrests of civilians targeted women activists and youths, and the military has used artillery attacks on civilians during the armed conflicts. Within the armed conflict, the military is systematically suppressing women in their political resistance, including through the use of sexual abuse during detainments and interrogation. Women have to gamble with their lives under the military dictatorship and collapsed heath care system, there is a general lack of physical security in the country. Women can be arrested anytime, anywhere and could be taken as hostages, as well as the ever-present threat of being caught in active conflict. Despite the extreme risk of being imprisoned, tortured, or killed, the women's hunger for peace inspires them to continue this revolution by leading strikes and organizing support for members of civil disobedience movement, and even taking up arms. According to information from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) and Burmese Women's Union (BWU), from February 1 to September 30, a total of 1267 women were arrested and 57 women were sentenced. In addition, 78 women were murdered by the military (SAC). The information presented here comes from credible sources collected by the BWU. BWU accepts the facts that the actual death rate and eradication of public property likely to be significantly higher. Women in Political Conflicts In civil wars and situations of political uncertainty, women and children suffer the most. In the period following the military coup, countless civilians were killed and injured due to artillery attacks, abandoned military weapons, and land mines in the villages. Among these deaths and injuries, there are women and children as young as two years old Some deaths were due to the lack of health care services during detentions and imprisonment. A woman named Khin Mar Cho who suffered from diabetes was arrested There are reports that there are many cases where the military has informed family members that such deaths during detention, imprisonment and interrogation were due to covid-19. Family members have lost the right to accurate information and face difficulties when trying to meet their detained family members. One of the barbarous acts of military juntas is that a pregnant woman was arrested under the suspicion of being a member of a people's defense force (PDF). She gave birth at a village while under arrest, as soldiers were forcing her to walk to their station. As soon as she gave birth, she immediately had to carry on to the station; the soldiers forced the villagers to carry her.2 Ma Soe Mi Mi Kyaw who was arrested on September 20th tried to under the 505(B) law and detained by Minkin Police. During the detainment, she did not get permission to receive medical treatment and as a result, she died while in detention.1kill herself by drinking methylated spirit due to torture during the interrogation. By scrutinizing her case, it is impossible to even imagine the level of torture women experience at the hands of the military junta, to acquire information during the interrogation process. Through the observation of several cases, it is found that the military is violating fundamental human rights through using torture and denying health care to detainees..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
2021-10-29
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Size: 1.13 MB 1.87 MB
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Description: "On 19 October 2021, the military coup council released over 5000 detainees, who were unjustly arrested and detained. Together with the family members and friends, Women's League of Burma (WLB) is very delighted for the release of Daw Thin Thin Aung, who was arrested on 8 April 2021. WLB would like to express our gratitude to all our friends and supporters, national and international organizations and individuals who painstakingly campaign for the release of Daw Thin Thin Aung & other women's human rights defenders, and the unjustly arrested. We acknowledge your support and solidarity efforts for us. Special thanks are to Asia Pacific Forum for Women, Law & Development (APWLD), Nobel Women's Initiative (NWI), Amnesty International (AI), Melanne Verveer, the executive director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security at Georgetown University & Human rights lawyer and author Nandita Haksar. WLB urges friends and supporters around the world, national and international organizations and individuals to continue your encouragement and solidarity campaigns for the release of the remaining detainees unjustly arrested, the elimination of all kinds of dictatorship including military dictatorship, and our movement to establish federal democratic union which guarantees self-determination, equality, peace and justice..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-10-20
Date of entry/update: 2021-10-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf pdf
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Description: "ကျမတို့မြန်မာ့အမျိုးသမီးသမဂ္ဂ BWU က လစဉ် အမျိုးသမီးတွေနဲ့ ပတ်သက်တဲ့ သတင်းအချက်အလက်တွေ စုဆောင်းပြီး ပြင်ဆင်ထားတဲ့ လစဉ် သတင်းအနှစ်ချုပ်ကို ဖတ်ရှုလို့ ရပါပြီရှင့်။ ဒီ သတင်းအနှစ်ချုပ်က ဇူလိုင်လထဲမှာ အမျိုးသမီးတွေ ရင်ဆိုင်ခံစားနေရတဲ့ အခြေအနေတွေကို ကျမတို့ စုဆောင်းရရှိတဲ့ အချက်အလက်တွေအပေါ် အခြေခံပြီး ပြင်ဆင်ထားတာ ဖြစ်ပါတယ်ရှင့်။ ဒီအချက်အလက်တွေကို လိုအပ်သလို ပြန်လည်ကိုးကားနိုင်ပါတယ်။ အကြံပြုချက်တွေကိုလဲ ကြိုဆိုပါတယ်ရှင့်။..."
Source/publisher: Burmese Women's Union
2021-08-01
Date of entry/update: 2021-08-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "As part of an ongoing monthly analysis WLB has released our June briefer on the situation of human rights amid the military coup in Burma, where 57 women have been killed & 1,060 women have been arrested. There must be justice & accountability!..."
Source/publisher: Women's League of Burma
2021-07-22
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.44 MB
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Sub-title: Heavily pregnant women displaced by fighting risk their lives to give birth after being forced from their homes in escalating conflict.
