Dialogue/reform/transition in Burma/Myanmar - analyses and statements

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Websites/Multiple Documents

Description: About 47,600 results
Source/publisher: Various sources via Youtube
Date of entry/update: 2017-08-20
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
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Description: A useful collection of articles, documents, analyses etc.
Source/publisher: Network Myanmar
Date of entry/update: 2014-03-25
Grouping: Websites/Multiple Documents
Language: English
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Individual Documents

Description: ''Prisons are a direct reflection of a country’s administrative, legislative and judicial systems1. Hidden from public view, facing stigmatization and afforded little public sympathy, prisoners face a greater risk of having their human rights abused2. These issues are compounded even further in light of rising prison populations around the world and the prevalence of prison overcrowding. Reducing prison overcrowding, is an essential first step in reforming the criminal justice system in Burma where prisons have a notorious history of human rights abuses and impunity. Presidential amnesties, as have occurred in Burma and the construction of more prisons, as is proposed, are short term and costly solutions to much more systemic issues, that contribute to prison overcrowding. If laws and prison conditions remain unchanged, these measures will not have a lasting impact on improving human rights in prisons. Systemic reform, addressing issues related to broader issues of social justice, disproportionate punishments, and the lack of an adequate separation of powers in Burma will ensure sustainable and long-term solutions to prison overcrowding can be implemented, reducing the high social and financial costs of incarceration. This will improve prospects for development, the advancement of human rights and social justice for all of Burma3. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) urges the Government of Myanmar to seize this opportunity to demonstrate their commitment to ending human rights abuses across Burma by actively engaging in prison reform, starting with the most pressing issue of prison overcrowding...''
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) - AAPP
2018-12-13
Date of entry/update: 2019-01-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese (မြန်မာဘာသာ)
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 740.52 KB 1.93 MB
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Description: "၂ဝ၁၁ ခုနှစ်တွင် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံသည် ဒီမိုကရေစီစနစ်သို့ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းသော ကာလအတွင်း ဝင်ရောက်ခဲ့သည်။ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားလက်နက်ကိုင် ပဋိပက္ခ၊ ဝိရောဓိများ ပြည့်နှက်နေသော အရပ်ဘက်-စစ်ဘက် ဆက်ဆံရေး၊ ပြည်သူများ၏ ဆင်းရဲတွင်းနက်မှု ပြဿနာများ အစရှိသည်တို့ကို ဆယ်စုနှစ်များစွာ ရင်ဆိုင်ဖြတ်သန်းခဲ့ရသည်။ ထိုသို့ ဖြတ်သန်းပြီးမှ စတင်ခဲ့ရ သဖြင့် ဒီမိုကရေစီ အားကောင်းရေး၊ ရေရှည်အကျိုးဖြစ်ထွန်းနိုင်မည့် စီးပွားရေးဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှုနှင့် အရှည်တည်တံ့နိုင်မည့် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ရရှိရန်အတွက် အခွင့်အလမ်းတစ်ခုလည်း ဖြစ်နေသည်။ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုကို အောင်မြင်စွာ စီမံခန့်ခွဲနိုင်ရန် ပို၍ ထိရောက်သော မူဝါဒများ ချမှတ်ရန် လိုအပ်သည်။ ယခုစာတမ်းက မြန်မာအစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ မူဝါဒချမှတ်ပုံကို မိတ်ဆက်ပေးထားသည်။ ပြည်နယ်နှင့် တိုင်းဒေသကြီးများရှိ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးယန္တရား အခြေအနေများထက် ပြည်ထောင်စု အစိုးရအဖွဲ့၏ မူဝါဒချမှတ်ပုံကို အာရုံစိုက် ဖော်ပြထားပါသည်။ ပင်မ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်မှာ ပီပြင်သော ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ စီးပွားရေး ဖွံ့ဖြိုးတိုးတက်မှု၊ ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး တို့ ပေါ်ပေါက်ရန်နှင့် ပြည့်စုံသော အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှု ဖြစ်ထွန်းစေရန် မရှိမဖြစ် လိုအပ်သည်ဟု ယူဆထားသော၊ မူဝါဒချမှတ်သူများ နှင့် မူဝါဒချမှတ်သည့် လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်များအား မည်သို့ အားဖြည့်ပေးနိုင်မည် ဆိုသည့် အချက်အပေါ် အားကောင်းသည့် ဆွေးနွေး ပြောဆိုချက်တစ်ခုအဖြစ် ပုံဖော်ရန် ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ မူဝါဒဆိုသည်မှာ အစိုးရ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအရာရှိများက အများပြည်သူနှင့် သက်ဆိုင်သည့် ကိစ္စများအား ကိုင်တွယ်ဆောင်ရွက်ရာ၌ လုပ်ဆောင်မှု တစ်ခုခုအတွက် ရွေးချယ်မှုဟု ယေဘုယျအားဖြင့် နားလည်ထားကြသည်။ အစိုးရ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးပိုင်း၏ မူဝါဒချမှတ် ခြင်း (Executive policy-making) သည် နိုင်ငံတော် အကြီးအကဲနှင့် ထိပ်ပိုင်းအစိုးရ ခေါင်းဆောင်များ၊ အထူးသဖြင့် အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး ကဏ္ဍ၏ ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက်များ၊ ကတိကဝတ်များနှင့် အရေးယူလုပ်ဆောင်ချက်များကို ရည်ညွှန်းပါသည်။ အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးဗဟိုချက် (Core Executive) ဆိုသည်မှာ ခေါင်းဆောင်ပိုင်းအဆင့် မူဝါဒချမှတ်ခြင်းအား နားလည်ရန်အတွက် အသုံးဝင်သည့် သဘောတရား တစ်ခုဖြစ်သည်။ ? အစိုးရ ယန္တရား၏ အစိတ်အပိုင်းများအတွင်း အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးတွင် (အကယ်၍ ပဋိပက္ခများ ဖြစ်လာပါက) နောက်ဆုံး ဆုံးဖြတ်၊ ဖြေရှင်းပိုင်ခွင့် ရှိသူများအဖြစ် ဆောင်ရွက်သော သို့မဟုတ် ဗဟိုအစိုးရ မူဝါဒများကို အဓိကအားဖြင့် စုစည်း ပေါင်းစပ်ပေး ရသည့် အဖွဲ့အစည်းများ နှင့် အာဏာယန္တယား တည်ဆောက်ပုံများ” ကို လေ့လာခြင်းဖြစ်သည်။ ၁၉၄၈ ခုနှစ် ဇန်နဝါရီ၌ လွတ်လပ်ရေးရပြီးနောက်ပိုင်း မြန်မာအစိုးရသည် ကိုလိုနီအုပ်ချုပ်ရေးထံမှ ဗြိတိန်နိုင်ငံ၏ နိုင်ငံရေးစနစ်ပုံစံ ကို ဆက်ခံခဲ့သည်။ ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများကျင်းပပြီး ဝန်ကြီးချုပ်တစ်ဦး၊ ပါလီမန်ကို ဗဟိုပြုသည့် အစိုးရတစ်ရပ်က အုပ်ချုပ်သည့် ပုံစံ သို့ ပြောင်းလဲခဲ့သည်။ ၁၉၆၂ ခုနှစ်တွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်ခဲ့ပြီး ဆိုရှယ်လစ်ဝါဒကို လက်ခံသည့် တပ်မတော်အစိုးရတစ်ရပ် အာဏာရလာခဲ့သည်။ ထို့နောက် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီးနေဝင်း ထိန်းချုပ်သော အစိုးရအဖွဲ့နှင့် မဆလပါတီတို့က ၁၉၈၈ ခုနှစ်အထိ အုပ်ချုပ်ခဲ့သည်။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုနှစ်တွင် စစ်အာဏာသိမ်းမှု နောက်တစ်ကြိမ် ထပ်မံပေါ်ပေါက်ခဲ့ပြီး ဗိုလ်ချုပ်ကြီး စောမောင် ဦးဆောင် သော တပ်မတော်အစိုးရ၊ ထို့နောက် ဗိုလ်ချုပ်မှူးကြီး သန်းရွှေ ဦးဆောင်သော တပ်မတော်အစိုးရတို့က အုပ်ချုပ်ရေးအာဏာကို တည်ဆောက်ခဲ့သည်။..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2018-06-15
Date of entry/update: 2018-10-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Format : pdf
Size: 2.83 MB
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Description: "In 2011, Myanmar entered a phase of democratic transition. As the country emerges from decades of authoritarianism, ethnic armed conflict, contentious civil-military relations, and entrenched poverty, it has a remarkable opportunity to move toward democracy, sustained economic development, and lasting peace. Successfully managing the transition requires more effective policymaking. This report provides an introduction to policymaking in Myanmar. It focuses on policymaking by the executive branch of the Union government in Nay Pyi Taw, rather than within the bureaucracy or out in the states and regions. Its primary goal is to frame a stronger discourse on how policymaking actors and processes in the country can be strengthened. Policy is generally understood as what government officials choose to do, or not to do, about public problems. Executive policymaking refers to the decisions, commitments, and actions of the senior-most government leaders, particularly those of the executive branch centered around the head of state. A useful concept for understanding executive policymaking is that of the ?core executive,” which comprises the organizations and structures that primarily serve to pull together and integrate central government policies or act as final arbiters within the executive if conflicts arise between different elements of government. Following independence in January 1948, Burma?s government evolved from British colonial rule into a United Kingdom?style state governed via elections and parliaments, with a core executive led by a prime minister. Following the 1962 coup, a military regime embracing socialism took over. This regime lasted until 1988 and had a core executive structured around the BSPP and General Ne Win. Following the 1988 coup, a subsequent SLORC/SPDC military regime established rule by a junta, with a core executive built around generals Saw Maung and Than Shwe. This history represents a stark reality for Myanmar: the country does not have a history of policymaking that is particularly conducive to its current transition towards democracy, with its need for pluralism, transparency, and accountability. Myanmar?s history for nearly 50 years was defined by military dictatorship, and the core executives of the RC/BSPP and SLORC/SPDC regimes can best be understood as ?one-man policy coordination.” A debilitating legacy for Myanmar?s contemporary governments is the lack of traditions or government architecture that support more sophisticated policymaking..."
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2018-05-00
Date of entry/update: 2018-10-02
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
Format : pdf
Size: 1.23 MB
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Description: "...At the midpoint of the Aung San Suu Kyi government?s five-year term, Myanmar is at a crossroads. The Suu Kyi administration faces enormous international opprobrium over the Rohingya crisis ? the flight of over 700,000 Rohingya Muslims to Bangladesh due to a brutal army counter-insurgency campaign ? as well as domestic opposition to the concessions needed to address international concerns. Yet the government?s challenge is not only political. Its performance to date on issues from peace talks with Myanmar?s numerous insurgencies to the economy shows that it is not adept at formulating strategy or implementing policy. Even were the government to develop the political will to respond constructively to the Rohingya crisis or other problems, progress is likely to be limited. This means that, in addition to the external pressure that continues to build, principled diplomatic engagement is also vital to translate that pressure into at least some meaningful steps forward. In 2011, Myanmar embarked on a remarkable and largely unanticipated transition away from 50 years of isolationist and authoritarian military rule. The transition culminated in broadly free and fair elections in 2015, a landslide victory for the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party, and the peaceful transfer of power to an administration headed de facto by Aung San Suu Kyi ? the military regime?s longtime nemesis and an international democracy icon..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Briefing N°151)
2018-08-28
Date of entry/update: 2018-09-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
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Description: "One country run by two persons: this is Burma. On the one hand, there is State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi; on the other, there is army chief Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing. If one were to ask who is ultimately in charge, they might find no clear answer. Suu Kyi is Burma?s de-facto political leader, with her power coming from the people who elected her party—the National League for Democracy (NLD)—in the country?s 2015 general election. But among the checks on her authority is the capacity to make decisions relating to the Burmese army. Only Snr-Gen Min Aung Hlaing has that privilege. The senior general has shown support for almost every action taken by Suu Kyi since the NLD took office earlier this year. Yet, in his own arena, it seems that Min Aung Hlaing has taken little initiative to rein in his military: fighting has recently broken out against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) in Kachin State and against the Ta?ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) in northern Shan State..."
Creator/author: LAWI WENG
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
2016-08-12
Date of entry/update: 2016-08-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Mahn Robert Ba Zan is a former Karen freedom fighter and an advisor to the Karen Communities of Minnesota. He served in the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) for more than 30 years, following in the footsteps of his father Mahn Ba Zan, the first commander of the Karen National Defence Organisation (KNDO) and a former President of the Karen National Union (KNU). In 2000, Mahn Robert Ba Zan resettled to the United States of America with his family, changing his revolutionary tactics towards raising awareness and educating the Karen and other ethnics. In this interview, Mahn Robert Ba Zan talks about the ceasefire and car permits, ethnic unity, and how the international community can help the Karen in their quest for genuine peace and freedom."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-19
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Tar Aik Bong is a leader of the Ta?ang (Palaung) people, one of Burma?s ethnic nationalities that continues a daily struggle for survival in largely inaccessible areas in northern Shan State. He joined the Ta?ang liberation movement in 1987, and currently serves as Chairman of Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) and Head of the military commission of Ta?ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). TNLA is one of the few ethnic armies that continues to fight against the Burma army and vows not to lay down arms until equal rights and a lasting political solution is achieved. TNLA fights to ?obtain freedom for all Ta?ang nationals from oppression, to form Ta?ang autonomous regions that guarantee democracy and human rights, to oppose and fight against dictatorship and any form of racial discrimination, to attain national equality and self-determination and to establish a genuine Federal Union that guarantees Ta?ang autonomy and to eliminate cultivation, production, sale and use of narcotics.” Tar Aik Bong is also a member of the ethnic alliance United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) council and Foreign Affairs Department. In an exclusive interview with Burma Link, Tar Aik Bong talks about the causes and current situation of the Ta?ang conflict, the role of the UNFC, and the brutal tactics that the Burmese military uses against Ta?ang civilians in order to cut the opposition movement. Tar Aik Bong also discusses the Burmese military?s instrumental role in the epidemic drug usage in Ta?ang areas, and TNLA?s plan to eradicate the drugs."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
2014-11-11
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The Ta?ang, also known as Palaung, are one of Burma?s myriad ethnic groups who have been fighting for basic human rights and autonomy for decades. Despite the international enthusiasm over Burma?s reform process, the reality in Burma?s ethnic borderlands remains dire, and the Burmese military continues its brutal offensive against ethnic civilians. Tar Aik Bong joined the Ta?ang struggle in 1987, and is now the Chairperson of the Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF), the Head of military commission of the Ta?ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), as well as a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) council and Foreign Affairs Department. The PSLF/TNLA is one of the few prominent ethnic armed groups yet to sign a ceasefire with the Burmese government. The following is Tar Aik Bong?s message to the international community."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "?We have to work with the voice of the people,” Nai Aue Mon tells me in Sangkhlaburi, Thailand, as we discuss the recent rise of land confiscation and land disputes in the Mon State. Aue Mon has been with the Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM) since 1999, when he started witnessing the abuse and violations of the rights of civilians in the Mon State. He first began working as a journalist for the Mon publication Guiding Star, before beginning his work as documenting and defending human rights. In this in-depth interview, Nai Aue Mon explains about the historical and current human rights situation in the Mon areas, as well as the ongoing and emerging struggles and challenges faced by the tens of thousands of IDPs (internally displaced persons) in his native Mon State. Nai Aue Mon has great hopes for the future of the country, particularly in the context of the new NLD government taking office. But amidst these hopes, however, on the ground situation indicates a turn from physical violations to increasing land conflicts driven ?under the name of development.” Nai Aue Mon is now the Program Director of HURFOM, and hopes to realise their long term goal of bringing transitional justice and memorialization activities to the victims of this decades-long abuse."
Source/publisher: Burma Link
2016-02-29
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A deepening rift has opened between Myanmar?s powerful military and Aung San Suu Kyi, sources say, threatening the democracy leader?s prospects for forming a successful government even as parliament prepares to nominate presidential candidates on Thursday. With the date fast approaching for Suu Kyi?s National League for Democracy (NLD) to take power, efforts to portray the party and its former foes as working cordially together towards a smooth transfer of power have faltered, according to politicians and officials familiar with the situation. "She believed that she would be able to work with the military, but after the last meeting with the commander-in-chief, she realized that she cannot negotiate with them," said a senior NLD Upper House lawmaker briefed on the talks. "It?s quite clear that she has moved on from waiting for the military to collaborate."..."