Description: "On a stormy night in June, Rosemary lay in the darkness of her home in a deserted village in Myanmar’s Mindat township, gripped by labour contractions as Mai Nightingale, a 25-year-old midwife, tried to stifle her cries. “Only the two of us were left alone in the village. We closed all the doors and windows of the house and stayed quietly inside,” said Mai Nightingale. “When she felt pain, I put a blanket in her mouth because we feared that soldiers might hear her.” Like others interviewed for this article, Al Jazeera has used pseudonyms for Mai Nightingale and Rosemary for their safety. Rosemary’s contractions had begun the previous night, but with soldiers approaching her village in southern Chin State, she and the other villagers fled into the forest. But there was no proper shelter from the unrelenting rain, so Rosemary and Mai Nightingale decided to take the risk of encountering soldiers and return the next morning. “The situation didn’t favour delivering a baby,” said Mai Nightingale. “We saw Burmese soldiers walking towards our village but we couldn’t turn back because [Rosemary] was already exhausted.” Rosemary’s husband did not dare accompany her for fear that, if seen, soldiers would mistake him for a member of a local armed group. Since a February 1 military coup, civilian defence forces, armed largely with hunting rifles and homemade weapons, have sprung up across the country to fight against the regime, and Mindat has been a hotspot of resistance since May. In line with tactics the military has used for decades to quash an armed rebellion and terrorise the people, soldiers launched disproportionate attacks on Mindat including firing artillery, rocket-propelled grenades and machineguns into residential areas while imposing martial law, causing the town to empty, according to local media reports. Young men are particularly likely to be targeted. Rosemary delivered her baby shortly after the sound of soldiers had faded, and Mai Nightingale cut and tied the umbilical cord with a razor blade and some thread which, lacking other means of sterilisation, she boiled in water. Although Rosemary and her baby are healthy and unharmed, the circumstances of the birth highlight the increasing risks which mothers and newborns face amid an escalating humanitarian crisis. Mai Nightingale and two other nurses interviewed by Al Jazeera, who are providing maternal and newborn healthcare to those displaced by armed conflict, say they are severely limited in their ability to safely deliver babies, and that physical insecurity further imperils pregnant women and newborns amid the continuing violence. “The main health risks for pregnant women and newborn babies are their lives. They can die during labour or after because they have to run whenever soldiers get closer to where they are hiding,” said a nurse in Loikaw township, Kayah State who goes by the nickname Smile. “There is not enough medical equipment or medicine … Babies cannot get vaccinations or adequate shelter.” Collapsing health system Some 230,000 people have been newly displaced since the coup, according to United Nations estimates. The military has not only attacked civilians but has also cut off food and water supplies to people affected by conflict, shelled displacement camps and churches of refuge, shot displaced people attempting to fetch rice from their villages, and burned food and medical relief supplies along with an ambulance. Meanwhile, Myanmar’s health system has all but collapsed, leaving few options even for those women prepared to risk returning to their town or village to give birth or seek vaccinations or treatment for their babies. Ongoing medical worker strikes amid a broader Civil Disobedience Movement have left government hospitals threadbare, while some health facilities have shut down altogether. The military has also repeatedly attacked healthcare professionals and facilities and occupied hospitals. "My mother placed her hand on my cousin and prayed. By the grace of God, she successfully gave birth." - SMILE, MYANMAR NURSE Alessandra Dentice, Myanmar representative ad interim with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF), told Al Jazeera that the vast majority of pregnant women displaced since the coup lack access to emergency obstetric care, while routine immunisations for children have “come to an almost complete halt”. “Without urgent action, we estimate that annually 600,000 newborns will miss out on essential newborn care, creating serious risks for their survival and long-term wellbeing across the country,” she said, adding that about 950,000 children are also missing out on critical vaccination services. In Mindat, Mai Nightingale has so far assisted three displaced women to deliver. Two of them, she said, had to keep moving in search of safe shelter in the days leading up to giving birth, causing them physical pain and possibly inducing their labour. Mai Nightingale knows that providing medical services to pregnant women and newborns while lacking facilities or hygienic equipment is exceedingly dangerous for the women and their babies, and that security forces could also target her, but says she feels it is the only option. “Even though soldiers could arrest both the patients and me, I will continue helping people who need medical assistance,” she told Al Jazeera. “There is no one else who can help them.” Pregnant women in Kayah State, where an estimated 100,000 people have been displaced since early June, also face a perilous situation. On June 8, the UN special rapporteur for Myanmar warned of “mass deaths from starvation, disease and exposure” in Kayah due to military attacks and the blockage of food, water and medicine to those who fled to the forest. Smile, a 24-year-old nurse, escaped her village in Loikaw township on June 11 with her cousin, who was in the throes of labour contractions while she fled. “Artillery fell near the rock where we were hiding. That day was [my cousin’s] due date but she couldn’t deliver … we had to escape to safety,” said Smile. “She had to carry heavy things while we were running.” Recalling advice from her mother, also a nurse, Smile had grabbed a delivery kit with rubber gloves, forceps and scissors as she fled the village. “My mother told me that medical workers cannot stop even if the world is in chaos,” she said. She and her mother rubbed down the equipment with spirits while her cousin’s husband built a bamboo and tarpaulin tent, under which they delivered her cousin’s baby. “My mother placed her hand on my cousin and prayed. By the grace of God, she successfully gave birth without [heavy] bleeding,” said Smile. But tragedy has befallen some displaced mothers. Little time to grieve In Loikaw township, Khu Meh delivered twins at a local clinic on April 8. One was born dead; Khu Meh fled home with the other, a girl, in mid-May. “We travelled very far and moved from place to place, sometimes sleeping in the bushes,” she said. About three weeks later, the second twin died in the jungle while drinking milk at Khu Meh’s breast. Some 40km (25 miles) north, in Shan State’s Pekon township, Mary fled her home in the last week of May, when she was more than seven months pregnant. “The military was firing every night … we were very scared to sleep at home,” she said. She sheltered in a church, but after it was shelled on June 6, she fled again, to a cornfield where