Creator/author: Hnin Yadana Zaw, Antoni Slodkowski
Source/publisher: Reuters
2016-03-09
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Executive summary: "This briefing paper assesses the trajectory and significance of resource conflict risks and threat multipliers in Myanmar. The principal findings include: 1. Despite poor institutional settings, increased foreign direct investment is unlikely in of itself to increase local or regional resource conflict.i Investment industry, type of local business partners, ability to secure social licence, and specific project footprints will all shape the contribution of FDI to resource conflict... 2. Select armed ethnic group?s demands for a federal political system are highly likely to intensify in absence of public finance reform, more transparent resource revenue management and greater fiscal devolution to states hosting projects. This is likely to result in the fracturing of some ceasefire agreements, increased ethno-religious communal violence, localised project sabotage and magnified security risks for business investments... 3. Increasing military securitisation of key energy infrastructure assets, such as pipelines and hydrodams, is highly likely. They are the lifeblood of Myanmar?s fragile economy and will continue to be strategic targets if project revenues are allocated solely to the military and military-affiliated businesses... 4. Armed ethnic groups, particularly in Kachin and Shan states, are likely to attempt expelling the Tatmadaw (Myanmar armed forces) from these positions or engage in project sabotage in response to land seizures, human rights abuses, environmental degradation and arbitrary arrests... 5. The number of internally displaced persons is unlikely to decrease in the next 12 months, and those trying to return home are likely to experience continued dislocation from land as a result of opportunistic land grabs... 6. Protests over land grabs and particular infrastructure projects are likely to escalate if parliament does not act on the recommendations of the Farm Land Commission... 7. Conflation of localised, isolated or project-based resource conflicts within broader ethnoreligious confrontations and communal violence is could possibly be a threat multiplier and expand the geographic scope of conflict... 8. Armed ethnic groups or nationalist forces could possibly exploit local conflicts and marshal existing tensions around religion, nationalism, development disparity and ethno-political competition to attempt nationalising conflict as a strategy to leverage greater political power. However, the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and elements of the military could possibly attempt to mitigate this risk through a divide and conquer strategy to reduce any existing semblance of ethnic group solidarity."
Creator/author: Scott Hickie
Source/publisher: Open Briefing
2014-00-00
Date of entry/update: 2016-03-04
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
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Description: \"The landslide victory by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy in the recent general election demonstrated the ardent wish of the Myanmar people to see an end to half a century of military rule. Yet under the existing constitution, the NLD will have to share power with the Tatmadaw, despite winning 80 percent of the elected seats in the national parliament. Many expect the NLD to try to leverage its new popular mandate to change this arrangement, but that would be a mistake. While the 2008 constitution is clearly not democratic, it has provided the framework for one of the most promising experiments with democratisation anywhere in the world in recent decades, and it would be neither wise nor necessary ? or even beneficial ? for the NLD to try to displace the military at this critical juncture in the country?s transition process...\"
Creator/author:
Source/publisher: \"Myanmar Times\"
2016-02-17
Date of entry/update: 2016-02-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language:
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Creator/author: Richard Horsey
Source/publisher: "Nikkei Asian Review" via International Crisis Group
2015-11-17
Date of entry/update: 2015-11-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 42.51 KB
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Description: "On this week?s edition of Dateline, the panel discusses the NLD?s landslide victory and what to expect from the weeks to come: Aung Moe Zaw: First of all, everyone should congratulate the people. They have clearly shown their desire for democracy. Personally, I expect that the current government and the military will seriously acknowledge and respect this desire. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has clearly said that her party would form a government of national reconciliation for the country to move forward. Under the 2008 Constitution, a new government is likely to be a coalition. If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself or her party, the NLD, can work together with ethnic parties like the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy [SNLD] or the Arakan National Party [ANP], a government of national reconciliation can surely be formed, as she said. Whether this is done largely depends on the military. As the leader of the winning party, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should firstly take steps toward holding talks with the current president and the military.....Yan Myo Thein: Regarding the election, there was a problem of advance votes in some places. Besides that, generally, the election was free and fair across the country. I think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD should officially release a statement and say that they are grateful to the people and acknowledge their support for the party. At the same time, democratic forces need to take a practical approach and figure out how they can cooperate with the government and the military to smooth the democratization process in Myanmar, I think. There are certain things that are different from the post-election period in 1990. The major difference is that in the 1990 election, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was under house arrest. But at present, she is an elected lawmaker and the chairwoman of the NLD. Again, some people believed that because Daw Aung San Suu Kyi?s NLD demanded a dialogue to transfer power, the military government at that time refused to hold such a dialogue. But the truth is that the NLD back then demanded an all-inclusive dialogue, and the dialogue was not actually intended to demand a transfer of power. The military leaders at that time were completely unwilling to have dialogue, and that?s why they rejected it..."
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy"
2015-11-13
Date of entry/update: 2015-11-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...After half a century of brutal military rule, Myanmar is undergoing an impressive transition to democracy. But with ongoing political arrests and ethnic tensions, the country is anxious not to veer off course...."We dared not speak up in the past. Now we dare to because we have been given the right", says a protester campaigning against land grabs in south-east Yangon. Relaxed censorship has translated into a boom in newspaper readership, comedians free to criticise the government and even a saucy girl band fighting gender stereotypes. But while hundreds of political prisoners have been released, protesters who fail to secure a protest permit face years in prisons. With Aung San Suu Kyi still constitutionally barred from becoming president, many laws need to be rewritten. The President?s spokesman openly admits the government?s shortcomings. Activist Ko Moe Thwa vigilance is paramount: "the country has changed but we need to watch carefully where this change is leading"...."
Creator/author: Anjali Rao
Source/publisher: Journeyman Pictures
2013-11-04
Date of entry/update: 2015-11-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English (spoken and sub-titles; Burmese)
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Description: "What role for public financial management in deepening social accountability and promoting legitimate governance?...This discussion paper outlines so me of the challenges and opportunities for public financial management (PFM) reform in contributing to deeper social accountability and legitimate governance in the context of Myanmar?s wider decentralization and peace process. The paper poses a set of key questions for development actors to consider as they seek to support inclusive reform in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: OXFAM
2015-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-10-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Executive Summary: "Rural and mountainous areas across many of Myanmar?s non-Bamar regions are contested by multiple governance actors with overlapping claims to territory, including: the Myanmar government and armed forces, countless state-backed ethnic militia, and dozens of opposition ethnic armed groups. Many of the varied ethnic armed actors have much deeper relations with local communities than the state does,1 and in numerous cases, have been the only administrative authorities of these regions in the country?s history. Very few of their territories have clearly agreed borders, and none are sanctioned officially by law or in the constitution. While, out of necessity, successive governments have continued to tolerate or even accommodate the role of ethnic armed actors in subnational administration, they have persisted in attempts to design the state around their particular ideal vision of ?the Union”, rather than in coordination and compromise with subnational actors. This has resulted in an ongoing failure to establish constitutional arrangements that truly reflect power relations and political realities on the ground. One of the key challenges that must be addressed in the current peace process, therefore, is the nature of subnational administration in these contest areas. Given this challenging environment, The Asia Foundation carried out research in 2015 to examine and compare de jure and de facto administration systems in Myanmar?s conflict-affected areas, and how they relate to longstanding disputes over constitutional arrangements for subnational governance. This report seeks to provide a better understanding of the complex political geography in contested areas, and highlights how challenging it will be to achieve a political solution to conflict. This is of particular importance to international actors, given the heightened interest in supporting the peace process and increasing levels of humanitarian and development assistance to conflict-affected areas..."
Creator/author: Kim Jolliffe
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2015-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-09-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 3.21 MB
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Description: Abstract: "Direct military rule has become rare in world politics. Today, most military regimes have either given way to some form of democracy or been trans formed into another form of authoritarianism. This article formulates an analytical framework for the detachment of militaries from politics and identifies positive and negative factors for a withdrawal. It then applies this framework to the case of Burma/ Myanmar, which is an example of deeply entrenched military rule. It is argued that the retreat from direct rule has brought with it a further institutionalization of military rule in politics, since the military was able to safeguard its interests and desi gn the new electoral authoritarian regime according to its own purposes. The article identifies the internal dynamics within the military regime as a prime motive for a reform of the military regime. Although the external environment has completely changed over the last two decades, this had only a minor impact on military politics. The opposition could not profit from the regime?s factionalization and external sanctions and pressure have been undermined by Asian engagement."... Keywords: military regime, civilian control, external influences, internal influences, competitive authoritarianism, Burma/Myanma
Creator/author: Marco Bünte
Source/publisher: GIGA - German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA WP 177 /2011)
2011-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 866.69 KB
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Description: Introduction: "This paper aims to conceptualize Myanmar?s current political system in federalism context by viewing relevant typologies, and models. It also intends to produce a new federalism typology/model that can be applicable to analyzing and predicting Myanmar?s political architecture. The paper argues that transitional Myanmar is considered as a presidential-devolutionary federation with hybrid characteristics, combining various unitary and federal elements. More specifically and in dimensions relating to democratization and ethnic conflict management, which are significant in viewing the country?s current politics, Myanmar is an oscillating state, pivoting on two different extreme poles (strong unity and strong autonomy or highly centralized unitarianism and highly decentralized federalism); thus making the state dependent much on uncertain-unstable circumstances and the country?s federalization tends to be closely related to the fluctuation of power negotiations/competitions between two dominant stakeholders, composing of central government and ethnic opposition groups...".....Paper delivered at the International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015.
Creator/author: Dulyapak Preecharush
Source/publisher: International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies: Burma/Myanmar in Transition: Connectivity, Changes and Challenges: University Academic Service Centre (UNISERV), Chiang Mai University, Thailand, 24-­26 July 2015
2015-07-26
Date of entry/update: 2015-08-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 197.69 KB
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Description: "...Myanmar?s political transition is an unusual phenomenon: it is self-made, without any external agency supervising, monitoring or enforcing it. It also derives its power, and authority from the popular support it generates, with or without elections to legitimise it, because of the wider political support it enjoys for the moment. Any ?incentives” for those in real control to continue the transition are contained within the process, either in terms of positive options that become available (such as substantial new trade or investment or funding), or in terms of negative options that disappear (lifting of political sanctions, economic sanctions, and inclusion in regional development arrangements, rather than exclusion). The other main characteristic of Myanmar?s transition is that it is tolerated and in principle supported by those giving up power ? the military ? who can allow it to continue, or who can block it, partially or totally. In all of this, external influences play an important part, but are not critical; they can be supportive, collaborative and expect considerable benefits for their own interests, but they should anticipate a perhaps less than perfect ?Myanmar” solution, and cannot count on imposing their own wishes or creating ?mirror” copies of their own socio-economic paradigms. In Myanmar, new institutions are being established but are not necessarily yet fully tested; and old institutions are being (slowly) transformed, but are often still incapable of producing the hoped for results. In such circumstances, it can hardly be surprising that many of Myanmar?s ?reforms” since 2011 are incomplete, are not delivering all the outcomes hoped for, or in many instances, have not yet even begun to be carried out in any concrete way. Some changes can be implemented by announcement alone, and might rely on general goodwill or on willingness to give things ?a go” to see whether or not they can work reasonably well..."
Creator/author: Trevor Wilson
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2015-07-14
Date of entry/update: 2015-07-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Executive Summary: "Since the summer of 2011, the country of Myanmar has been experiencing rapid democratic reform. Headlines lauding these positive changes have become commonplace in the international media. However, experts and academics who have been involved in the decade-long campaign to bring peace and democracy to Myanmar remain divided over how sincere these changes are. Some accuse the Government of carrying out ?window-dressing” reforms to please the Western governments and enable the lifting of sanctions. They argue that the Government has a vested interest in maintaining the reins of power and that there is no incentive to make true democratic reforms. During a speech in Oslo in June 2012, Aung San Suu Kyi, the Myanmarese Pro-democracy leader described the recent reforms as positive but warned against blind faith in the process and pointed out the main challenges that remain unresolved ? namely the ethnic issues and the ongoing imprisonment of political prisoners. This Geneva Paper will posit that the current reforms are a means for Myanmar?s Government to ensure the continuity of military power in a different guise in order to allow engagement with the international community, rather than a case of democratic reform for the sake of democratization itself. The reason that the Government is so keen to engage with foreign governments and companies after years of isolation, is the incentive of the lifting of all sanctions, as well as a diversification in both business opportunities and aid following years of sole reliance on China. From a Western perspective there is widespread enthusiasm for engagement with Myanmar. This is driven not only by businesses, who are lining up to profit from Myanmar?s resources, but also by the fact that a market democratic Myanmar would break potential proliferation links with the Democratic People?s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and fit geo-strategically with the United States? widely proclaimed Pacific Century. The paper will start by analysing the election and pre-election period 2008-10 in order to identify to what extent the recent evolution in Myanmar is a form of virtual politics as opposed to real democratic transition. Virtual politics can be defined as a way of directing democracy which is a step ahead of electoral fraud. Virtual politics goes beyond the stuffing of ballot boxes. It is creating the impression that the framework and mechanisms of a democratic state are in place but in fact behind the scenes it is the same elite holding the reins of power and directing what happens within the country. It will then identify what true democratic change would look like in the context of Myanmar. To do so it will use relevant key indicators to evaluate whether the country is on the path to democratic transition or whether there are more virtual politics at play. The paper will conclude that the situation unfolding within the country should not be taken at face value and that whilst there are clearly visible reforms underway these have yet to be institutionalized and legitimized. Due to the current nature of this subject and the lack of primary sources available, interviews with a wide range of experts, both inside Myanmar and abroad, provide the main body of the research. The interviews allow for an in-depth analysis of the apparent reforms to reach a conclusion upon where real democratic change is being evidenced and where the Government of Myanmar is shaping perceptions through its smart use of virtual politics."
Creator/author: Victoria Christensen
Source/publisher: Geneva Centre for Security Policy
2012-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-06-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 519.94 KB
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Description: SUMMARY: "• Myanmar?s transition from military rule to democracy is far from complete, and its successes to date remain fragile. Given the chronic inertia and isolation of the previous half-century, there has been remarkable progress since 2011. But more work is needed to consolidate democracy, improve governance and promote stability. • Legislative elections due by the end of 2015 promise to be pivotal for the country?s political development. The elections are likely to be the freest in decades, but the opportunity for constitutional reform ahead of the polls appears to have been missed. • A political compromise between the military-dominated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) no longer looks feasible before the elections. • Ceasefires with ethnic minorities in recent years have improved the security situation, but a national peace settlement has proven elusive. Armed groups may prefer to await the outcome of the elections rather than negotiate with the current government. • Sectarian rivalry and the legacy of prolonged government neglect are fuelling continued instability in Rakhine state. Domestic and international actors must address the crisis in the state urgently, or risk the emergence of a situation that threatens national unity as well as regional stability.".....CONCLUSION: A CRITICAL YEAR: "Myanmar faces enormous challenges, with the elections at the end of the year likely to be a turning point in its history. They could herald a new era that sees a diminishing role for the military, better relations with the outside world ? including the West ? and a country at peace with itself and embracing its many minorities. There are other futures too. A reform process that stumbles badly is clearly imaginable ? not least over the position of Aung San Suu Kyi in national life; ceasefires that do not hold with increasingly restless minorities; and the emergence of Rakhine state as potentially a new flashpoint in a rising global Islamist agenda. These dangers are all too real. In all likelihood Myanmar will find itself caught between these two scenarios. The elections will almost certainly proceed; abandoning reform is simply not an option now, even for military hardliners. Although much of institutional life is still dominated by the military, a real politics has emerged in Myanmar in recent years. Any attempt to put the democratic genie back in the bottle is unlikely. But the potential for unrest, and even violence, remains considerable. At the same time, other Southeast Asian histories offer alternative possibilities. While the military appears to be firmly back in charge in neighbouring Thailand, Indonesia has evolved into one of the more robust democracies in Southeast Asia. In doing so, the country has overcome a toxic legacy of 33 years of military rule (from 1965 to 1998) and has successfully fended off threats of internal secession and Islamist extremism. Indonesia?s example is one that many in Myanmar still hope their country can follow."
Creator/author: Michael C. Williams
Source/publisher: Chatham House
2015-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-05-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 270.06 KB
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Description: "...What is the current political situation in Myanmar? How should the repressive actions of Myanmar?s law enforcement authorities, especially over the past two years, be interpreted? What sorts of response are most effective, either internally or externally, to protect against such repression? Will these acts of official repression really spell the end of Myanmar?s reforms? Can anything be done to reverse this downward trend and/or to consolidate reform processes already in place? Can Myanmar?s leaders re-position their political agenda to ensure that opportunities for further progress and improvement are not lost? And at a time when reforms and similar positive outcomes are fading or being overturned in so many other parts of the world, what is reasonable in terms of expectations or realistic hopes in the case of Myanmar? During 2011?12, the current Myanmar government introduced a variety of political reforms such as freedom of association and freedom of expression, ended press censorship, permitted public demonstrations and protests, allowed trade unions, and tolerated opposition to illegal land grabs. Popular reactions were positive, quick and clear: ordinary Myanmar people frequently took to the streets to protest publicly; Myanmar newspapers regularly reported issues from the point of view of complainants, not necessarily objectively; public feelings often ran high, and violence was sometimes the result..."
Creator/author: Trevor Wilson
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2015-03-17
Date of entry/update: 2015-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: "This report examines the state of opinion research in Myanmar,, identi5es challenges, and makes recommendations for improvements. Since the government of Myanmar announced a transition from military rule to democracy in 2010, both domestic and international stakeholders have turned to polling to discover public opinion on a range of issues. Polling is critical in transitioning countries. Polls can provide parties with data to understand the needs and desires of the electorate and serve as a check on government excesses. 6ey make information on public views widely available and can represent both the diversity of existing opinions and positions of minority populations. Finally, they show a road to political compromise and prepare parties and the public to deal with election outcomes. 6e Western public accepts and expects polling on a regular basis, but we did not 5nd that always the case in Myanmar. Although Myanmar has a decades-long history of market surveys, political polling is a relatively new phenomenon. Organizations operating in this 5eld face four major challenges. 6e 5rst is selecting a sample in a country that lacks reliable census or voter registration data, and lacks comprehensive access to telephones or the internet. 6e second is how to provide survey questionnaires in several languages to accommodate Myanmar?s numerous ethnic groups. 6e third challenge relates to interviewers, both to their training and to accounting for possible response bias based on the interaction between the interviewer?s socio-demographic background and the respondent?s. Finally, polling groups and interviewers must ensure respondents? con5dentiality. 6ese problems are not unique to Myanmar. Pollsters around the world regularly grapple with similar dilemmas. What makes their task more challenging in Myanmar is the novelty of polling. Few people (even in civil society and political parties) understand its nature, and many are quick to dismiss the whole exercise when they do not like some of a poll?s results. 6e report examines and refutes several of their criticisms, perhaps the most common being that a sample, no matter how large, cannot capture the full diversity of opinions in a country as large and heterogeneous as Myanmar. It is possible to tackle these misperceptions and improve practices. Our recommendations for immediate actions can be implemented ahead of the parliamentary election this year. 6ey include suggestions on conducting polls, providing frameworks for their interpretation, and training potential users to understand polling data. Long-term change will require consistent attention and investment from polling groups, those who commission them, and users of polling data to strengthen the polling 5eld. Most importantly, polling organizations should continue making their data publicly available. 6ose who conduct and commission public surveys need to do so on a regular basis. Both practices will teach the public to see polls as a normal element of a democratic process and become another step in Myanmar?s transition to a full-7edged democracy."
Source/publisher: Open Society Foundations (OSF)
2015-04-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-04-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "... Generally speaking, the whole peace process is an executive-led initiative. The Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), led by reform-minded ministers Aung Min and Soe Thein, plays an essential role in facilitating on-the-ground negotiations (as well as the ensuing complaints, protests and controversies). With the help of the MPC, the government has thus far struck ceasefire deals with fourteen ethnic armed groups despite ongoing battles with Kachin state in northern Burma and other ethnic resistance armies. President Thein Sein has made it very clear on many occasions that the country would soon see a nationwide ceasefire signed between the government and ethnic rebel armies. The government plans to hold a grand ceremony in October of this year to sign a nationwide ceasefire accord with the 14 ethnic armed groups and is keeping the door open for other armed groups to enter the agreement at any time. The government, working in coordination with all stakeholders — including ethnic groups, Union Parliament, the military, political parties and civil society organizations — will then draft a framework for a national political dialogue. Thein Sein and his aides are aiming for nothing less than a complete end to the civil war..."
Creator/author: Min Zin
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2013-09-10
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "... In my reports, I?m trying to offer readers more empirical facts from the ground and analyze them in the light of possible trajectories ahead. I?m increasingly convinced that the process of political opening in Burma is heading towards a particular brand of hybrid regime. In short, it?s high time for us to call a spade a spade: We need to get over the hopeful talk of "democratization" in Burma and recognize that the country is, in fact, undergoing a liberalization process that doesn?t necessarily lead toward liberal democracy. As I see it, there are three basic groups that have three fundamentally different views: In the view of the authoritarians (the Chinese and old regime hardliners), the predatory state under the old dictator served their interests well, so they long for yesterday. The liberalizers (including both Burma?s current business cronies and Burma?s friends in the West) welcome the space afforded by liberalization, so they live for today. Then there are the ordinary people of the country, who desperately yearn for more find that their path forward is still blocked. So the people of Burma feel that tomorrow does not belong to them."
Creator/author: Min Zin
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2014-04-03
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English and French
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Description: "...None of this seems to impress Burma?s ordinary citizens much — which hardly comes as a surprise, given their continuing poverty and lack of rights. They are left to cope with the daily reality of unemployment, illegal land grabs, official corruption, ethnic tension, and the inevitable outbursts of violence when government forces step in to suppress the resulting protests. (In the photo above, protesters pray during a demonstration against land grabs in Yangon.) Given the general atmosphere of tension, it is not hard to imagine how power struggles at the top might lead to partisan political protests, religious riots, or even terrorist attacks. Since the general level of trust and tolerance is so weak, and the capacity of the state so fragile, society could easily find itself in a situation even worse than Thailand?s recent bout of political polarization. No wonder the Economist projected that Burma is at high risk of social unrest in 2014. Unless Burma?s leaders manage to reach a basic consensus about the speed and character of the transition, these risks will only mount. A few weeks ago I described the current situation in our country to some of my friends as a "slow-motion train wreck." As one of those listening put it: "Yes. And we, the people of Burma, are inside the train.""
Creator/author: Min Zin
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2015-03-28
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "...It?s highly unlikely that the victims of this week?s violence will ever see the perpetrators — above all the minister of internal affairs — brought to account. As usual, the government will set up investigative commissions run by its own officials, but there will be little in the way of substantive follow-up. Senior spokesmen have repeatedly asserted that what happened in Rangoon and in Letpadan was in accordance with the law. Though the government has now released 17 of the detained students, the Ministry of Home Affairs announced that any unlawful activity or ?attempts to destabilize the country” will be charged and punished. Failing effective disciplinary action by the executive branch of government, it will be left up to parliament, which was quick to unanimously condemn the United States for sanctioning a notorious regime figure, to demand an accounting. Will its members live up to their responsibilities? Will the country?s unreformed judiciary allow attempts by victims to sue their abusers? The answers to these questions will show whether Burma?s embattled political transition has any life left in it at all."
Creator/author: Min Zin
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2015-03-12
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "he Burmese military is staging a comeback. Since the government launched its tentative liberalization process four years ago, the armed forces, the notorious Tatmadaw, have taken a backseat. Though it has members in key roles in all government institutions, it has refrained from fully exercising its coercive and all-encompassing constitutional prerogatives. But now the generals are signaling that they?re no longer willing to keep a low profile, and instead hope to exercise the full extent of their power in the country?s ethnic regions and in its parliament, in which 25 percent of the seats are reserved for military representatives. The army?s Nov. 19 attack on a training facility of the Kachin ethnic rebel group — which killed 23 cadets — is a clear case in point. (In the photo above, an activist lights candles at a memorial to the attack?s victims on Nov. 24.) At a moment when many Burmese are expressing growing dissatisfaction about the undemocratic nature of the military-imposed constitution, the generals are determined to show that they won?t brook any further challenges to their authority. If things continue as they are, it?s only a matter of time until the Tatmadaw decides to suppress public protests. The question thus becomes whether Burmese civil society is capable of pushing back. Unfortunately, Burmese civil society is in limbo. The country?s diverse constellation of student unions, human rights organizations, and other citizen-led groups were once known for their resilience in the face of oppression and for their creative ability to connect with each other, with their fellows in exile, and with the international community. These groups rallied behind democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and her drive for national reconciliation. Her stunning return to active political life in 2012 with a sweeping electoral victory was possible in part due to the support she received from the grassroots. And earlier this year, Aung San Suu Kyi called on civil society groups to rally behind her during her constitutional reform campaign — which eventually lost steam with its ambiguous endgame, weak credibility, and the changing domestic and international context. Since the Lady?s political return, the groups that once rallied behind her have found themselves marginalized and unable to play a meaningful role in the country?s ongoing political transition, which has assumed a marked top-down nature. Burmese civil society appears to have lost its voice. There are three cases that clearly demonstrate this demobilization. The first was in November 2012, when Aung San Suu Kyi chaired a parliamentary inquiry into police violence against a protesters? camp outside a mining project in northwestern Burma. She failed to hold any officials accountable for that bloody crackdown. Instead, she allowed the project to continue, triggering intense protests from locals and victims. She has refused to criticize the government?s renewal of the war in the Kachin region in 2011, which has led to massive human rights abuses, including the rape of displaced Kachin women. The Lady?s silence on this matter has alienated her Kachin supporters. Perhaps best known to the international community is Aung San Suu Kyi?s silence about rampant anti-Muslim violence which first took place in the west and has since spread throughout the country..."
Creator/author: Min Zin
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2014-11-26
Date of entry/update: 2015-03-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "On his recent trip to Myanmar, U.S. President Barack Obama embraced opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, signaling strong U.S. support for continued reforms in a nation that has long been under military rule. Since Myanmar?s political opening following elections in 2010, tentative reforms have stalled, and bursts of ethnic conflict have raised fears that Myanmar?s democracy is on fragile ground. The next year will thus be a critical test for Myanmar: the government will need to finalize ceasefire negotiations with a number of armed ethnic groups; prepare for the first nationwide, multiparty elections since parliament convened for the first time in 2010; and decide on hotly contested constitutional measures."
Creator/author: Hunter Marston
Source/publisher: "The Diplomat"
2014-12-08
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "With one year remaining before Myanmar?s general election there is growing skepticism both internationally and domestically that the reform process is at best beginning to stagnate and at worst rolling back in some critical areas. Is the current regime beginning to show its true intentions - one of maintaining political power while allowing limited openings in the political sphere (but not enough to effect real regime change) while simultaneously ensuring economic benefits from the reform process continue?"
Creator/author: Adam P MacDonald
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
2014-11-24
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Burmese version. A survey to document public knowledge and awareness of new government institutions and processes, and to gauge the political, social, and economic values held by people from diverse backgrounds, to inform the country?s long-term development. The survey included face-to-face interviews with more than 3,000 respondents across all 14 Myanmar states and regions.."
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2014-12-11
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
Format : pdf
Size: 13.55 MB
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Description: "A survey to document public knowledge and awareness of new government institutions and processes, and to gauge the political, social, and economic values held by people from diverse backgrounds, to inform the country?s long-term development. The survey included face-to-face interviews with more than 3,000 respondents across all 14 Myanmar states and regions."
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2014-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.39 MB
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Description: "The dramatic reforms taken place in Myanmar over the past three years have transformed this long isolated country into a more open society, one actively seeking to re-engage with the region and the world. Competitive elections, a lively parliament, a more vibrant media, and a growing civil society have allowed for debates on a range of issues concerning the nature of the state and the development agenda that were previously not possible."
Source/publisher: Asia Foundation
2014-12-00
Date of entry/update: 2015-01-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 374.94 KB
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Description: "After enduring decades of brutal military dictatorship, the people of multi-ethnic Myanmar finally got their chance to try democracy. In November 2010, the people of Myanmar voted for the first time in twenty years. While the election was an important step toward peace, Myanmar?s military maintains a tight hold on political power, making progress difficult. The international community has supported the democratic transition, but has focused too narrowly on governmental reforms and economic development, while the demands of Myanmar?s ethnic minorities are marginalized. The fact remains that disenfranchising ethnic minorities will prolong armed conflict and possibly derail the democratization process. Thus, for Myanmar?s democracy to succeed, the international community must actively promote ethnic minorities. The ethnic dimension of Myanmar is extremely complex, but the major anti-government players consist of seven groups, each possessing armed rebel forces. Among these dominant groups, the Kachin Independence Organization is yet to sign a ceasefire agreement with the government, and is a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council, the political alliance of ethnic rebel groups. While each ethnic group is distinct from the others, most find common ground in their mutual resistance to centralized rule. The political demands of Myanmar?s ethnic groups revolve around this issue of autonomy and the internal sovereignty they were promised by the Panglong Agreement of 1947, a treaty unifying Burma with several neighboring territories also under British control. The Panglong Agreement was signed in order to more effectively push for independence, but only under the condition of retaining autonomy. Without this agreement, minorities argue, there would be no unification in the first place and minority regions of Myanmar might today be separate and independent states..."
Creator/author: Yaw Bawm Mangshang
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-11-14
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "There were plenty of hours leaning against walls, sitting on step-ladders or standing on steps at the recent Assocaition of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit in Naypyitaw. With the limited information reporters were getting from ASEAN leaders in the Summit rooms, I turned to the reporters to ask them of their impressions of the Summit, and more broadly, Naypyitaw..."
Creator/author: Olivia Cable
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-11-24
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: 5 ? 6 June 2015, Australian National University, Canberra: "As rapid political, economic and social change in Myanmar continues, the next Myanmar (Burma) Update conference at the Australian National University will occur on Friday, 5 June, and Saturday, 6 June, 2015, ahead of the general elections anticipated for later in the year. Hosted by the Department of Political and Social Change, in the School of International, Political and Strategic Studies, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, the conference has as the theme ?Making Sense of Conflict”..."...Paper Proposals: "The Myanmar (Burma) Update conference conveners invite paper proposals from interested academics, analysts, researchers, and professionals for presentation in one of six sessions: (1) Borderland conflicts and peace negotiations; (2) Communal violence; (3) Resource-based disputes; (4) Contentious politics; (5) Cultural and historical dimensions of conflict; and, (6) a Burmese-language panel, for which proposals can be submitted in Burmese on any one of the preceding themes, following the same format as for English-language papers. The organisers are particularly interested to receive proposals that explore the nuances and intersections between different types of conflict and efforts to resolve them..."...Student Travel Grants...About the Update Series...For further information please contact the convenors: Dr Nick Cheesman, Research Fellow, Department of Political and Social Change, ANU, [email protected], (+612) 6125 0181 Dr Nicholas Farrelly, Research Fellow, School of International, Political and Strategic Studies, ANU, [email protected] (+612) 6125 8220
Creator/author: Nicholas Farrelly
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-12-01
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "As Myanmar prepares for its first general election since its political reforms began under President Thein Sein in 2011, observers are wondering about the prospects for continued political, social and economic policies after 2015. Whatever the actual results of the elections, domestically, the impacts on political and social change beyond 2015 should be extensive, and the institutional and psychological effects on Myanmar will be equally profound. Not surprisingly, the extent of uncertainty about the near-term future, and especially about the political complexion of a post-2015 government worries some people. Nothing about the elections is yet decided, for example: the date (possibly November 2015); the parties (with amalgamations and realignments still occurring); the candidates (Aung San Suu Kyi will stand for the elections, but under the present constitution cannot be a candidate for president; President Thein Sein originally said he would not re-contest, but may be having second thoughts); and the policies (official campaigning will not commence until just before the elections). It cannot be assumed that many more details about policies will emerge before the elections as parties and candidates concentrate on their electoral preparations..."
Creator/author: Trevor Wilson
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2014-11-03
Date of entry/update: 2014-12-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Until a government of Burma is able to accept the role of non-state armed groups as providers for civilian populations and affords them legitimacy within a legal framework, sustained conflict and mass displacement remain inevitable. Throughout decades of brutal conflict, which have seen thousands of villages destroyed and millions of people displaced, Burma?s ruling regime has made no effort to provide support for affected civilians. As a result, Burma?s ethnic non-state armed groups (NSAGs) ? thought to hold territory covering a quarter of the country?s landmass ? play a crucial role as protectors and providers of humanitarian aid. The approach to governance taken by different NSAGs varies greatly, as does the level of willing support given to them by their respective populations. In these traditional cultures, hierarchical leadership structures have evolved over time, often based largely on loyalty to those who provide support and protection. Leaders linked to or part of NSAGs are now firmly established as being responsible for the governance of millions of people in Burma. This situation poses a threat to the state which, in turn, has responded with brute force, perpetuating the cycle of conflict and protracted displacement..."
Creator/author: Kim Jolliffe
Source/publisher: \"Forced Migration Review\" No. 37
2011-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2014-10-13
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Critics say the government is going full-steam ahead on economic recovery at the expense of human rights...The 11-point plan set out by Myanmar President Thein Sein in 2012, called for the release of some 2,500 political prisoners, wrongfully jailed in the 60 years of authoritarian rule, by the end of 2013. It would also work towards achieving a ceasefire with ethnic groups embroiled in war with the government for more than half a century by January 2013, allow international humanitarian aid to reach conflict-affected areas and allow blacklisted people such as journalists and critics to freely enter and leave the country. Despite an initial effort that saw some of these undertakings partially realised when the reformist government took power in 2011, the majority of reforms promised by the Thein Sein government have been left largely unfulfilled..."