she delivered her fifth child, a baby boy, under a bamboo and tarpaulin shelter with the help of a local midwife. The next week brought endless rain, and Mary’s baby died suddenly. There was little time to grieve. Mary and her remaining children had to flee again a week later due to approaching soldiers. Although Myanmar saw a fall in maternal mortality rates and under-five mortality between 2000 and 2017, according to UNICEF, it remained one of the riskiest places for new mothers and infants in Southeast Asia even before the coup. Maternal mortality was 250 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2017, while under-five mortality was 48 children per 100,000 live births. Al Jazeera was unable to locate data on maternal and infant mortality among displaced populations in Myanmar since the coup. Naw Winnie, a nurse from Demoso township, Kayah State who was herself displaced by fighting, is now volunteering with a local aid group in the mountainous area where she fled. She told Al Jazeera that illness among young children is common. She has treated dozens of skin infections and cases of diarrhoea, and fears that health problems will only increase because of poor hygiene caused by factors including the scarcity of clean water and the lack of toilets. The rainy season started in June, making sanitation more difficult and increasing the risk of catching a cold, flu, or mosquito-borne illnesses. Naw Winnie is also looking after more than 10 pregnant women. She had initially planned to send them to a temporary clinic near the foothills of the mountain, but the clinic’s volunteers and patients were forced to evacuate amid heavy fighting on June 16. Now she is not sure what she will do. One of the women, now more than five months pregnant, previously gave birth by Caesarean section, and Naw Winnie is concerned the woman could haemorrhage if she delivers vaginally, but it is simply too risky to perform a Caesarean section in the jungle. “We don’t have access to safe and hygienic facilities or equipment to deliver babies,” she said. “If I assist in delivering a baby without hygienic facilities, it will put both mothers and babies in danger.”..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2021-07-21
Date of entry/update: 2021-07-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "The world will have noted that women have been on the front lines of the revolution in Myanmar, with activists, elected officials, and journalists such as Ei Thinzar Maung, Thinzar Shunlei Yi, Wai Hnin Pwint Thon, Daw Myo Aye, Naw K’nyaw Paw, and Tin Htet Paing playing significant roles. Many have assumed that this is a newfound feminist ferocity, but from ancient Queen Pwa Saw, to the first woman surgeon Daw Saw Sa, who qualified in 1911, Myanmar women have always been as strong as, if not stronger than, our men. The sad truth is our cause was set back by over 60 years of brutal and misogynistic oppression by the Burmese military. I spent last Tuesday reviewing evidence from a Myanmar women’s group for submission to the U.K. Foreign Affairs Committee’s inquiry into the Myanmar crisis. Just reading about the atrocities committed by military forces meant I slept badly that night. Nearly 50 women have been killed in the protests so far, and around 800 women have been arrested. Sixty percent of the people involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement, a peaceful protest designed to shut down the country, are women, and they continue to face sexual violence, harassment, abuse, and threats from the junta. Many, including beloved film stars such as Paing Phyo Thu and May Toe Khine, have been charged under Section 505A of Myanmar Penal Code—a disproportionately punitive piece of legislation, and a hangover from colonial times that basically criminalizes freedom of speech. In prison, military forces have subjected women detainees to more violence, humiliation, and even torture. A huge part of this is a horrific reflection of the misogyny—cloaked in patriarchy—that the military holds dear, having beaten it into the hearts and minds of the people of Myanmar. The military declares itself the father of the nation, but one that deems its female children as lesser human beings. Before Myanmar, then called Burma, first fell to military dictatorship in 1962, its women enjoyed an unusual measure of freedom and power. In 1919, the first women’s association Konmari Athin, was formed; in 1932, Daw Hnin Mya was elected as the country’s first woman councillor; and in 1952, Claribel Ba Maung Chain became the first woman government minister. Burmese women kept their maiden names and property, they handled financial affairs, and voting rights were granted to them in 1922, only 4 years after women in the U.K. got the vote. Melford Spiro, the famous anthropologist, wrote: “Burmese women are not only among the freest in Asia, but until the relatively recent emancipation of women in the West, they enjoyed much greater freedom and equality with men than did Western women.” Many successful businesses were owned by women, including the Naga Cigar Company founded by my great-aunt Naga Daw Oo and the Burmese Paper Mart, founded by my grandmother Daw Tin Tin, who was also a senior member of Upper Burma’s Chamber of Commerce. Another great-aunt was the famous dissident and writer Ludu Daw Amar, who founded the newspaper Ludu Daily. Shortly after the coup in 1962, all of their businesses, along with those of countless other women, were either shut down or requisitioned by the Myanmar military who were adamant that women should no longer have such power and influence. The women’s liberation movement in the country was far from perfect. Even some of our most progressive women, such as author Daw MiMi Khaing, still saw men as spiritually superior, thanks to outdated religious views. But the movement was on the right track until it was derailed by the dictatorship. It then entered what writer Kyaw Zwa Moe referred to as a “feminine ‘dark age’”—an era in which the military and its hardline clerical supporters reinforced dogma for their own regressive agenda. For example, every Burmese man is deemed to have hpone or glory. An ancient fable relates that men will lose their hpone if they walk under or come into contact with women’s sarongs (known as htamein) or undergarments; according to the military, this was because women are inferior or unclean. This is, however, a subversion of the original superstition which was that women are sexual temptresses; when I had my first period, I was told that I could no longer climb pagodas in case I toppled them with the might of my vagina, and that only men could ever be innocent enough to ascend to the highest plane of nirvana. This concept was just as sexist, but it at least recognized that women were powerful rather than pathetic. Shortly after the February coup, Myanmar women gladly took advantage of these attitudes to use htamein as barricades against the military. Even the junta knew that it was being ridiculous: If you need any further evidence that the Myanmar military does not really believe that htamein are unclean, its members have been known to wear them at special events because their astrologers once told them that only a woman would rule Myanmar. The idea of a woman being in charge was so loathsome to the military that when it came to pass, in the person of Aung San Suu Kyi, the generals banned