Creator/author: Philip Heijmans
Source/publisher: Al Jazeera
2014-09-19
Date of entry/update: 2014-09-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "The chapter of authoritarian rule may finally be ending in Burma?s complicated narrative. The Burmese government has taken visible steps towards democratic reform. Despite reports of military control and intimidation at the polls,the country transitioned to civilian rule in 20103 after fifty years of control by a military junta. The government also released the country?s preeminent democratic leader and icon, Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been on house arrest sporadically since 1989. Rapid political reforms soon followed. The ability to reconcile Burma?s political history and transition to a democracy will be a challenging one. A successful transformation requires more than legal formalism; legal formalism cannot work without the development of a civil society. However, legal formalism, as Suu Kyi has urged, ensures a rule of law that will allow Burmese citizens, including minority groups, to protect themselves from their government?s historical abuse of power. This Comment discusses how the expansion of legal rights for individuals and minorities is the direct way for Burma to secure a democratic future..."
Creator/author: Connie Ng
Source/publisher: Santa Clara Law Review (Vol 53, No. 1)
2013-07-25
Date of entry/update: 2014-08-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 198.43 KB
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Description: "Earlier in the year I wrote a report for New York-based Freedom House on Myanmar as a ?country at the crossroads?. My analysis is available here. It is divided into sections such as Accountability and Public Voice, Civil Liberties, and Rule of Law. The goal of such reports is to provide an opportunity for meaningful comparisons between countries, and over time. The standard format of these reports also includes a section for recommendations to the government in question. I think these are worth reproducing in the interest of opening up a discussion about exactly what further reforms Myanmar requires. Please bear in mind that they were written early in 2012. What I suggested was: The government of Burma has embarked on a political transition that has been welcomed by the Burmese people. To reinforce recent positive moves and generate confidence that progress toward democratic governance is irreversible, the government should: Implement an immediate release of all remaining prisoners of conscience and disavow any future incarcerations for political crimes. Encourage the plurality of public opinion by abolishing the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division and resisting the temptation to create a new body for coercive media regulation. Declare a unilateral ceasefire in the civil war with the Kachin Independence Army, demonstrating goodwill and encouraging the Kachin leadership to begin negotiations for a final peace treaty. Implement a truth and reconciliation process to account for human rights abuses committed by current and former members of the armed forces, law enforcement agencies, and intelligence services during the years of military rule. Of course, while the report was in press number two on this list eventuated. The Press Scrutiny and Registration Division is gone and time will tell whether the authorities resist the temptation to re-institute its draconian controls. At this stage it?s unclear, at least to me, exactly how much appetite remains for immediate moves on the other three. Perhaps some of these are still achievable in the short-term. What do you think? I have heard it said that the key issue for Myanmar?s reforms is getting the sequencing right. So what do you think the Myanmar government should do next?"
Creator/author: Nicholas Farrelly
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2012-10-19
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "President Thein Sein reshuffled his cabinet on 27 August 2012, for the first time since the installation of his government on 30 March 2011. Speculation about an imminent cabinet reshuffle had been heard for some months; the fact that it took so long to accomplish might indicate some lingering vulnerability in Thein Sein?s position, although on the surface the outcome has strengthened his personal authority, reinforced the government?s reformist impulses, and sidelined the last conservative elements among his ministers. Thein Sein has brought key ministers overseeing his reform initiatives into his own office, as ministers without portfolio: notably Investment Commission Chair, Soe Thein, who has become the leading advocate of micro-economic policy reform; former Railways Minister, Aung Min, who has assumed responsibility for negotiating peace agreements with several ethnic groups (including the Karen National Union); and the ministers formerly in charge of Finance and National Development..."
Creator/author: Trevor Wilson
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2012-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
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Description: "How is the process of reform travelling in Myanmar? In some areas there is considerable transparency and it can be said that things are moving forward more or less satisfactorily. But in some other areas, such as decentralisation, we mostly are forced to speculate about the overall future trajectory of reform or political change: new structures are taking shape, but the process is ?messy? and not very transparent. Overall, there seems to be a growing view that the 2010 election was only the start of political reform process, which is now increasingly seen as likely to be consolidated by the next 2015 election (which almost everyone assumes will take place according to schedule). In other words, popular opinion seems to be discounting the possibility of a military coup against the reform agenda that has been laid out, but is acknowledging that reforms are somewhat incomplete and imperfect.[18] Some domestic leaders in Myanmar are now urging a slightly more cautious approach to reform, as it is becoming increasingly obvious that achieving results will not be instantaneous and that complete reform may need to go through several iterations. Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Speaker Thura U Shwe Mann reportedly said during a tour of Shan State in early September 2013 that: ?Myanmar needs to carefully consider the long-term impact of proposed reforms and ensure it does not make ?reckless? mistakes?.[19] Aung San Suu Kyi was also reported around the same time as urging countries who had applied sanctions not to be too optimistic about the prospects for reform in Myanmar.[20] There seems to be growing recognition that popular expectations are an important indicator of desirable policy directions and outcomes. This in itself suggests that ?more of the same? is entirely feasible. However, ethnic groups are now insisting on scrapping the present constitution and drafting a completely new constitution. This option stands very little hope of success, and ethnic leaders are not really negotiating from a strong position. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been reported recently as urging a more radical approach on her September 2013 visit to Eastern Europe. Democracy activist Ko Ko Gyi quotes her as criticising Myanmar flawed political process and calling for constitutional change as soon as possible.[21] This position is somewhat surprising, and seems at odds with the closer relationship she has been developing with the Thein Sein Government since she entered parliament in 2012...."
Creator/author: Trevor Wilson
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2013-10-01
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: INTRODUCTION: "Since 2011, Burma has begun to emerge from 50 dark years of dictatorship. Now, under President Thein Sein?s nominally civilian government the possibility has arisen for Burma to begin rebuilding and reconciling divided segments of the nation, and to provide justice to victims for decades of human rights abuses. Burma?s minority ethnic communities have experienced grave human rights abuse at the hands of the SPDC regime and its strong arm of the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw. In order to transition successfully towards true democracy and national reconciliation, the Burmese government must address, and act upon, the specific needs expressed by victims of past abuse, documented and expounded herein, in order to move away from the abusive culture of the past towards a united future. Within this report you will find a detailed history of Burma? ethnic conflict, how that conflict has been sewn into the very fabric of the SPDC regime?s ideology and governing strategy, and ways in which the Tatmadaw has implemented the regime?s strategy by crippling livelihoods, physically and mentally abusing, and destroying the security of Burma?s minority ethnic communities. The purpose of this report is to guide the Burmese government in the implementation of mechanisms of transitional justice in Burma. To achieve this goal, this report looks at Burma?s history of human rights violations and analyzes how to repair the relationship between the government and the citizens. The government has committed, and continues to commit, vast numbers of human rights abuses against its minority ethnic communities, violations including land confiscation; forced labor and forced portering; physical abuse, torture, and murder; and rape and sexual abuse. In order for the Burmese government to employ appropriate mechanisms of justice, this report identifies the effects such violations have had on the victims, and what the victims require from the government to provide adequate justice and reparations for such violations. Through this report, HURFOM hopes to hold a megaphone to the voices of Burma?s ethnic people regarding past human rights abuses. This report addresses victims? expectations of the government for a future democratic Burma. Of utmost importance to building peace in Burma are three key elements of trust-building, national reconciliation, and transitional justice. The government must implement appropriate mechanisms to fulfill these three objectives in order to create sustainable peace throughout the country. Central to achieving these goals is the de-structuring of the SPDC?s pervasive culture of impunity surrounding human rights violations against its citizens. While impunity, unaccountability, extortion, and corruption continue to exist, there can be no repair of trust or unity within the society. Without eliminating all impunity, there will be no reconciliation in Burma. Minority ethnic communities in Burma have been traumatized by decades of abuse and exploitation. It is HURFOM?s hope that this report will push the government to provide healing to the victims from such trauma with realistic solutions and reparations. HURFOM also hopes to attract the world?s attention and urge international agencies and Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) to support reparations in Burma."
Source/publisher: Human Rights Foundation of Monland (HURFOM)
2014-07-07
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.52 MB
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Description: "It is very important for Burma watchers to have a clear understanding of the goals and interests of the Myanmar Government. Not having a clear understanding imperils the peace and democratization processes and also threatens to embolden radical elements within the regime. Such miscalculations threaten to facilitate further human rights violations and could easily lead to backsliding toward authoritarianism. With this in mind this short opinion piece argues first, that Burma is not part of the Southeast Asian trend in rearmament designed to balance against Chinese ambitions in the South China Sea, second, that Burma is seriously at risk of failing to democratize in a meaningful way and is seriously at risk of following in the path of a faux democracy like Cambodia and third, that policy goals of the Myanmar Government need to be seen in non-sensationalist terms that address issues of post-transition power and wealth sharing amongst the government and opposition groups..."
Creator/author: Jacob Sommer
Source/publisher: "New Mandala"
2013-12-11
Date of entry/update: 2014-07-14
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Myanmar?s military, the Tatmadaw, has been the dominant institution in the country for most of its post-independence history. After decades of military rule, it began the shift to a semi-civilian government. A new ge neration of leaders in the military and in government pushed the transition far further and much faster than anyone could have imagined. Major questions remain, however, about the Tatmadaw?s intentions, its ongoing involvement in politics and the economy, and whether and within what timeframe it will accept to be brought unde r civilian control. Transforming from an all-powerful military to one that accepts democratic constraints on its power will be an enormous challenge..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Briefing 143)
2014-04-22
Date of entry/update: 2014-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: I ခြုံငုံသုံးသပ်ချက် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၏ စစ်တပ် သို့မဟုတ် တပ်မတော်သည် လွတ်လပ်ရေးအလွန် သမိုင်း တစ်လျှောက်လုံးတွင် တိုင်းပြည်၌ သြဇာလွှမ်းသော အင်စတီကျူးရှင်းတစ်ခု ဖြစ်ခဲ့သည်။ ဆယ်စု နှစ်များချီသော စစ်အုပ်ချုပ်ရေး အပြီးတွင်မူ အရပ်သားတစ်ပိုင်းအစိုးရအဖြစ်သို့ ကူးပြောင်းမှုကို စတင်ခဲ့သည်။ အစိုးရအဖွဲ့နှင့် စစ်တပ်မှ မျိုးဆက်သစ်ခေါင်းဆောင်များသည် အသွင်ကူးပြောင်း မှုကို လူတကာ မျှော်လင့်ထားသည်ထက် များစွာ ပိုမို မြန်ဆန်စွာဖြင့် ဝေးဝေးတွန်းခဲ့ကြသည်။ သို့ရာတွင် နိုင်ငံရေးနှင့် စီးပွားရေးတွင် ဆက်လက်ပတ်သက်နေမှုနှင့် မည်သည့်အချိန်ကာလ ရောက်မှ အရပ်ဖက်အစိုးရ၏ ထိန်းချုပ်မှုအောက်သို့ဝင်ရန် လက်ခံမလဲ စသော တပ်မတော်၏ ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များနှင့် ပတ်သက်၍ သံသယဖြစ်ဖွယ် အဓိကမေးခွန်းများ ကျန်ရှိနေသည်။ အရာရာ သြဇာအာဏာကြီးသော စစ်တပ်အဖြစ်မှ ယင်း၏အာဏာအပေါ် ဒီမိုကရေစီနည်းကျကန့်သတ်မှုကို လက်ခံသော စစ်တပ်အဖြစ်သို့ အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှုသည် ကြီးမားသော စိန်ခေါ်မှု တစ်ခုဖြစ်လိမ့် မည်။
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Briefing 143)
2014-04-22
Date of entry/update: 2014-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
Format : pdf
Size: 549.33 KB
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Description: "On paper, few countries have had as good a year as Myanmar. It has seen the lifting of economic sanctions, the write-off of a substantial portion of the country?s debts, strong levels of gross domestic product (GDP) growth, the winning the Association of Southeast Asia Nations? (ASEAN) chairmanship, the hosting of the World Economic Forum on East Asia, and praise from almost every government, donor and economic institution in the world. This progress report is surprising considering that 2013 also brought evidence of the government?s role in stoking religious hatred across the country, the number of internally displaced people resulting from civil conflict and land grabbing burgeoned, and the country continued to languish towards the bottom of almost every global economic and social index. The wheels of Myanmar?s transition are in motion; progress is being made, but obstacles remain before the reform process realizes its potential. Few people have contested this narrative of progress - in a sense, the impossibility of being able to contest this is what makes it such an effective rhetorical device..."
Creator/author: David Baulk
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2013-12-13
Date of entry/update: 2014-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A grand ceremony is expected to be held next month in the Myanmar capital of Naypyidaw, where a nationwide ceasefire with various ethnic resistance armies will be announced to an audience of United Nations representatives and other foreign dignitaries. Ten of Myanmar?s 11 major ethnic rebel groups who have signed individual ceasefire agreements with the government will be highlighted at the high-profile event. The one main rebel outlier, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), has not yet reached a ceasefire agreement. The most recent round of talks between KIA and government representatives in the Kachin State capital of Myitkyina held between May 28-30 failed to yield the deal government authorities anticipated. The two sides agreed only to a seven-point agreement stating that "the parties undertake efforts to achieve de-escalation and cessation of hostilities" and "to hold a political dialogue" - though no firm commitment was made concerning when such talks would commence..."
Creator/author: Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2013-06-25
Date of entry/update: 2014-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A recent spate of bombings in Myanmar was attributed by police to local mining businessmen intent on stopping foreign investment. These rogue commercial elements were seemingly worried of the impact on their business interests. The shadowy assaults, including a bomb that detonated in a room occupied by an American in the Traders Hotel, demonstrates just how complex the climate for investors is in Myanmar. It also reveals how opaque mining interests could derail the peace process underway between the government and armed rebels and jeopardize the country?s democratic transition. Hype persists over Myanmar?s resource wealth, with the country gearing up for new waves of investment and new mining laws predicted to shortly come into effect. A recent Asian Development Bank study noted that Myanmar could become Asia?s next "rising star" if it can leverage its rich resource potential. However, regardless of much optimism, difficulties remain and if not addressed could unsettle the peace process. The most important issue for investors, but also populations living near resources, is the reform of legal and regulatory frameworks. The current uncertainty in these frameworks has undermined the investment climate. Similarly, land tenure must be defined and a sustainable agreement reached with armed ethnic groups for their greater inclusion into the democratic process. Greater transparency is also needed to boost confidence in local actors that remain entangled with military powerbrokers. If such a prudent approach is not achieved, resources could become more of a burden than a boon in the country?s transformation..."
Creator/author: Elliot Brennan
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2013-10-23
Date of entry/update: 2014-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. The rise of Myanmese President Thein Sein?s quasi-civilian government in 2011 was met largely with skepticism that his administration would be a continuation of military rule by different means. Such concerns were justified, as Thein Sein had served as prime minister under the previous ruling military junta. First introduced as the "seven step roadmap" to democracy in 2003, the entire democratic "reform" process was designed and implemented exclusively by the ruling generals. The culmination of this process resulted in the staging and rigging of the 2010 general elections to ensure the victory of the military?s political surrogate, the Union of Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), led by a number of recently retired senior military officers. To be sure, the military?s manipulation of the electoral process and new democratic structures has been obvious. The exact motivations behind the military?s introduction of a new democratic order and move away from direct military rule are still unclear. The implication of such an extensive reconfiguration of the state is, however, significant in its own right..."
Creator/author: Adam P MacDonald
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2014-03-14
Date of entry/update: 2014-05-28
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Myanmar?s liberalizing reforms initiated by President Thein Sein after taking office in March 2011 are raising high hopes of peace and democracy in the country. Progress, after nearly three years, has however been uneven: there have been positive developments in the area of press freedom, with regard to political prisoners and in dealing with the political opposition. At the same time the dialogue with ethnic groups has stagnated and ethnic and religious violence has escalated. This Asia Policy Brief critically assesses the reform policy and weighs up the chances of democratization of the long-time military regime..."
Creator/author: Marco Bünte
Source/publisher: Bertelsmann Stiftung (Asia Policy Brief 2014 | 01)
2014-01-00
Date of entry/update: 2014-03-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.65 MB
Local URL:
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Description: Conclusion: "Ultimately, it must be for Burma?s peoples to decide their political future. As in previous times of change, the present landscape looks uncertain and complex. But for the first time in decades, the issues of peace, democracy and promises of ethnic equality agreed at Burma?s independence are back for national debate and attracting international attention. This marks an important change from the preceding years of conflict and malaise under military rule, and expectations are currently high. It is vital therefore that opportunities are not lost and that the present generation of leaders succeed in achieving peace and justice where others before them have failed. Realism and honesty about the tasks ahead are essential. Burma?s leaders and parties, on all sides of the political and ethnic spectrum, still have much to achieve.".....Recommendations: "To end the legacy of state failure, the present time of national transition must be used for inclusive solutions that involve all peoples of Burma. The most important changes in national politics have started in many decades. Now all sides have to halt military operations and engage in sociopolitical dialogue that includes government, military, ethnic, political and civil society representatives. Political agreements will be essential to achieve lasting peace, democracy and ethnic rights. National reconciliation and equality must be the common aim. The divisive tradition of different agreements and processes with different ethnic and political groups must end. In building peace and democracy, peoplecentred and pro-poor economic reforms are vital. Land-grabbing must halt, and development programmes should be appropriate, sustainable and undertaken with the consent of the local peoples. Humanitarian aid should be prioritized for the most needy and vulnerable communities and not become a source of political advantage or division. As peace develops, internally displaced persons and refugees must be supported to return to their places of origin and to rebuild divided societies in the ethnic borderlands. The international community must play a neutral and supportive role in the achievement of peace and democracy. National reform is at an early stage, and it is vital that ill-planned strategies or investments do not perpetuate political failures and ethnic injustice."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI), Burma Centrum Nederland
2013-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2013-12-07
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.14 MB
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Description: Bridging the HLP Gap - The Need to Effectively Address Housing, Land and Property Rights During Peace Negotiations and in the Context of Refugee/IDP Return: Preliminary Recommendations to the Government of Myanmar, Ethnic Actors and the International Community.....Executive Summary: "Of the many challenging issues that will require resolution within the peace processes currently underway between the government of Myanmar and various ethnic groups in the country, few will be as complex, sensitive and yet vital than the issues comprising housing, land and property (HLP) rights. Viewed in terms of the rights of the sizable internally displaced person (IDP) and refugee populations who will be affected by the eventual peace agreements, and within the broader political reform process, HLP rights will need to form a key part of all of the ongoing moves to secure a sustainable peace, and be a key ingredient within all activities dedicated to ending displacement in Myanmar today. The Government Myanmar (including the military) and its various ethnic negotiating partners – just as with all countries that have undergone deep political transition in recent decades, including those emerging from lengthy conflicts – need to fully appreciate and comprehend the nature and scale of the HLP issues that have emerged in past decades, how these have affected and continue to affect the rights and perspectives of justice of those concerned, and the measures that will be required to remedy HLP concerns in a fair and equitable manner that strengthens the foundations for permanent peace. Resolving forced displacement and the arbitrary acquisition and occupation of land, addressing the HLP and other human rights of returning refugees and IDPs in areas of return, ensuring livelihood and other economic opportunities and a range of other measures will be required if return is be sustainable and imbued with a sense of justice. There is an acute awareness among all of those involved in the ongoing peace processes of the centrality of HLP issues within the context of sustainable peace, however, all too little progress has thus far been made to address these issues in any detail, nor have practical plans commenced to resolve ongoing displacement of either refugees or IDPs. Indeed, the negotiating positions of both sides on key HLP issues differ sharply and will need to be bridged; many difficult decisions remain to be made..."
Creator/author: Scott Leckie
Source/publisher: Displacement Solutions
2013-06-02
Date of entry/update: 2013-06-17
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.6 MB
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Description: This paper was prepared in the framework of the Civil Society Dialogue Network (CSDN) http://www.eplo.org/civil-society-dialogue-network.html The paper was produced as background for the CSDN meeting entitled ?Supporting Myanmar?s Evolving Peace Processes: What Roles for Civil Society and the EU?? which took place in Brussels on 7 March 2013...."The peace process currently underway in Myanmar represents the best opportunity in half a century to resolve ethnic and state-society conflicts. The most significant challenges facing the peace process are: to initiate substantial political dialogue between the government and NSAGs (broaden the peace process); to include participation of civil society and affected communities (deepen the peace process); to demonstrate the Myanmar Army?s willingness to support the peace agenda. Communities in many parts of the country are already experiencing benefits, particularly in terms of freedom of movement and reduction in more serious human rights abuses. Nevertheless, communities have serious concerns regarding the peace process, including in the incursion of business interests (e.g. natural resource extraction projects) into previously inaccessible, conflict-affected areas. Concerns also relate to the exclusion thus far of most local actors from meaningful participation in the peace process. Indeed, many civil society actors and political parties express growing resentment at being excluded from the peace process..."
Creator/author: Charles Petrie, Ashley South
Source/publisher: Civil Society Dialogue Network
2013-03-07
Date of entry/update: 2013-04-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 266.26 KB
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Description: ABSTRACT: "This paper examines the peace process in Myanmar from the perspectives of the Myanmar government and Army, and non-state armed groups, as well as ethnic nationality political and civil society actors and conflict affected communities. It argues that this is the best opportunity to resolve ethnic conflicts in the country since the military coup of 1962. However, the peace process will not ultimately succeed unless the government demonstrates a commitment to engage on the political issues which have long structured armed conflicts in Myanmar, and can also bring fighting to an end in Kachin and Shan States. On the political front, important progress was made in October-November 2012 in the relationship between government peace envoys and non-state armed groups. The government seems committed to political talks, although it is not yet clear how and when these will begin in earnest. In some ways, it will be easier for the government to initiate political talks with opposition groups, than to ensure that the Myanmar Army follows the peace agenda. Recent negotiations with the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) have made little progress, resulting in a worrying continuation of armed conflict in northern Myanmar. This paper sketches different - sometimes contested - positions regarding the peace process in Myanmar, on the part of different ethnic actors, and analyses their strategies. It goes on to describe and discuss some of the winners and losers in the peace process. The paper argues that, in order to build a sustainable and deep-rooted peace process, it is necessary to involve conflict-affected communities and civil society organisations and above-ground ethnic political parties; it is also necessary to re-imagine peace and conflict in Myanmar as issues affecting the whole of society, including the Burman majority. The paper concludes by sketching a ?framework agreement?, by which the government and representatives of minority communities could move onto a substantial political discourse.".....CONTENTS: 1. Abstract; 2. Introduction; 3. Key Challenges; 4. Background; 5. 2012: Prospects for Peace; 6. The Myanmar Government and Army; 7. Ethnic Actors; 8. Potential Spoilers; 9. Supporting the Peace Process, Doing No Harm; 10. Ways Forward; 11. References; 12. List of Non State Armed Groups (NSAGs)
Creator/author: Ashley South
Source/publisher: Peace Reserch Institute, Oslo (PRIO)
2012-12-12
Date of entry/update: 2012-12-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 706.19 KB
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Description: "Protests such as those against the Latpadaung copper mine are putting a spotlight on powerful conglomerates run by former generals who have traded their uniforms for business suits and are accused of carving up the country?s natural wealth with China...The term ??irreversible transformation?? is popular these days with Myanmar?s former military generals who use it at international roadshows, but as the Latpadaung copper mine unrest shows, the transformation may be largely superficial. When protests at the mine led by monks and local activists were brutally broken up by the government late last month, injuring more than 50 protesters, it was stark proof of military?s lingering dominance. The unrest also highlights concerns over political and economic ties between the Myanmar military and the Chinese government. The Latpadaung copper mine project is a joint venture between the Chinese-owned Wanbao Mining Company and the Union of Myanmar Economic Holding Company (UMEH), which not coincidentally is run by former military officers..."
Source/publisher: "Bangkok Post" (Spectrum)
2012-12-09
Date of entry/update: 2012-12-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Myanmar Column by PDFpdf(133KB) May, 2012 In November 2010, Myanmar held its first general election in 20 years. The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won a landslide victory and established a ?new? ?civilian? government the following March, demilitarizing the government for the first time in 23 years. However, headed by President Thein Sein, former prime minister of the military government, the USDP government effectively began as an extension of military rule, with little prospects for democratization and economic reforms. But in a sudden wave of reforms that began around August, the new government held talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, deregulated the media, freed many political prisoners and halted the country?s controversial large Chinese-led hydro-power project. The striking developments that followed included Myanmar?s appointment to chair ASEAN in 2014, improved relations with the US, the reinstatement of major opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), and Aung San Suu Kyi?s candidacy in the by-election held on April 1, 2012. The NLD won a landslide 43 out of 45 seats in parliaments in the election. While this overwhelming victory is largely an indicator of Aung San Suu Kyi?s popularity, it also reflects the Thein Sein government?s reforms.
Creator/author: Toshihiro Kudo
Source/publisher: IDE-JETRO
2012-05-07
Date of entry/update: 2012-12-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "... The violence in Rakhine State represents a major test for the government as it seeks to maintain law and order without rekindling memories of the recent authoritarian past. It also represents a challenge for Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy to demonstrate a greater commitment, publicly and privately, to the fundamental rights of all those who live in Myanmar. Above all, both government and opposition need to show moral leadership to calm the tensions and work for durable solutions to a problem that could threaten Myanmar?s reform process and the stability of the country."
Creator/author: Louise Arbour
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG)
2012-11-17
Date of entry/update: 2012-11-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Executive Summary: "Myanmar?s leaders continue to demonstrate that they have the political will and the vision to move the country decisively away from its authoritarian past, but the road to democracy is proving hard. President Thein Sein has declared the changes irreversible and worked to build a durable partnership with the opposition. While the process remains incomplete, political prisoners have been released, blacklists trimmed, freedom of assembly laws implemented, and media censorship abolished. But widespread ethnic violence in Rakhine State, targeting principally the Rohingya Muslim minority, has cast a dark cloud over the reform process and any further rupturing of intercommunal relations could threaten national stability. Elsewhere, social tensions are rising as more freedom allows local conflicts to resurface. A ceasefire in Kachin State remains elusive. Political leaders have conflicting views about how power should be shared under the constitution as well as after the 2015 election. Moral leadership is required now to calm tensions and new compromises will be needed if divisive confrontation is to be avoided...The ongoing intercommunal strife in Rakhine State is of grave concern, and there is the potential for similar violence elsewhere, as nationalism and ethno-nationalism rise and old prejudices resurface. The difficulty in reaching a ceasefire in Kachin State underlines the complexity of forging a sustainable peace with ethnic armed groups. There are also rising grassroots tensions over land grabbing and abuses by local authorities, and environmental and social concerns over foreign-backed infrastructure and mining projects...A key factor in determining the success of Myanmar?s transition will be macro-political stability. In 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi?s National League for Democracy (NLD) will compete for seats across the country for the first time since the abortive 1990 elections. Assuming these polls are free and fair, they will herald a radical shift in the balance of power away from the old dispensation. But an NLD landslide may not be in the best interests of the party or the country, as it would risk marginalising three important constituencies: the old political elite, the ethnic political parties and the non-NLD democratic forces. If the post-2015 legislatures fail to represent the true political and ethnic diversity of the country, tensions are likely to increase and fuel instability. The main challenge the NLD faces is not to win the election, but to promote inclusiveness and reconciliation. It has a number of options to achieve this. It could support a more proportional election system that would create more representative legislatures, by removing the current ?winner- takes-all? distortion. Alternatively, it could form an alliance with other parties, particularly ethnic parties, agreeing not to compete against them in certain constituencies. Finally, it could support an interim ?national unity? candidate for the post-2015 presidency. This would reassure the old guard, easing the transition to an NLD-dominated political system..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Report N?238)
2012-11-12
Date of entry/update: 2012-11-12
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English, Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ (exec. Sum)
Format : pdf
Size: 454.24 KB
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Description: "When President Thein Sein took office on 30 March 2011, Burma ranked near the bottom of virtually all international indexes that measured adherence to civil and political rights, press freedom, corruption, and economic freedom. With a baseline so low, Thein Sein was able to undertake a series of initiatives that gave the appearance of reform but which, in fact, brought very limited benefits for the overwhelming majority of Burmese people. Thein Sein?s failure to stop human rights violations and to initiate fundamental legislative and institutional reforms effectively blocks Burma?s progress towards genuine democracy and national reconciliation. The regime has so far failed to meet the minimum benchmarks that the UN established to measure Burma?s progress toward democratization, national reconciliation, and respect for human rights. It is time for the international community to shape their policies vis-?-vis Burma based on the regime?s concrete progress (or lack thereof) towards implementing genuine reforms, without being swayed by Naypyidaw?s well-orchestrated public relations campaign. Truly democratic reforms must focus on halting impunity and implementing measures to prevent the recurrence of human rights violations. They must include: the unconditional release of ALL political prisoners; amendments to the 2008 constitution and laws not in line with international standards; the end of all military offensives in ethnic areas as well as the holding of time-bound genuine political dialogue with ethnic armed groups; and tangible steps towards the respect and promotion of human rights."
Source/publisher: ALTSEAN-Burma (Issues & Concerns Vol. 8):
2012-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2012-10-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "After a drawn-out selection process, Myanmar?s military parliamentarians have appointed Admiral Nyan Tun as the country?s new vice president, a choice that may help to consolidate President Thein Sein?s position and signal a shift in the military?s position on his ambitious reform agenda. The highly anticipated appointment came after the disqualification of the previous frontrunner, Myint Swe, a perceived hardliner aligned with the previous junta?s senior leaders, and amid widespread speculation about whether the next vice president would strengthen or weaken the hand of reformers in government..."
Creator/author: Brian McCartan
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2012-08-17
Date of entry/update: 2012-09-15
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "A cabinet reshuffle in Myanmar aims to put President Thein Sein?s increasingly stalled reform process back on track. The highly anticipated shake-up, announced on Monday, will empower reformers at the expense of hardliners and could provide new impetus behind the president?s stated policy priorities of national reconciliation and economic development. Nine cabinet ministers were replaced and 16 new deputy ministers appointed in the biggest personnel overhaul of government since Thein Sein assumed power last year and embarked on his ambitious and widely lauded political and economic reform program. Those reforms have included the release of hundreds of political prisoners, a loosening of press censorship and allowances for pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to win a seat in parliament. The cabinet reshuffle replaced the ministers responsible for information, economic planning, development, finance, industry and railways, all significant and powerful positions. These ministries? authority will be transferred directly to the president?s office as part of the reshuffle. Thein Sein earlier this month appointed Admiral Nyan Tun as one of two vice presidents, considered a largely ceremonial post, replacing Tin Aung Myint Oo, who retired reportedly due to ill health..."
Creator/author: Larry Jagan
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2012-08-30
Date of entry/update: 2012-08-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Conclusion: "Along with sweeping political reforms, Myanmar has embarked on an ambitious program of economic changes, aimed at rebuilding its moribund economy and integrating it with the global system. It has begun a managed float of the currency, and is dismantling the old system of monopolies and privileged access to licenses, permits and contracts. These changes will have a big impact on the entrenched economic elite – crony businessmen, the military and former political heavyweights linked to the government party – who will have to compete on a more level playing field and even start paying tax. Given their wealth or political influence, these interests might have been powerful spoilers, but there are no indications that they are attempting to derail the economic reforms. They know which way the winds are blowing and appear to have accepted the inevitability of the changes. They are aware that the political risks of challenging the reforms would outweigh the likely benefits and see that they may be well-positioned to benefit from a vibrant and growing economy, even if their share of it is reduced. To this end, the business elite have embarked on efforts to reposition and rebrand themselves. The military recognises that its sprawling business interests, if they continue to be inefficiently run, could become a drain on its budget rather than a supplement to it. Yet, the path of economic reconstruction will not be smooth or straightforward. To achieve President Thein Sein?s objective of broad-based and equitable growth, well-crafted and effectively implemented policies are also required. With so much to be changed, and limited capacity at both the policy-formulation and policy-implementation levels, there is a risk that the administration will be overwhelmed. Beyond this, success in such an endeavour depends on ensuring macroeconomic and political stability. Unanticipated economic shocks, social unrest or political uncertainty in the lead-up to the next elections in 2015 all represent potential risks to that stability. But if it is able to manage this complex process, Myanmar has the possibility to finally realise its enormous economic potential, catching up with its neighbours while avoiding some of their mistakes."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Report N?231)
2012-07-27
Date of entry/update: 2012-07-27
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 540.72 KB
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Description: While Aung San Suu Kyi?s freedom marks a step towards normality, the fallout from ethnic conflict remains
Creator/author: Donna Jean Guest
Source/publisher: Al Jazeera
2012-06-22
Date of entry/update: 2012-06-23
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Relying only on the state to implement democratic reforms in Burma is a fool?s errand. But there?s a better way... "Burma has entered a new period of political evolution. It?s a process rife with opportunity, to be sure. But perhaps this is also a good time to consider the risks. Defining a political path as "democratization" does not necessarily ensure that it will be democratic. In today?s Burma there is a distinct possibility that political elites -- in league with outside experts or capitalists --- will push ahead with reforms while ignoring the interests or ideas of average people, leaving many sections of the population even worse off than under tyranny. Such an approach must be contested. The voices of average Burmese must be incorporated into the decisions that will govern their future...a remarkably robust and powerful set of citizens, self-organized into groups outside of the state, has performed the necessary heavy lifting that has enabled society?s survival under a capricious and abusive military government. Many observers may have missed this because these groups have always flown under the radar. Their genius under the regime was to deliver services, subvert abusive policies, and mobilize local resources, all the while steering clear of anything that could be construed as politically threatening. Simply put, they learned to beg -- and beg quietly -- for permission to do the job the state should have been doing..."