people from saying her name or displaying her picture. During decades of its rule, the military not only sidelined women in terms of financial, cultural, and political power, even worse, they also brutalized them in war—especially women from minority groups like the Rakhine, Shan, Rohingya and Kachin—using campaigns of rape and other forms of violence and terror. It should come as no surprise that women fight alongside men in the ethnic armed organizations, whereas the Myanmar military has no women in its combatant ranks. But the flames of female resistance never really died down in Myanmar, despite the military’s worst efforts. In 2007, there were notable women activists in Myanmar’s Saffron Revolution, including Nilar Thein, Phyu Phyu Thin, Mie Mie, Su Su Nway and Naw Ohn Hla. At the time, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners estimated that since the 1988 Uprising, which also saw many women take a prominent role, more than 500 Myanmar women had served prison terms because of their political activism. In 2015, Phyoe Phyoe Aung, general secretary of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, was one of the student leaders whose protest against the National Education Bill was violently suppressed by military police in Letpadan. This time around, women activists such as Thinzar Shunlei Yi and Ester Ze Naw are again at the forefront, women lawyers such as Zar Li have been working day and night to ensure the release of detainees, and women journalists such as Naw Betty Han and Nyein Lay are risking arrest and injury to report on developments in Myanmar. Even the first death of a protester was that of a 19-year-old female, named Mya Thwe Thwe Khine. Since Feb. 1, hundreds of thousands of other women have exchanged their work tools for daily protest marches. Medical workers, teachers, and garment workers are on strike and are all from sectors dominated by women. Tin Tin Wei and Moe Sandar Myint are, respectively, an organizer and the chairwoman of Myanmar’s Federation of Garment Workers, and have spoken out against the coup so vociferously that the latter has gone into hiding for her own safety. The most promising sign of a much-needed return to gender equality in Myanmar is that the National Unity Government, made up of ousted lawmakers in hiding, has appointed several women ministers, including human rights advocate and former political prisoner Zin Mar Aung as minister for foreign affairs and Ei Thinzar Maung as deputy minister of women, youth and children’s affairs—the latter appointment being groundbreaking in more ways than one, as she is the youngest minister ever at the age of 26. After decades of misogynistic and violent oppression by Myanmar’s military and its cronies, it finally looks like the women of Myanmar might be taking back everything that we lost and more. The Women’s League of Burma is an umbrella organization of 13 women’s groups, such as the Shan Women’s Action Network, who are working together to enhance the role of women of all backgrounds and ethnicities at a national and international level. A global, growing feminist movement called #Sisters2Sisters has even been set up, through which more than 80 civil society organizations are demanding an end to the violence against women in Myanmar and the immediate release of women human rights defenders..."
Source/publisher: Time Magazine (New York)
2021-05-31
Date of entry/update: 2021-06-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "Since the Burmese military staged a coup d’état on February 1, 2021, people from all different sectors, ages, and backgrounds have actively participated in anti-coup demonstrations in various ways. In response, the military and security forces have brutally cracked down on peaceful protesters, who have suffered arrests and other inhumane abuses. Despite the oppression and brutal crackdowns, people have not stopped taking to the streets and making their voices heard. Defying the risks, women have stood on the frontlines holding bulletproof shields. Some have been arrested, brutally harassed, and even killed. Their memory and stories must not be forgotten, and must serve as lessons for the next generation. For this reason, Honest Information (HI), a women’s media platform, is creating this record of women’s participation in the 2021 Spring Revolution, for the period of February 1 to March 31, 2021. Our hope is for this to become a memorial document for the women’s movement after the revolution is over.....Women Lead the Demonstrations: On February 6, six days after the coup, large crowds of people staged a mass protest against the military dictatorship in downtown Yangon. The country was awoken to the loud slogan, “End the military coup!” Women have dominated the protests in all sectors, which has made the movement even more powerful. The first labour strikes began with thousands of workers from Hlaing Thar Yar industrial zone in Yangon, most of whom were women. On the same day, the young political activist Ma Ei Thinzar Maung, led a strike starting in Hladen, Yangon.....Creative Demonstrations: Anti-coup demonstrations accelerated throughout February, and people all across the country took part in creative demonstrations against the junta. Women organized and participated in some of the most significant demonstrations, including the hundreds of thousands of protestors representing the union of education and health workers who have taken part in the revolution. Housewives and elderly women have participated by banging pots and pans every night to protest the coup since February 2. On February 10, over one hundred young women marched in the streets wearing colourful ball gowns and wedding dresses; and on February 11, mothers groups marched in Yangon, carrying their babies. After the military released over 23,000 prisoners on February 12, including those convicted of violent crimes, some houses in wards and quarters of Yangon were victim to arson. Local people organized self-security watches of their neighborhoods, and took turns patrolling at nighttime. Women also participated in these security efforts and also acted as watch persons. On February 20, women gathered and performed a symbolic ritual of taking out the roots from bean sprouts. This symbolizes the Burmese people wanting to remove the roots from the military dictatorship. On February 25, protestors all across the country took part in the Thanakha Strike, also known as “The Battle of Thanakha”. Thanakha is a traditional cosmetic face paste, made from ground barks of the Thanakha tree. Women made fresh Thanakha, and used it to paint different messages and shapes on the faces of protestors to send a message of anti-coup resistance. On February 28, an historic demonstration was organized by a women’s group in Kayah, where more than 100,000 women marched against the military dictatorship carrying bras and sanitary pads. They sent the message that women’s lives under the military are not safe, and even sanitary pads are better at protecting women than the military is. On March 15, teachers gathered at Bagan Pagoda to pray and swear (religious belief, saying true words to fulfill desire) for those who have fallen to the military dictatorship. Housewives also took to the streets on March 22 and 25 in South Dagon and Mrauk-U Township, Rakhine, using kitchen materials and vegetables to protest against the military coup..."