Creator/author: Elliott Prasse-Freeman
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2012-06-22
Date of entry/update: 2012-06-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Aung San Suu Kyi and Bono joined Norwegian Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre this week to discuss the role of dialogue in countries in transition during the tenth Oslo forum retreat of conflict mediators... Minister Støre opened the panel discussion. Drawing on the examples of peace actors from Nelson Mandela to Aung San Suu Kyi, Minister Støre underlined that ?dialogue is the strategy of the brave”. Aung San Suu Kyi and Bono highlighted the importance of dialogue and of maintaining a genuine desire to find ?common ground” to ensure that transitions moved in a positive direction. In reflecting on her own experiences, Ms San Suu Kyi emphasised that ?the best way to bring about change is through non-violent peaceful means, through establishing a tradition of dialogue and consensus”. ?The wounds that are opened up by violent conflict take a long time to heal,” she said, ?and while the peaceful way might take longer, in the end there are fewer wounds to be healed.” Bono also reflected on key turning points during Northern Ireland?s troubles and the importance of dialogue in that context. The opening plenary marked the beginning of two days of frank discussions ? from 18 to 19 June 2012 - around the theme of this year?s forum: ?Negotiating Through Transition?. The forum, the 10th in the series, brought together more than 100 peacemakers and mediators, who discussed a range of issues including: Afghanistan and the influence of its neighbours in shaping its future; the growing concerns around the situation in Sahel; challenges to the two-state solution in the Israel/Arab peace process; the Arab Spring ?second wave?, in particular the role of mediation in Syria and Yemen and the internal dynamics of negotiating transitions in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia; recent developments in the Philippines; and reform and peacemaking in Myanmar..."
Source/publisher: Oslo Forum (Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, Norwegian Foreign Ministry)
2012-06-18
Date of entry/update: 2012-06-20
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Conclusions and Recommendations: "* After decades of division in national politics, the recent steps towards reconciliation and democratic reform by the Thein Sein government are welcome. The participation of the National League for Democracy in the April by-elections, new ceasefires with armed ethnic opposition groups and prioritization of economic reforms are all initiatives that can contribute to the establishment of peace and democracy. * The momentum for reform must now continue. Remaining political prisoners must be released; a sustainable ceasefire achieved with the Kachin Independence Organisation and other armed opposition groups; and the provision of humanitarian aid to internally displaced persons and other vulnerable peoples needs to be accelerated. * The 2015 general election is likely to mark the next major milestone in national politics. In the meantime, it is vital that processes are established by which political reform and ethnic peace can be inclusively developed. Burma is at the beginning of change – not at the end. * The international community should support policies that encourage reconciliation and reform, and which do not cause new divisions. Burma?s needs are many, but local and national organisations are ready to respond. Aid priority should be given to health, education, poverty alleviation, displaced persons and other humanitarian concerns."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 9)
2012-06-00
Date of entry/update: 2012-06-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
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Description: အဆုံးသတ်ကောက်ချက်မြန်မာအစိုးရသစ် အာဏာရယူပြီး တစ်နှစ်အကြာတွင် သတိထား မိလောက်အောင် မြန်ဆန်သော အသွင်ကူးပြောင်းမှု စတင်ဖြစ်ပေါ် နေပြီဖြစ်သည်။ သမ္မတကလည်း ဒီမိုကရေစီ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို အရှိန်မြှင့်ရန်၊ စီးပွားရေး ပြန်လည်တည်ဆောက်ရန်၊ တိုင်းရင်းသား ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး အစီအစဉ်ကို အားပေးမြှင့်တင်ရန်၊ တရားသော ဥပဒေစိုးမိုးမှု တိုးတက် စေရန်နှင့် အတိတ်က ခါးသီးသော ဒဏ်ရာ ဒဏ်ချက်များ အနာကျက်စေရန် အတွက် များစွာ ပိုမို လုပ်ဆောင်သွားရန် ရည်ရွယ်ထားကြောင်း ရှင်းရှင်းလင်းလင်း အသိပေးထားသည်။ ဧပြီ ၁ရက်တွင် ကျင်းပခဲ့သော ကြားဖြတ်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲများသည် သိသိသာသာ လွတ်လပ်၊ မျှတမှုရှိခဲ့ပြီး အတိုက်အခံ NLD ပါတီ အပြတ်အသတ် အနိုင်ရရှိကာ၊ ကျင်းပနေရာ ၄၅ နေရာ အနက် ၄၃ နေရာ အနိုင်ရရှိခဲ့သည်။ ဒေါ်အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်သည်လည်း သူမ၏ မဲဆန္ဒနယ်တွင် မဲအများစု အသာဖြင့် အနိုင်ရရှိသည်။ အဆိုပါ ရလဒ်များသည် လွှတ်တော်အတွင်းမှ သြဇာအာဏာ ဟန်ချက်ကို ပြောင်းလဲစေမည် မဟုတ်သော်လည်း NLD ပါတီကို အင်အားအကြီးဆုံး အတိုက်အခံ ပါတီ ဖြစ်လာစေပြီး လွှတ်တော်တွင်း၌ လူထုအကြိုက် အယူအဆကို ပြောရေးဆိုခွင့် ရှိသော ပါတီအဖြစ် အင်အားကြီး အခွင့်အာဏာကို ရရှိစေသည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၌ အခြေခံကျကျ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရန် လိုအပ်နေခြင်းကို နိုင်ငံရေးအာဏာရ အလွှာ အကြား ကျယ်ကျယ်ပြန့်ပြန့် သဘောတူညီမှု ရရှိထားသည်။ ထို့အတွက်ကြောင့် နောက်ပြန်ဆုတ်မည့် အန္တရာယ်ကို သိသိသာသာ အားနည်း သွားစေသည်။ သို့သော်ငြားလည်း ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေး လုပ်ငန်းစဉ် အနေဖြင့် မူဝါဒ ရေးဆွဲမှုနှင့် ဆုံးဖြတ်ချက် အကောင်အထည်ဖော်မှုတွင် နည်းပညာဆိုင်ရာ၊ အင်စတီကျူးရှင်းဆိုင်ရာ စွမ်းဆောင်ရည် ချို့တဲ့နေခြင်း၊ လူနေမှု အဆင့် သိသိသာသာ တိုးတက်လိုသည့် မျှော်လင့်ချက်များ ကြီးထွားလာခြင်းကို လိုက်မီအောင် ဖြည့်ဆည်းရခြင်းနှင့် ချွတ်ခြုံကျ စီးပွားရေးကို ပြန်လည် တည်ဆောက်ရခြင်း၊ တိုင်းရင်းသားဒေသများတွင် ငြိမ်းချမ်းရေး ခိုင်မာအောင်တည်ဆောက်ရခြင်း စသည်တို့ အပါအဝင် စိန်ခေါ်မှု မြောက်များစွာနှင့် ရင်ဆိုင်နေရသည်။ ကြားဖြတ်ရွေးကောက်ပွဲမှ NLD ပါတီ၏ အောင်ပွဲသည် ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို ထပ်မံ၍ အရှိန်တင် ပေးနိုင်သော်လည်း၊ ပြည်ခိုင်ဖြိုးပါတီ၏ ရှုံးနိမ့်မှုကြောင့် နိုင်ငံရေးအာဏာရ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်းထဲမှ ပုဂ္ဂိုလ်များစွာကို တပ်လှန့်လိုက်သလို ဖြစ်သွားနိုင်ပါသည်။ ဤအချက်ကြောင့် သမ္မတအား ပါတီတွင်း ပြင်းထန်စွာ ဝေဖန်မှု ဖြစ်ပေါ်နိုင်ပြီး၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ ဆက်လက်ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲခြင်း အပေါ် ခုခံငြင်းဆန်မှု ပိုမို မာကြောလာနိုင်သည်။ နိုင်ငံတကာ အသိုင်းအဝိုင်း သည် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ ၏ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှုကို ထောက်ခံ အားပေးရာတွင် အရေးကြီးသော ကဏ္ဍမှ ပါဝင်နေသည်။ ဤနေရာတွင် နည်းပညာ အကြံဉာဏ်နှင့် အကူအညီပေးခြင်းအပြင် အစိုးရ၏ ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲရေး ကြိုးပမ်းမှု ကို နိုင်ငံရေးအရ အားပေးထောက်ခံရန် လိုအပ် သည်။ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ သည် နှစ်ပေါင်း ၅၀ အာဏာရှင်အုပ်ချုပ်မှု စနစ် နှင့် လမ်းခွဲကာ နိုင်ငံရေး၊ လူမှုရေး၊ စီးပွားရေး ကြီးကြီးမားမား ပြုပြင်ပြောင်းလဲမှု လုပ်ငန်းစဉ်ကို စတင်လျက်ရှိသည်။ ယင်းကဲ့သို့ အပြောင်းအလဲများကို အစဉ်တစိုက် တောင်းဆိုခဲ့သော အနောက်အုပ်စု အနေဖြင့် ယခုအချိန်တွင် သူတို့တတ်နိုင်သမျှ အရာအားလုံးကို ကူညီပံ့ပိုး ကြရလိမ့်မည်။ အရေးကြီးဆုံး ခြေလှမ်းမှာ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံအပေါ် ချမှတ်ထားသော အရေးယူဒဏ်ခတ်မှု sanctions များကို နှောင့်နှေးခြင်းမရှိ ရုတ်သိမ်းပေးရန်ပင် ဖြစ်သည်။ ထိုသို့ ပြုလုပ်ရန် ပျက်ကွက်ခြင်းသည် နိုင်ငံတွင်းမှ အပြောင်းအလဲ ငြင်းဆန်သူ??
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG) - Asia Briefing N?136
2012-04-11
Date of entry/update: 2012-06-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Burmese/ မြန်မာဘာသာ
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Description: Mae Tao Clinic Position on the Current Political Situation...Mae Tao Clinic?s Role During the Transition Period...Recommendations to the Burmese Government and Other Actors Engaged in Local and National Dialogue...Mae Tao Clinic?s Recommendations to the International Community.....Mae Tao Clinic (MTC) is cautiously optimistic about the positive developments made by the Burmese government in the past year. While the political reforms and tentative ceasefire agreements bring a degree of hope, the chronic humanitarian crisis facing the ethnic displaced and rural populations has yet to be addressed. The following points demonstrate that the recent political changes have yet to deliver positive change in the economic, political, social and health status of disadvantaged ethnic groups assisted by MTC: 1. The patient caseload at MTC continues to rise despite euphoria over the reforms; MTC still experienced a 5% increase between 2010 and 2011, receiving almost 117,000 cases last year. One sign of genuine commitment by the Burmese government not only to positive political reform, but also to advance the welfare of the entire population, would be a substantial decrease in patient numbers at MTC and an equivalent rise at the nearby government-run hospital across the border in Myawaddy, Burma. This has yet to happen; Myawaddy Hospital continues to refer cases to Thailand due to their poor facilities. Last year over 3,000 babies were born at MTC, in comparison to the 1,200 born at Myawaddy Hospital. Furthermore, MTC continues to receive patients from Burma with malaria, tuberculosis and HIV, despite the fact that government hospitals, such as that at Myawaddy, are supposed to have specific programmes to treat these conditions. Until we see more patients opting for treatment at government facilities, we cannot yet assert that the political developments are enabling better access to quality, affordable public services. It will take much time and investment to strengthen the healthcare system, particularly in ethnic areas, after decades of neglect by the Burmese government. 2. There has also been a 30% increase between 2010 and 2011 in the number of unaccompanied children supported by MTC who have crossed the border to seek protection and education in Thailand. MTC now supports almost 3,000 displaced children, many of whom have been sent to Thailand to escape conflict and the risk of being recruited as child soldiers or child labourers. A lack of opportunity to access education beyond primary level, as well as a lack of means for families to pay for education also remain key push factors. May 2012 1 P.O. Box 67, Mae Sot, Tak 63110, Thailand. 865 Moo 1, Intarakiri Rd., Tha Sai Luad, Mae Sot, Tak Province 63110 Fax: (055) 544-655, email: [email protected] Despite recent political dialogue, the situation for ethnic and rural children remains poor in Burma and no decrease in enrollment rates at migrant schools is anticipated for the upcoming academic year..."
Source/publisher: Mao Tao Clinic
2012-05-22
Date of entry/update: 2012-05-29
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Myanmar has a widely underestimated array of home-grown business families who are likely to provide the foundation of the country?s future capitalist class - and a bulwark against any attack on the core privileges of the military-linked elite. In the excitement over the opening of the "biggest emerging market opportunity since China", commentaries have portrayed Myanmar in words and images akin to those used in describing America?s 19th century Wild West. The Economist Intelligence Unit recently espied "vast untapped natural resources and land". The International Monetary Fund Dilbert says the country could be "the next economic frontier in Asia". Local pundits agree: "Myanmar is the last resourceful investment destination in the Southeast Asian region," said Thinn Htut Thidar, a Yangon-based consultant. There is undoubtedly truth in these words but they overlook the local tycoons, often disparaged as cronies of the regime, as well as myriad lesser entrepreneurs, whose businesses fill out the space left by the military?s own large economic presence..."
Creator/author: William Barnes
Source/publisher: "Asia Times Online"
2012-05-17
Date of entry/update: 2012-05-16
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
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Description: "Myanmar is winning more foreign friends while international criticism of the current and previous government?s abysmal human rights records has all but ceased. Old adversaries in the United States and European Union have scrapped - or are planning to scrap - economic sanctions against the regime, and big-time multinational companies are preparing to lunge into what many seems to believe is Asia?s last investment frontier. A nearly unanimous Western world has heaped praise on President Thein Sein?s supposed moves towards "democratic reform" and "national reconciliation". But what has actually changed and what?s behind the hype?..."
Creator/author: Bertil Lintner
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
2012-02-10
Date of entry/update: 2012-05-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Myanmar?s highly anticipated by-elections, held on April 1 for some 45 parliamentary seats, has borne its first diplomatic fruit. The United States announced a relaxation of certain economic sanctions and movement on the resumption of full diplomatic relations with Naypyidaw in reward for the country?s recent democratic progress. However, the opposition National League for Democracy?s landslide victory of 43 out of the 45 seats may be somewhat overstated and questions remain about the sincerity of President Thein Sein?s government?s commitment to sustainable reform..."
Creator/author: Brian McCartan
Source/publisher: Asia Times Online
2012-04-06
Date of entry/update: 2012-04-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: CONCLUSION: "One year after the new Myanmar government took office, a remarkably rapid transition is underway. The president has made clear that he intends to do much more to acceler-ate democratic reform, rebuild the economy, promote ethnic peace, improve rule of law and heal the bitter wounds of the past. By-elections held on 1 April were relatively free and fair, and the opposition National League for Democ-racy won a landslide victory, taking 43 of the 45 seats be-ing contested. Aung San Suu Kyi won her seat with a large majority. Although these results will not alter the balance of power in the legislature, they make the NLD the larg-est opposition party and give it a powerful mandate as the voice of popular opinion within the legislatures. There is a broad consensus among the political elite on the need for fundamental reform. This makes the risk of a reversal relatively low. However, the reform process faces several challenges, including a lack of technical and insti-tutional capacity to formulate policy and implement deci-sions; rebuilding a moribund economy and meeting rising expectations for tangible improvements in living stand-ards; and consolidating peace in ethnic areas. The NLD electoral landslide, which came at the expense of the gov-ernment-backed USDP, can add further momentum to the reforms but may also alarm many in the political estab-lishment. This could expose the president to greater inter-nal criticism and stiffen resistance to further democratic reform. The international community has an important role to play in supporting reform. In addition to providing technical advice and assistance, political support for the reform ef-fort is also crucial. Myanmar has turned away from five decades of authoritarianism and has embarked on a bold process of political, social and economic reform. Those in the West who have long called for such changes must now do all they can to support them. The most important step is to lift the sanctions on Myanmar without delay. Failing to do so would strengthen the hand of more conservative el-ements in the country and undermine those who are driving the process of change."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG) - Asia Briefing N?136
2012-04-11
Date of entry/update: 2012-04-11
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf pdf
Size: 605.29 KB 722.61 KB
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Description: The by-election victory of Aung San Suu Kyi?s party in Burma (Myanmar) raises the question of whether the country is at last on an irreversible path towards democracy. A detailed analysis of the context suggests seven reasons for caution, says Joakim Kreutz.