Source/publisher: Honest Information
2021-05-06
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
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Description: "A few weeks ago, a strange sight began appearing in the streets of Myanmar (Burma). Women have been hanging their traditional htamein – the pieces of cloth they wear as skirts – from ropes tied to windows or utility poles, suspending them above the streets like decoration for a parade. Some attach them to sticks and carry them as flags. These women are not simply putting out the laundry; they are protesting the coup d’état staged by the Burmese military on 1 February. “Men think they have special powers just for being men,” Khin Ohmar, a women’s rights activist in Myanmar, tells Equal Times. “And they believe that walking underneath a piece of women’s clothing will make them lose their special powers.” The htamein are thus used as shields to protect the protest areas and prevent the military from entering. From the very beginning, women have been at the forefront of protests against the coup that deposed Myanmar’s civilian government led by the iconic Aung San Suu Kyi. According to data provided to Radio Free Asia by the local organisation Gender Equality Network, women make up some 60 per cent of the protesters who have taken to the streets and between 70 and 80 per cent of the movement’s leaders. Many are nurses, teachers and textile factory workers, who already found themselves in a vulnerable situation due to Covid-19. Many of the women who have taken to the streets have given their lives to protect Myanmar’s fragile democracy, says Wah Khu Shee. The first was 20-year-old Mya Thwe Thwe Khine, who became a symbol for the movement after her death on 19 February. Then came Ma Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old killed in early March at a protest in Mandalay, in the north of the country, who became another symbol, along with the phrase written on her t-shirt that day: “Everything will be OK.” The military announced its takeover in early February after months of refusing to accept the results of the November 2020 elections, in which Suu Kyi’s party was victorious. Since then, at least 750 people have been killed by security forces and more than 3,696 have been arrested, charged or convicted, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.....Signs of a failed democracy: Last February’s coup d’état is nothing new for the people of Myanmar. The Burmese military first seized power in 1962 and would tightly control the country for nearly five decades. In 1990, after changing the country’s official name to Myanmar in an attempt to gain greater international recognition, the military government allowed for elections to be held. But when Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party emerged victorious, the junta annulled the election results and increased repression. When the military government once again announced a path towards ‘disciplined democracy’ in 2003, the process was seen as another attempt at improving public relations. A new constitution, which reserved significant power for the military, was adopted in 2008 and in 2010 the first elections took place. The NLD refused to participate in those elections in protest of an electoral framework that prevented Suu Kyi from running. However, new elections in 2015 led to a handover of power to a civilian government controlled by Suu Kyi, a decisive step for many towards democratic transition. But according to Gabrielle Bardall, Research Fellow at the Centre for International Policy Studies, University of Ottawa, and Elin Bjarnegård, Associate Professor in Political Science at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, the absence of women throughout this process has been conspicuous. The new constitution, for example, reserves 25 per cent of seats in parliament and several ministerial posts for the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s armed forces, which only recently opened up to women. Not even Suu Kyi’s presence in key positions of power – though the constitution prohibited her from becoming the country’s president because she was married to a foreigner and had children of another nationality – was not enough to change the country’s political dynamics. “The example of one woman [in power] is not enough. We need women who understand women’s issues and stand up for women’s rights,” says Wah Khu Shee. Suu Kyi, whose whereabouts are currently unknown, has been criticised for not making gender equality one of her priorities. According to Bjarnegård, there has also been little change within the political parties. “I haven’t seen too many big changes or signs that reform has been an important priority for the parties,” she says. As she explains, one of the main problems has been finding women who want to go into politics. “All the women we interviewed needed the full support of their families and husbands to enter politics professionally,” she continues, pointing to the country’s “patriarchal culture” as one of the main impediments. In the November 2020 elections, women won only 15 per cent of seats.....Shifting gender roles: Khin Ohmar still remembers how difficult it was to be a woman in her early years of activism. In 1988, the country rose up against the military junta after a student was killed by the police. Ohmar, also a student at the time, refused to stay home. “I had a very difficult situation with my family because they tried to stop me from taking to the streets,” she says. Ohmar went on to become vice-president of one of the student unions that formed in those years, at a time when women were often relegated to administrative and financial positions. “Some doors opened for women to occupy certain leadership positions, but it was still very patriarchal,” she continues. While in exile over the following decades, Khin Ohmar remained involved in the pro-democracy movement but felt that many still refused to take the issue of gender equality seriously. “They thought we only wanted to talk about women’s issues. But we wanted to talk about politics, about the federal system,” she explains. “That’s why our country is stuck. The roots of this patriarchy run too deep.” But Ohmar has seen a change in gender roles over the course of the current protests. “In 1988, the leaders were men. This time, they’re women. It’s exciting,” she says. According to the 2019 report Feminism in Myanmar, political reforms after 2010 “opened space for the coordination of efforts by women’s organisations inside and outside the country,” in an activism that has “engaged not only with fulfilling the basic needs of communities but also with the policy reform process.” The report further argues that women have improved their capacity for social mobilisation and networking during the years of democratic transition. Bjarnegård has also observed a change in dynamics. “The current protests have shown us that something is changing. We see young people, both men and women. It’s another generation that is in some ways more liberal, that has had access to Facebook and that has been influenced by other countries,” she says. She cites the example of the peace process between the government and some of the principal ethnic guerrillas (2011-2015), in which only four women were present in the delegations sent to negotiations (less than 6 per cent of the total number of representatives, according to Bardall and Bjarnegård’s data). However, she holds onto a small glimmer of hope: “I hope that, this time, we can see [the impact of] the improvements that women have experienced in decision-making [during the democratic period].” She hopes that these changes will prevent women from once again being “relegated to the kitchen” when peace returns. “There have been improvements but it’s still very difficult…we have to wait and see..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "Equal Times"