Creator/author: Joakim Kreutz
Source/publisher: openDemocracy
2012-04-05
Date of entry/update: 2012-04-05
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: On the eve of the country?s historic elections, 16 experts give us their prescriptions for the future:- Brian Joseph: Create a multi-ethnic state... Tom Kramer and Martin Jelsma: Tackle Burma?s drugs problem... Christina Fink: End the civil war... Ronald Findlay: Export or die... Francis Wade: Invite investment -- but with protections... Muang Wuntha: Support press freedom... Myat Htoo Razak: Health is wealth... Timothy Ryan: Let workers unionize freely... Sean Turnell: Cut the bloated military budget... Soe Thinn: Train Burma?s new diplomats... Dr. Thein Lwin: Teach the children well... Tin Muang Muan Than: Unleash grassroots entrepreneurship... Andreas Valentin: Come visit, sustainably... David Steinberg: Promote the rule of law... Hanna Hindstrom: Make extractive industries more transparent... Ko Tar: Let the monks lead the way
Source/publisher: "Foreign Policy"
2012-03-30
Date of entry/update: 2012-03-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Myanmar?s government gave way to a civilian administration last year after four decades of military rule. The new government embarked on a surprising array of reforms, prompted in part by a desire to turn around its image as a repressive regime and get Western sanctions lifted:...
Source/publisher: Associated Press
Date of entry/update: 2012-03-31
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Amsterdam, 22 & 23 February 2012 "A two-day conference under Chatham House rule was organized on 22-23 February in Amsterdam by BCN-TNI to assess ongoing social and political changes in Burma/Myanmar under the government of President Thein Sein. Sixty people at?tended, including representatives of Bur?mese civil society as well as international non-governmental organisations, diplo?mats and academics.Burma/Myanmar is in the midst of its most important period of political transition in over two decades. Previous times of government change since independence have led to conflict and division rather than inclusion and national progress. Thus the conference focused on developments in five key areas – politics, ethnic relations, the economy, social and humanitarian affairs, and the international landscape – in order to consider the challenges and opportunities that present changes bring. Analysis during the conference reflected the rapid speed of recent change, welcoming the potential that this provides for reconciliation and addressing long-neglected needs. But progress also requires realism and the inclusion of all citizens to foster stability and national advancement. The rapprochement between the government and National League for Democracy, promised economic change and recent spread of ethnic ceasefires are providing grounds for optimism that Burma/Myanmar could be embarking on a road to democratisation and reform. Western governments are keen to support such processes. But the social and political landscape is uneven, with differences between Yangon, for example, and the rest of the country. Burma/Myanmar is at the beginning of a new time of socio-political change – not at an end. It is thus essential that domestic and international policies are reflective of realities and support inclusive reform. The divisions and state failures of the past must not be repeated. In politics, the new government under President Thein Sein appears determined to make the new constitutional system work. Censorship has reduced; many political prisoners have been released; and the door opened to political exiles and international critics. But there remain many uncertainties about how the new political system will evolve. Through the Union Solidarity Development Party, a governmental transition has taken place from the military State Peace and Development Council. But it is unclear how the NLD, ethnic and other opposition parties will fit into the political process. Peace talks in the coming month and parliamentary by-elections on 1 April may answer some of these questions. But, in the meantime, there are many shades of grey in the functioning of government..."
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute, Burma Centrum Nederland (Burma Policy Briefing Nr 8)
2012-03-09
Date of entry/update: 2012-03-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 206.34 KB
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Description: Conclusion: "Myanmar has faced ethnic turmoil and armed conflicts since the early days of its independence. Today this remains probably the single most important issue facing the country. In the last few months, the new government has begun implementing an extraordinary series of social, economic and political reforms and a peace initiative that offers steps no previous government has been willing to take. This has convinced most of the armed groups to agree new ceasefires or enter into peace talks. While serious clashes continue in Kachin State and parts of Shan State, momentum is clearly building behind the government?s initiative. It may offer the best chance in over 60 years for resolving these conflicts. Finding a sustainable end to some of the longest-running armed conflicts in the world would be a historic achievement. But lasting peace is by no means assured. Ethnic minority grievances run deep, and bringing peace will take more than reaching ceasefire agreements with the armed groups. It requires addressing the grievances and aspirations of all minority populations and building trust between communities. The way the country deals with its enormous diversity would need to be fundamentally rethought. This is an issue in which every person in the country has a stake. The international community has an important role to play in support of peace and development in Myanmar. It is crucial first to understand the complexities. No one party to the conflict, including the government, can solve the problem by itself; and pressuring one party to a conflict is never likely to be effective. In particular, resolving once and for all the conflict should not become another benchmark that the government must meet in order to achieve improved relations with the West or have sanctions lifted. With respect to a government that has demonstrated a commitment to major reform and closer ties with the West, there are far better diplomatic tools available to keep a focus on the ethnic conflict. The same is true of the serious human rights abuses associated with that conflict. These will only be ended definitively by reforming the institutional culture of the armed forces, changing key military policies that lead to such abuses, strengthening domestic accountability mechanisms to ensure that the prevailing sense of impunity among soldiers in operational areas is addressed – and by peace. The international community must be ready to move quickly to support emerging peace deals with political and development support. Many of the grievances of ethnic minority communities relate to socio-economic and minority rights, and it is important that there be an immediate dividend for any ceasefires, in order to build the constituency for peace. Supporting socio-economic development, greater regional autonomy and peacebuilding and contributing to greater understanding and trust between communities is vital."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (ICG)
2011-11-30
Date of entry/update: 2011-12-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
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Description: A charm offensive by the ruling regime in Burma is raising hopes of real change there and expectations of a change in America?s long-standing sanctions policy. How much has really changed in Burma? How real are the government reforms and liberalizing rhetoric? And how might a change in U.S. policy impact the situation on the ground? Join us as we discuss the answers to these questions and others with an eminently qualified panel of experts..... More About the Speakers: Tom Malinowski, Washington Director, Human Rights Watch... Aung Din, Executive Director, U.S. Campaign for Burma... Jared Genser, Founder and President, Freedom Now... Walter Lohman (chair), Director, Asian Studies Center
Creator/author: Ko Aung Din, Tom Malinowski, Jared Genser (panelists); Walter Lohman (chair)
Source/publisher: Heritage Foundation
2011-10-13
Date of entry/update: 2011-10-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Myanmar mostly makes news in the West these days with blood and iron, when the brutal military regime cracks down on monks and others protesting for democracy. Host Scott Simon chats with Thant Myint-U, author of "Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia", who says the country may have a bright and bold future as a bridge between China and India?s growing economies."
Source/publisher: National Public Radio (NPR)
2011-09-24
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-25
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "Six months after the transition to a new, semi-civilian government, major changes are taking place in Myanmar. In the last two months, President Thein Sein has moved rapidly to begin implementing an ambitious reform agenda first set out in his March 2011 inaugural address. He is reaching out to long-time critics of the former regime, proposing that differences be put aside in order to work together for the good of the country. Aung San Suu Kyi has seized the opportunity, meeting the new leader in Naypyitaw and emerging with the conviction that he wants to achieve positive change. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) seems convinced that Myanmar is heading in the right direction and may soon confer upon it the leadership of the organisation for 2014. This would energise reformers inside the country with real deadlines to work toward as they push for economic and political restructuring. Western policymakers should react to the improved situation and be ready to respond to major steps forward, such as a significant release of political prisoners..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group -- Asia Briefing N?127
2011-09-22
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-22
Grouping: Individual Documents
Format : pdf
Size: 376.63 KB
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Description: Introduction: "Since November 2010 there have been a series of political developments in Burma, many of which have variously been hailed as ?new?, ?unprecedented? and ?progress?. In August 2011 the slow drip of ?positive? developments became a steady stream, with a number of initiatives which have gained positive publicity for the dictatorship. While some remain cautious, there is an increasing perception that something new is happening in Burma. Once again, many governments are arguing that now is not the time to increase pressure for reform or for an improvement in human rights. They argue that we must wait and see what happens. Some are even arguing for some existing measures to be relaxed. This is despite the fact that on the ground in Burma, the human rights situation has deteriorated, most significantly with the increase of rape and gang rape of ethnic minority women committed by the Burmese Army. The dictatorship in Burma has a long track record of lying, and of dangling the prospect of impending change to the international community, in order to avoid increased pressure, or to try to get pressure relaxed. This briefing paper assesses whether events in Burma in the past year really are new. Are recent events in Burma a sign that real change is on the way at last? Or is this more spin and propaganda from the dictatorship, designed to relax international pressure while maintaining their grip on power?"
Source/publisher: Burma Campaign UK
2011-09-00
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-10
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "There is no easy answer to the question of whether and to what degree external actors should intervene to trigger or force transition in extreme cases of autocratic or failed governance. Often in the zeal to hasten the demise of bad regimes inadequate consideration is given ahead of time to how the international community can best prepare a backward country for effective democratic governance. Burma – a prime case of arrested development brought about by decades of stubborn, isolationist military rule – provides ample illustration of this dilemma. The great hope for instant transition to democracy that was raised by the 1990 parliamentary elections in Burma was dashed almost immediately by the failure of the military regime to seat the elected parliament. Motivated by despair, many governments adopted policies making regime change a sine qua non for engagement with Burma, hoping this would force the military to follow through on its original promise to return to elected government. Seventeen years later, however, the military remains firmly entrenched in power and the country?s political, economic, and human resources have seriously deteriorated. Even if an elected government could be seated tomorrow, it would find itself bereft of the institutions necessary to deliver stable democratic rule. Starting from the assumption that some degree of transition is inevitable in the not-toodistant future, this study explores the depth of Burma?s deprivations under military rule, focusing on questions of how to make the country?s political, social, and economic institutions adequate to the task of managing democratic governance. It identifies the international mechanisms available to assist in this task, as well as innate strengths that can still be found in Burma, and it discusses what the limitations on assistance might be under various scenarios for political transition. Concluding that some degree of political transition will have to be underway before it will be possible to deliver effective assistance, the study suggests that the most productive policy approaches will require greater coordination and collaboration with Burma?s Asian neighbors."
Creator/author: PRISCILLA CLAPP
Source/publisher: United States Institute for Peace
2007-07-04
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 819.6 KB
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Description: Summary: • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising in Burma, public anger at the government?s economic policies once again spilled into the country?s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. • Burma?s forty-five years of military rule have seen periodic popular uprisings and lingering ethnic insurgencies, which invariably provoke harsh military responses and thereby serve to perpetuate and strengthen military rule. The recent attack on the monks, however, was ill considered and left Burma?s devoutly religious population deeply resentful toward the ruling generals. • Despite the widespread resentment against the generals, a successful transition to democracy will have to include the military. Positive change is likely to start with the regime?s current (though imperfect) plan for return to military-dominated parliamentary government, and achieving real democracy may take many years. When Than Shwe, the current top general, is replaced, prospects for working with more moderate military leaders may improve. In the end, however, only comprehensive political and economic reform will release the military?s grip on the country. • Creating the conditions for stable, effective democracy in Burma will require decades of political and economic restructuring and reform, including comprehensive macroeconomic reform, developing a democratic constitution and political culture, re- establishing rule of law, rebuilding government structures at national and state levels, and building adequate health and educational institutions. • The international community must give its sustained attention to Burma, continuing to press the regime for dialogue with the forces of democracy, beginning with popular democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and insisting on an inclusive constitutional process. International players should also urge the regime immediately to establish a national commission of experts to begin studying and making recommendations for economic restructuring to address the underlying concerns that brought about the Saffron Revolution. • Though China is concerned about the Burmese regime?s incompetence, it has only limited sway with the generals, who are fiercely anticommunist and nationalistic. Nonetheless, Beijing will cautiously support and contribute to an international effort to bring transition, realizing that Burma will be seen as a test of China?s responsibility as a world power. • The United States should restrain its tendency to reach simply for more unilateral sanctions whenever it focuses on Burma. Because a transition negotiated with opposition parties is still likely to produce an elected government with heavy military influence, the United States must prepare to engage with an imperfect Burmese democracy and participate fully in reconstruction and reform efforts, which will require easing some existing sanctions.
Creator/author: PRISCILLA CLAPP
Source/publisher: United States Institute for Peace (Special Report 193 November 2007)
2007-11-00
Date of entry/update: 2011-09-09
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 215.07 KB
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Description: Conclusions and Recommendations: * Two months after a new government took over the reins of power in Burma, it is too early to make any definitive assessment of the prospects for improved governance and peace in ethnic areas. Initial signs give some reason for optimism, but the difficulty of overcoming sixty years of conflict and strongly-felt grievances and deep suspicions should not be underestimated... * The economic and geostrategic realities are changing fast, and they will have a fundamental impact ? positive and negative ? on Burma?s borderlands. But unless ethnic communities are able to have much greater say in the governance of their affairs, and begin to see tangible benefits from the massive development projects in their areas, peace and broadbased development will remain elusive... * The new decentralized governance structures have the potential to make a positive contribution in this regard, but it is unclear if they can evolve into sufficiently powerful and genuinely representative bodies quickly enough to satisfy ethnic * There has been renewed fighting in Shan State, and there are warning signs that more ethnic ceasefires could break down. Negotiations with armed groups and an improved future for long-marginalized ethnic populations is the only way that peace can be achieved.
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 6, May 2011
2011-05-29
Date of entry/update: 2011-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 352.53 KB
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Description: Conclusions and Recommendations: * An inclusive endgame has long been needed to achieve national reconciliation. But political and ethnic exclusions are continuing in national politics. If divisions persist, Burma?s legacy of state failure and national under-achievement will continue... * The moment of opportunity of a new government should not be lost. It is vital that the new government pursues policies that support dialogue and participation for all peoples in the new political and economic system. Policies that favour the armed forces and military solutions will perpetuate divisions and instability... * Opposition groups must face how their diversity and disunity have contributed to Burma?s history of state failure. If they are to support democratic and ethnic reforms, national participation and unity over goals and tactics are essential. All sides must transcend the divisions of the past... * As the new political era begins, the international community should prioritise policies that promote conflict resolution, political rights and equitable opportunity for all ethnic groups in national life, including the economy, health and education. Continued repression and exclusion will deepen grievances ? not resolve them.
Source/publisher: Transnational Institute (TNI) & Burma Centrum Nederland (BCN). Burma Policy Briefing Nr 5, February 2011
2011-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2011-05-30
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 461.56 KB
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Description: "Public participation is a key issue in the context of minority and indigenous peoples? rights. This Report, by a leading constitutional lawyer, clearly describes the range of devices that can be used to provide for participation - representation, power sharing, autonomy and self-determination - and discusses the experiences of constitutional and political provision for minorities and indigenous peoples. This is supplemented with a wealth of examples: Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cyprus, Fiji, India, Northern Ireland and South Africa amongst others."
Creator/author: Yash Ghai
Source/publisher: Minority Rights Group International
2001-04-01
Date of entry/update: 2010-08-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: "On 16-17 May 2003 a workshop was held in New Delhi, India, and on the 19- 21 May 2003 a similar workshop was held in Chiangmai, Thailand, organized by International IDEA and the Women?s League of Burma (WLB). The aims of the workshops were to strengthen capacities of women from the ethnic nationalities to participate in and shape the National Reconciliation Process in Burma. The resources persons for the workshops were: Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and Director of the International Center for Ethnic Studies who spoke both about the international context and standards of women?s participation in peace processes and about the Sri Lankan experience in particular. Ms. Myriam M?ndez-Montalvo, Senior Programme Officer for International IDEA, who spoke about experiences in Colombia and Guatemala, Ms. Nomboniso Gasa, former Member of the Commission for Gender Equality in South Africa, who spoke about women?s peace building initiatives in South Africa. Ms. Jyotsna Chatterji, Director of the Joint Women?s Program, India participated in New Delhi only and spoke of the experiences of women in India. Ms. Theresa Kelly, founding member of the Women?s Coalition of Northern Ireland, participated in Chiangmai only and spoke about the creation of the Women?s Coalition and its role in the peace process and in current politics in Northern Ireland..."