2021-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2021-05-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Topic: Gender; generation; social justice; agrarian transformation; environmental transformation; rural politics
Topic: Gender; generation; social justice; agrarian transformation; environmental transformation; rural politics
Description: "ABSTRACT: The changes that have swept rural Myanmar, transforming landscapes and affecting livelihoods, have ignited rural politics and civil society and grassroot organizations’ strategies to counter, resist, negotiate and adapt to these changes. Rural politics have centred on broad calls for agrarian and environmental rights and social justice that do not address women’s rights, gender and generational justice explicitly. Based on fieldwork carried out in Myanmar’s Taninthary region, and engagement with grassroots organizations, I examine how gender and generational power dynamics play out, transform and are transformed in processes of agrarian and environmental change and rural politics.....Introduction: In Myanmar, land and natural resources have been historically the focus of extractivist initiatives that benefited colonial administrations, central states, the military and powerful elites and deprived small farmers, fishers and forest-dependent groups, including ethnic groups, particularly women and girls, of access to natural resources, shelter and livelihoods (Karen Human Rights Group 2006, 2015; Tavoyan Women’s Union 2015; Barbesgaard 2019; see also Kramer forthcoming; Sekine forthcoming, this collection). Starting in 2012 the neoliberal orientation of recent civilian governments, discursively legitimized by agendas for economic growth, sustainable development and climate change mitigation and adaptation, has bolstered this tendency. Since 2011, legal reforms in the areas of land use, land conversion, and investments have facilitated the entrance and operations of international capital and investors in the country. In addition, the 2012 preliminary ceasefire between the Union Government (UG) and several Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs) has enabled access of domestic and foreign capital to once secluded areas, including Tanintharyi region in the South, which had long been a hotspot of conflict and ethnic insurgency and had thus remained relatively isolated (Bryant 1994; Malseed 2009; Woods 2015a, 2015b). The surge of extractive and infrastructure development initiatives, combined with conservation plans to restrict access to protected and designated areas, have accelerated the transformation of Myanmar’s rural landscapes and livelihoods. This, in turn, has sparked civil society and grassroots organizations’ strategies and actions to resist, negotiate and adapt to these changes. Members of affected communities, often with support from grassroots and local civil society organizations, have resisted, mobilized and strategized on ways to advance their own counter-visions of development (Park 2019). Coupled with opportunities to engage in ‘contentious politics’ (Tarrow 1994; Tilly 2002, 2004) as noted in the introductory article of this Special Issue, the mobilization from below has expanded the repertoire of ‘contentious performances’ that are being developed dynamically and in conversation with the political, social and economic context (Tilly 2002, 2004). In Myanmar, just like in other countries in the region, women and men, young and old, have taken active part in these political struggles; women, notably, have been at the forefront of protests and diverse forms of activism, often at the cost of their bodily integrity and the breakdown in family relations. Research from other countries confirms that women, including older women, participated in protests often as a strategy to curb violent repression and retaliation by the military and the police, to protect their sons and husbands, and in some cases as activists in their own right (see for example, Brickell 2014; Lamb et al. 2017; Park and Maffii 2017; Tavoyan Women’s Union 2015; Morgan 2017). While these changes affect different people, including their political agency, in ways that are mediated by gender, age, ethnicity and other social and power differences, the urgency and fluidity of the issues on the ground requires cohesion in mobilization and swift action. Partly because of this, rural politics have tended to centre on broad calls for agrarian and environmental rights and social justice that do not address women’s rights, gender equality and generational justice explicitly. Women’s groups have also been often side-lined; whereas youth have been engaged by environmental and ethnic grassroots groups within the frame of well-defined scripts that do not challenge power, gender and age hierarchies. The exclusion of women’s groups and gender equality from agrarian and environmental justice movements, and the reasons underlying it, have been highlighted by many feminist scholars (see for example, Harris 2015; Park 2018; Deere 2003; Stephen 2006; Krishna 2015) who have called for urgent convergence to avoid the risk that movements for social justice could be void of gender and generational justice. Krishna (2015), for example, notes that in India some of the larger movements that have led to state formation have failed to recognize women’s claims for gender justice in spite of their conspicuous participation and even leadership. In the Andes, Harris (2015, 171) highlights the disconnect between feminist and indigenous and other movements and calls for a better articulation of ‘feminist analytics and organizing’, advocating for going beyond women’s engagement towards adoption of a feminist agenda that questions power structures. The fight against patriarchy has also been central to the demands of peasant women in international movements such as La Via Campesina. This article explores the potential of rural politics to be catalytic of change that promotes gender and generational justice and contributes to making the case for the need for not one but multiple convergences – feminist political ecology with feminist political economy, agrarian and environmental movements with feminist movements. Based on fieldwork conducted in Tanintharyi between 2014 and 2018 and engagement with local grassroots organizations, I examine how gender and generational power dynamics play out, transform and are transformed in processes of agrarian and environmental change and rural politics. I look at the conditions that support a (re)negotiation of gender roles and relations and how these could be conducive to gender-transformative rural politics, that is, politics that fosters gender equality and generational justice as a key dimension of social change and social justice (Cornwall 2014)..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: The Journal of Peasant Studies via Routledge (London)
2021-01-12
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Some 60 percent of protesters against the military coup are women who fear their hard-won rights hang in the balance.
Description: "Every day at sunrise, Daisy* and her sisters set out to spend several hours in the heat cleaning debris from the previous day’s protests off the streets of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city. Protests have erupted around the country since the military seized control of the government after arresting democratic leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, on February 1, and declared a year-long state of emergency. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a non-profit rights organisation formed by former political prisoners from Myanmar and based in Thailand, 715 civilian protesters have been killed and more than 3,000 people have been charged, arrested or sentenced to prison for taking part in protests. March 27 marked the deadliest day of the anti-coup protests so far, with more than 100 deaths in a single day. Daisy, a 29-year-old elementary school teacher, has been out of work since the first week of February, because schools have been closed as a result of the protests, but is the sole earner and carer for her two younger sisters, aged 15 and 13. Despite this, she spends a portion of whatever money she has left to help feed hungry protesters. The military makes use of dalans – local people who are forced to spy on their neighbours and, in particular, to target women living alone whose homes are easy targets for looting and harassment. As a result, Daisy and her sisters have been forced to move home three times and are now in hiding with relatives. “The military are preying on vulnerable women, breaking in and raiding where we live to seize our belongings and lock us up for no reason,” Daisy says. But despite having little financial security, Daisy continues to help with the protests. “As women, we are the most at risk under the military but however large or small, our place is in the revolution.”.....Outrageous displays of ‘profanity’: Across Myanmar, women protesters have lined the streets with vibrant traditional women’s clothing and undergarments in the hope of challenging a long-held taboo around women’s clothing. “Htaimein – Burmese for sarongs and intimate women’s wear – are perceived as ‘unclean’ in traditional Buddhist belief and thus considered inferior in Burmese society,” explains 25-year-old Su, an activist and university student who does not wish to give her full name for fear of reprisals. Su is originally from Dadaye, a town in the Ayeyarwady region of southwest Myanmar. “Coming into contact or walking under these is believed to bring bad luck, reducing one’s hpone – masculine superiority – in Buddhist belief.” She says hanging up sarongs has been an effective deterrent to keep the military from attacking the protesters as their staunch beliefs will not allow them go anywhere near the orchestrated clothing lines. Women are also using their sarongs to create flags and hats for men to parade alongside banners that read “our victory, our htaimein” to celebrate wielding a degrading superstition about women as a successful defence strategy. In a similar vein, women have been hanging sanitary towels drenched in red paint to emulate blood over photos of the military general, Min Aung Llaing. “For a society where men, including Min Llaing, detest the idea of menstruation, smearing his face with what he finds the dirtiest is unimaginably humiliating,” Su explains. “Sarongs and sanitary napkins are symbolic of the women in Myanmar and how they are regarded as inferior to men in society.” By weaponising these displays of “profanity”, women say they are reclaiming their status against the same patriarchal attitudes that perceive them as lesser in society.....Civil disobedience as a means of resistance: The Women’s League of Burma, an organisation which seeks to increase women’s participation in public life in Myanmar (which was formerly called Burma), estimates that 60 percent of those protesting are women, while the AAPP says women make up almost 40 percent of those arrested. The Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) has brought the country’s public services, including healthcare, schools and banks, to a halt. It is also behind efforts to deprive the military of its income by boycotting military-owned services and products such as tobacco, alcohol, coffee and oil, and refusing to pay government taxes. Chit*, a 26-year-old doctor-in-training from Yangon, has been part of a group of female medical volunteers tending to the wounded during the protests. She believes providing medical care to protesters is a duty for all doctors. She says she has heard of one female doctor who was shot by the military while trying to aid a patient. “As women, we are expected to stay in ‘safe’ areas of the protests but we know our place is wherever help is needed.” Female lawyers and bankers have formed an informal group to offer legal and financial advice to civilians, especially those trying to flee the country. “We want to offer our services to those in general need of legal routes or financial advice. We know the public have been put in a compromising position given a pandemic then a coup so free verbal consultations, advice, and going through documents with them is an extension of our efforts against the military,” explains Min Thwaw, a private lawyer practising in the capital, Naypyidaw. “Many white-collar workers have lost their jobs and those females workers continue to be threatened by authority figures but the military need us [the workers] more than we need them. Without us, the banking system will collapse soon and economic crisis will remain irreversible – a price we are willing to pay to cripple the military,” she adds. Economic uncertainty caused by the military takeover is likely to have a negative effect on the country’s $6bn garment and footwear industry. As a result, thousands of garment workers, predominantly young women, have taken part in demonstrations, urging the multinational companies they work for to denounce the coup and protect workers from being fired or even killed for protesting. While some Western brands have remained silent over the military takeover in Myanmar, The Benetton Group, H&M, Primark and Bestseller all suspended new orders from factories there until further notice, following pressure from within and outside Myanmar. Despite this, trade unions in Myanmar stress companies are not doing enough and are demanding more “concrete action” like documenting and addressing human rights abuses with their respective governments and committing to partial payments of orders. Many garment workers have left their family homes for the safety of other family members in order to participate in the strikes. They include 27-year-old Jasmine (who did not wish to give her full name) and five of her colleagues. They live together in a 250-square-foot flat in Yangon, surviving on food donations from the wider community as well as community money handouts – funds raised by local and international supporters of the CDM to finance the movement from afar – a portion of which they need to send back to their home villages to support their families as well. These young women march defiantly together in large human chains with arms interlocked. Jasmine says this is an effective tactic adopted by garment workers who are protesting to ensure the police do not separate them from each other. “They yank protesters away to break the chain then abuse those they capture in jail or publicly.” On February 18, about 1,000 garment workers producing clothes for Primark were reportedly locked in GY Sen Apparel Company’s factory for taking part in the protests by supervisors who sympathised with the military. Upon breaking free after several hours, many of them were fired. Jasmine also says that she and her colleagues have been intimidated with verbal abuse by factory owners, who confront the women physically, they say, and who have been trying to fire them for protesting. For now, Jasmine still has her job, although many of her colleagues have been laid off. “These are the challenges we are faced with on top of a coup; borderline starvation and no pay. We need the companies we work for to denounce these heinous acts, recognise what we are going through and protect us,” she says. Since the women live together, they have been easy targets for the military and factory owners. During the day, the workers liaise with activists to gather information about locals collaborating with the military by providing details about people’s whereabouts and public gatherings. This way, they can find out about potential morning break-ins into workers’ homes and abductions by the military and police carrying out military orders. As the evening sets in, workers quietly gather in one house to make plans for the next day’s protests. The military blacks out the internet every night from 1am to 9am and has banned all social media to stop protesters from informing each other about arrests or possible military targets. It is meticulously tracking telecommunications. It also imposes a strict overnight curfew and deploys soldiers with orders to shoot on sight anyone who breaks it. Jasmine and her friends have heard frightening rumours about people being shot or abducted if they are found to be breaking curfew. The women, therefore, move carefully on foot from one house to another in the dead of night to relay crucial information regarding potential break-ins, abductions and to make plans for protests. “We cannot afford to risk brushing off anything heard through the grapevine as hearsay. Nobody is here to protect us but ourselves,” says Jasmine.....The LGBTQ community: The LGBTQ community has also participated in the protests, marching with rainbow flags. “We know they despise our identity so we offer them the highest form of indignation, standing united and proud in the skin we feel most comfortable [in],” says 30-year-old trans woman Diamond. Diamond believes that the LGBTQ protests have encouraged more people to come out as gay or trans. “People come up to join marches then disclose this is their first time being publicly trans or gay because it is an opportune time to be true to who they always have been.” However, the LBGTQ protest efforts were cut short at the start of March when the military began a crackdown on the community by raiding homes and detaining members. Out of fear of surveillance and arrests, Diamond and several of her friends from the transgender community have either fled the country or gone into hiding. “As a trans woman, I want the future generation of Myanmar to know the LGBTQ community risked everything and stood valiant against the military,” she says.....Sexual violence as a military tactic: Protests against a male-dominated military that has no women at all in its senior ranks and very few (0.2 percent) in the rank and file, have come at a great cost to women. Activists say that military and police have manhandled, groped and sexually harassed female protesters. “If you’re leading a large crowd, they will try to grope your breasts from behind to physically remove you or, at the very least, will try to unbutton your blouse with their baton,” says Daisy. “Women who have gone into custody have been subjected to unnecessarily prolonged strip and search, as well as groping.” Sexual violence is nothing new in military operations in Myanmar. It has been used to crack down on the Rohingya Muslim population since 2017. Instances of gang rapes by soldiers, forced public nudity and humiliation, and sexual slavery in military captivity have been reported by the Rohingya population, according to investigations by the UN. With violence against protesters escalating – and no sign of the protests stopping – Daisy says she fears the military will use mass rape tactics “as a last resort tool any moment now”.Nandar, a 26-year-old feminist activist from Shan State, claims Myanmar is culturally a deeply patriarchal society where the military sees itself as the “father” of the nation, assuming the “dominant and masculine role”. “By nature of a patriarchal system, social hierarchies are formed through hyper-masculinity and deeply conservative views that consider women subservient,” she says. The lack of women in the senior military ranks, she says, indicates the absence of women’s voices in the political sphere and further marginalises them, reinforcing stereotypes and transferring a woman’s importance in the political space to passive social roles instead. Nandar, who does not wish to give her full name for fear of reprisals, says: “The progress feminism made [under democracy] allowed women to see the value of their participation in every sector, moving the country forward. But under a misogynistic military which renders women entirely invisible, we will enter a dark future. Democracy took us one step forward but returning to dictatorship is taking us five steps back.” Despite all the odds, women have used their momentum to vocalise their opposition to patriarchal control and the lack of democratic freedom in the country. They have been the backbone of the protests and are promising not to back down..."
Source/publisher: "Al Jazeera" (Qatar)
2021-04-25
Date of entry/update: 2021-04-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "On this day 98 years ago, a mass women’s meeting in Yangon called on the colonial governor to send female representatives to the Burma Roundtable Conference in London, which would discuss Myanmar’s partition from India. The demand was made because the only representatives on the list of attendees were men. Daw Mya Sein, the first Burmese woman to graduate from Oxford University and the daughter of then-Home Affairs Minister U May Oung, attended the conference in November in 1931. She was 27 years old at the time. Daw Mya Sein served as a representative of Asia to the League of Nations and as a representative at the Geneva Women’s Conference; she was recommended for roundtable attendance by the British government and by several international women’s organizations..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
2019-08-24
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Sub-title: Like many of her peers who left Myanmar to work or study overseas, Ma Sandy Sein Thein, founder of Geek Girls Myanmar and managing director of Digital Kaway Co Ltd, was lured back home by the opportunity to contribute to the country’s growth and developme
Description: "She returned in 2014 after working in Singapore. Ma Sandy majored in French at university and worked in sales and marketing, but she noticed a gap in technology and saw its potential to modernise Myanmar and upgrade its living standards, so she decided to play a role in bringing technology to the country. To get the required experience and contacts, she went to work for a telecommunications company helping people to set up technology businesses and connect with investors. From there, she and a partner set up Digital Kaway in 2014. At the time, mobile phone technology was booming, and everyone in Myanmar had internet access on their mobile phones within two years. However, she noticed that not many women were in leading technology roles or studying at technological universities. Most were not thinking about careers in the field. “I wanted to create a space for them, so we founded Geek Girls to help women realise their dreams and goals by using technology. Men in this field are always meeting to share ideas, but women were uncomfortable doing this, so they weren’t sharing their knowledge with each other,” Ma Sandy said. Today, Geek Girls Myanmar is tackling issues like cyberbullying and cybersecurity, she said, adding that there is an urgent need for mechanisms to deal with cyberbullying, especially for women..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Myanmar Times
2019-07-17
Date of entry/update: 2019-08-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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