Source/publisher: Women?s League of Burma, International IDEA
2002-05-21
Date of entry/update: 2010-08-06
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Executive Summary: "Cyclone Nargis is believed to be the worst recorded natural disaster in Myanmar?s history. It swept through the South Eastern region of Myanmar in early May 2008. It caused widespread destruction and devastation. This book contains a collection of narratives obtained through interviews with key actors involved in the cyclone relief effort. We primarily interviewed members of local organisations but have also included a number of alternate perspectives from external actors who work closely with the Myanmar context. The following summary reflects the main points gained from this project: * On the one hand, Cyclone Nargis brought so much destruction. At the same time, it brought people together and provided the opportunity for people in civil society to take action and mount a response to the disaster. This is of particular significance in the Myanmar context where civil society is struggling with the impact of decades of civil war and division amongst identity groups such as clan, ethnicity, religion, or geographic/regional affiliation, or a mixture of these. * As these narratives outline, the response to Cyclone Nargis was massive, immediate and greatly increased people?s capacities in building relationships, working with communities outside traditional target areas, integrating existing programs and working with the authorities. Those providing the response comprised NGOs, business entities, religious institutions, government authorities, and community organisations both highly organised and loosely organised. * Cyclone Nargis provided a number of opportunities for collaboration amongst actors who had previously been looking to work together for some time. It created the conditions for alliances to be forged and many organisations set out strategically to build their networks and integrate existing programs such as environmental awareness, participatory community organising, peacebuilding, etc. have had a much greater destructive impact. A great deal of international assistance was prevented from reaching affected populations due to Government restrictions on entering Myanmar. This situation provided the opportunity for local and international organisations, including the UN, to build their connections and develop strong relationships for their field operations during the relief effort. * Capacity building work carried out by NGOs prior to Cyclone Nargis was able to be capitalised upon in the wake of the disaster. Networks already existed so organisations were able to quickly mobilise community organisers, trauma healers and, in some instances, disaster response teams. Despite this however, capacity building was highlighted by the organisations we interviewed as a significant need of organisations in Myanmar and an area where external organisations can greatly assist. * Through Cyclone Nargis, young people were able to gain volunteer experience and employment as a result of the expansion in NGO activities in responding to the disaster. The focus on building the younger generation is particularly important in the Myanmar context as decades of civil war has led to a decline in education standards and employment opportunities for young people. Building a sense of community by engaging young people in community work and exposing them to different contexts can inspire and encourage young people to become socially active. * External organisations in Myanmar need to understand the local context and the conflict dynamics. This understanding is critical if the assistance provided by external organisations is going to have any resonance. Moreover, without understanding the context and conflict dynamics, local organisations will be unnecessarily burdened by the expectations of outside entities and can potentially be put at risk. * Isolationist policies adopted by the international community towards Myanmar need to be reconsidered. These policies further polarise issues resulting in the Government becoming more entrenched in their position. The majority of civil society groups we interviewed for this project were balancing working with the Government with their commitment to communities. * In carrying out emergency response work for Cyclone Nargis, organisations became aware of the interdisciplinary nature of relief work and the need to work holistically in responding to the context. This necessitated being flexible and creative. * An acceptance that organisations can develop a working relationship with Government and benefit from it, was a key learning expressed by many of the organisations we interviewed. This learning reinforces the importance of networking and building relationships. * A number of organisations interviewed expressed that external organisation should trust the local people to do the work and also support and strengthen local mechanisms in program cycle management. This includes building skills in reporting, monitoring and evaluation. A strong recommendation emerged that participation in developing frameworks and co-operation between external and local organisations and community people, is required."
Source/publisher: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS)
2009-05-03
Date of entry/update: 2010-07-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 810.49 KB
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Description: * Crucial developments are taking place in Burma / Myanmar?s political landscape. Generation change, the change of the nominal political system, and the recovery from a major natural disaster can lead to many directions. Some of these changes can possibly pave the way for violent societal disruptions. * As an external actor the international community may further add to political tensions through their intervening policies. For this reason it is very important that the international community assesses its impact on the agents and structure of conflict in Burma / Myanmar. * This study aims at mapping the opportunities and risks that various types of international aid interventions may have in the country. * The study utilizes and further develops the peace and conflict impact assessment methodology of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
Creator/author: Timo Kivimaki & Paul Pasch
Source/publisher: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (PCIA - Country Conflict-Analysis Study)
2009-10-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-05-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 1.28 MB
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Description: "...This report sets out the vitally important role of Burma's political prisoners in a process of national reconciliation, leading to democratic transition. A genuine, inclusive process of national reconciliation is urgently needed to resolve the current conflicts and make progress towards peace and democracy. A crucial first step in a national reconciliation process is official recognition of ALL Burma's 2,100 plus political prisoners, accompanied by their unconditional release. This is an essential part of trust-building between the military rulers, democratic forces, and wider society. In order for progress towards genuine national reconciliation and democratic transition to be sustainable, ordinary people across Burma must believe in the process. As long as activists remain in prison or continue to be arrested for voicing their political dissent, the people of Burma will have no trust in any political process proposed by the SPDC..."
Source/publisher: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP)
2010-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2010-05-21
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English (full text); Shan, Kachin, Burmese (executive summary)
Format : pdf pdf pdf pdf
Size: 4.75 MB 135.27 KB 140.93 KB 56.15 KB
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Description: Executive Summary: "The bizarre prosecution and conviction of opposition leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi for violating her house arrest has returned attention to repression in Myanmar, as preparations were underway for the first national elections in twenty years, now scheduled for 2010. This further undermined what little credibility the exercise may have had, especially when based on a constitution that institutionalises the militaryâ�" a number of prominent regime opponents have been arrested and sentenced to prison terms over the last year â�" the constitution and elections together will fundamentally change the political landscape in a way the government may not be able to control. Senior Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye may soon step down or move to ceremonial roles, making way for a younger military generation. All stakeholders should be alert to opportunities that may arise to push the new government toward reform and reconciliation. At first glance, the obstacles to change seem over­whelming. The 2008 constitution entrenches military power by reserving substantial blocs of seats in the national and local legislatures for the army, creating a strong new national defence and security council and vesting extraordinary powers in the commander-in-chief. It prevents Aung San Suu Kyi from standing for president, even if she were not imprisoned. It is extremely difficult to amend. And while not all regulations relating to the administration of the elections have been an­nounced, they are unlikely to offer much room for manoevre to opposition parties. But the elections are significant because the controversial constitution on which they are based involves a complete reconfiguration of the political structure â�" establishing a presidential system of government with a bicameral legislature as well as fourteen regional governments and assemblies â�" the most wide-ranging shake-up in a generation. The change will not inevitably be for the better, but it offers an opportunity to influence the future direction of the country. Ultimately, even assuming that the intention of the regime is to consolidate military rule rather than begin a transition away from it, such processes often lead in unexpected directions. This report looks at the elections in the context of Myan­marâ�™s constitutional history. It examines key provisions of the 2008 constitution and shows how many of the controversial articles were simply taken from its 1947 or 1974 predecessors. Noteworthy new provisions include strict requirements on presidential candidates, the establishment of state/regional legislatures and governments, the reservation of legislative seats for the military, military control of key security ministries, the authority granted to the military to administer its own affairs (in particular military justice) and the creation of a constitutional tribunal. Criticism of the constitution from groups within Myan­mar has focused on military control, ethnic autonomy, qualifications for political office, and the very difficult amendment procedures. The main reaction of the populace to it and the forthcoming elections is indifference, rooted in a belief that nothing much will change. Some of the so-called ceasefire groups â�" ethnic minorities that have ended their conflicts with the government â�" are endorsing ethnic political parties that will take part in the polls. These groups take a negative view of the constitution but feel that there may be some limited opening of political space, particularly at the regional level, and that they should position themselves to take advantage of this. There are increased tensions, however, as the regime is pushing these groups to transform into border guard forces partially under the command of the national army. The National League for Democracy (NLD), winner of the 1990 elections, has said it will only take part if the constitution is changed, and it is given the freedom to organise. Assuming this will not happen, it is not yet clear if it will call for a complete boycott in an attempt to deny the elections legitimacy or urge its supporters to vote for other candidates. A boycott could play into the hands of the military government, since it would not prevent the election from going ahead and would mainly deprive non-government candidates of votes, potentially narrowing the range of voices in future legislatures. The Myanmar authorities must make the electoral process more credible. Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners must be released now and allowed to participate fully in the electoral process; politically-motivated arrests must cease. It also critical that key electoral legislation be promulgated as soon as possible, in a way that allows parties to register without undue restriction, gives space for canvassing activities and ensures transparent counting of votes. The international community, including Myanmarâ�™s ASEAN neighbours, must continue to press for these measures while looking for opportunities that the elections may bring. This will require a pragmatic and nuanced strategy towards the new government at the very time, following a deeply flawed electoral process, when pressure will be greatest for a tough stance. The new Myanmar government, whatever its policies, will not be capable of reversing overnight a culture of impunity and decades of abuses and political restrictions. But following the elections, the international community must be ready to respond to any incremental positive steps in a calibrated and timely fashion. To have any hope of inducing a reform course, it is critical to find ways to communicate unambiguously that a renormalisation of external relations is possible..."
Source/publisher: International Crisis Group (Asia Report N°174)
2009-08-20
Date of entry/update: 2009-08-24
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2.49 MB
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Description: The Union of Myanmar (Burma) has suffered political and ethnic conflict for more than half a century, which continues to hamper the country's social, political and economic development. The present report, prepared by the Crisis Management Initiative for the European Commission, seeks to map the conflict landscape, including its history, the actors involved, and the main obstacles and opportunities for dialogue and reconciliation. It assesses the change processes currently underway in the country and considers relevant comparative experiences from similar transitions elsewhere in the world. The final section contains specific recommendations to the EU and its member states, with particular attention to the possible role for a private (track-2) facilitator.....CONTENTS: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY... II. INTRODUCTION... A. Background... B. CMI and Its Mandate... C. The Report... III. OVERVIEW OF THE CONFLICTS... A. General Overview... 1. Types of Conflict... 2. Patterns of Conflict... 3. Consequences of conflict... B. The History of the Main Conflicts... 1. The Struggle over Democracy and Human Rights... 2. The Struggle over Ethnic Autonomy and Equal Rights... 3. Inter-linkages between the Two Struggles... IV. CONFLICT ACTORS... A. The Military Regime... 1. Leadership... 2. Regime structures... 3. Political Agenda ... 4. Underlying values and interests... B. The Democracy Movement... 1. The NLD... 2. Popular activism... 3. Border politics... 4. Exile groups... 5. Challenges for the democracy movement... 6. Facing the challenges: The "new opposition"... C. The Ethnic Nationalist Movement... 1. Ethnic organisations... 2. Ethnic grievances and aspirations... 3. Strategies for change... 4. Recent Trends... 5. Comparing constitutions... V. CONFLICT DIAGNOSIS... A. Obstacles to Reconciliation... 1. Complexity... 2. Mutually exclusive solutions... 3. Institutionalisation of the conflicts... 4. Asymmetric power (and conflict trends)... B. Opportunities for Reconciliation... 1. The search for legitimacy... 2. Institutional reform... 3. Generational change... 4. Burmese views and hopes... VI. PEACE AND THE NEED FOR INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT... A. The State... B. Civil society... VII. EU BURMA POLICY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: GLOBAL LESSONS FOR INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT TO DEMOCRATISATION AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION... A . European Objectives of Economic Pressure and Support of Democracy and Conflict Prevention... B. International Influence and Domestic Power Settings in Democratising Nations... C. Successful Strategy of Sanctions... 1. How to Make Sanctions Work?... D. Can Positive Means of Supporting Conflict Management Supplement Economic Pressure? ... 1. Burma's ethnic conflict structures... 2. Conflict Resolution in Burma ... E. Can Economic Pressure Be Complemented by Positive Means of Building Good Governance?... F. How Should Positive Work for Democracy Complement Economic Pressure?... VIII. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS... A. How to Prevent Violence in Burma?... B. Conflict Resolution... 1. Sanctions and beyond ... 2. Positive European Contribution for Conflict Resolution ... C. Could Europe Help the Transformation of Structures of Conflict in Burma?... LIST OF REFERENCES... Annex 1: The procedure for invoking Article 96 (consultation article) of the Cotonou Agreement... Annex 2: 20 Most Dramatic Processes of Democratization Since 1900.
Creator/author: Timo Kivimäki & Morten B. Pedersen
Source/publisher: Crisis Management Initiative: Martti Ahtisaari Rapid Reaction Facility
2008-10-31
Date of entry/update: 2008-11-03
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : pdf
Size: 2 MB
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Description: Not a homegrown expression, but one Burmese politicians use to describe the state of political debate. In Burma, the sound of political dialogue is the pure white static of silence... "The problem is so bad that any article which even mentions "dialogue" immediately looks hopelessly off the mark. Burmese politicians aren?t the only ones afflicted by one-hand-clapping syndrome. The entire Rangoon diplomatic corps woke in early November to discover that the capital was being relocated at an astrologically auspicious moment to Pyinmana, a semi-constructed command and control center to the north..."
Creator/author: Dominic Faulder
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 14, No3
2006-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Philippine general?s 1986 role could be a model for change in Rangoon... "The Philippines"Edsa" uprising against President Marcos?s authoritarian rule inspired Burmese democrats. They followed the news of the peoples? resistance in Manila avidly. They admired the sight of Gen Fidel Ramos atop a tank, leading mutinying Philippine troops supported by thousands of pro-democracy protesters. And as Marcos fled the country and democracy was restored to Southeast Asia?s once most vibrant democratic nation, the Burmese yearned for a similar scenario in Rangoon. Two years later, in 1988, Burma?s democracy advocates had a shot at removing the ruling Burma Socialist Program Party led by despotic Gen Ne Win. But unlike the Philippine resistance, the Burmese failed. No reminder is needed, but that failure has brought untold misery to the nation. And most of Burma?s 54 million people continue to pay the price to this day..."
Creator/author: Aung Naing Oo
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 14, No3
2006-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Burma?s military is riven by internal conflicts. Snr-Gen Than Shwe, however, seems completely unfazed... "Burma?s military leaders began expanding their army, navy and air force soon after crushing the nationwide democracy uprising in 1988. With the help of powerful neighbors and friends in the West, they began stocking up on new jet fighters, warships, tanks and ammunition. Today, Burma?s military is one of the strongest in the region. The country?s once powerful rebel armies are now under control, and traditional opposition groups and student activists have been largely obliterated. Despite this, Burma?s all-powerful generals have never quite lost their siege mentality. Their incompetence in solving the country?s economic and social woes is causing alarm throughout the region. Faced with threats from new, urban opposition, pockets of insurgency and increasing international pressure, Burma remains isolated and the generals paranoid..."
Creator/author: Aung Zaw
Source/publisher: "The Irrawaddy" Vol. 14, No3
2006-03-00
Date of entry/update: 2006-05-01
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
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Description: Zu Beginn der neunziger Jahre reagierten die EU und die USA auf die 1988 erfolgte Machtübernahme des Militärs in Birma und die Nichtanerkennung des 1990 errungenen Wahlsiegs der Opposition mit der öffentlichen Verurteilung dieses Regimes und einer Reihe wirtschaftlicher und politischer Sanktionen. Die ASEAN-Staaten wie auch UNO-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan setzten hingegen auf eine Strategie des »konstruktiven Engagements«, die durch einen intensiven Dialog mit der Regierung in Rangun den Weg zu politischen Reformen zu ebnen versuchte. Beide Strategien haben bislang nicht zu den beabsichtigten Ergebnissen geführt. Ausgangspunkt dieser Studie ist daher die Frage, welche Faktoren zu jener fast unauflöslich erscheinenden Konfrontation zwischen der Militärregierung einerseits und der birmanischen Opposition sowie den westlich orientierten Staaten andererseits geführt haben und welche Strategie von außen, vor allem von der EU, entwickelt werden sollte, um eine Neugestaltung der politischen Machtverhältnisse und eine Verbesserung der mehr als desolaten Lebensverhältnisse vieler Einwohner Birmas zu erzielen. Die Studie kommt zu dem Schluß, daß die politische und wirtschaftliche Krise Birmas nur durch einen langfristigen und umfassenden Transformationsprozeß bewältigt werden kann, in dem Veränderungen der sozioökonomischen Basis und der politischen Strukturen eng miteinander zu verknüpfen sind. Von Seiten des Auslands - nicht zuletzt der EU - kann und sollte dieser Transformationsprozeß nach Kräften und in den unterschiedlichsten Bereichen gefördert werden. Hierbei müssen positive Anreize und Druck einander nicht ausschließen, sondern es wäre im jeweiligen Einzelfall zu prüfen, ob eine Zusammenarbeit möglich und nützlich erscheint oder aber verweigert werden muß. Ways out of isolation, Burma's national and international reconciliation process, transition and democratisation
Creator/author: Gerhard Will
Source/publisher: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
2003-08-00
Date of entry/update: 2005-07-18
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: Deutsch, German
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Description: ABSTRACT: "This article examines social and political transition in Myanmar (Burma). Strategies for transition in Myanmar have tended to focus on elite-level politics, rather than grass-roots democratisation and social mobilisation. However, both approaches are necessary - although neither is sufficient in itself. While change at the national/elite level is urgently required, sustained democratic transition can only be achieved if accompanied by local participation. The tentative re-emergence of civil society networks within and between ethnic nationality/ minority communities over the past decade is one of the most significant - but under-examined - aspects of the social and political situation in Myanmar. ‘Development from below?, and efforts to build local democracy from the ‘bottom-up?, using local capacities and social capital, are underway in government-controlled areas, and in some ethnic nationality-populated ceasefire and war zones (including insurgent-controlled areas), as well as in neighbouring countries. However, the sector is still under-developed, and changes coming from civil society will be gradual, and need to be supported. This article examines the strategic challenges facing ethnic nationalist leaders and communities at this key period in Myanmar?s history. It also addresses the roles that foreign aid can play in supporting the re-emergence of civil society in Myanmar, and advocates a policy of selective (or targeted) engagement?..."
Creator/author: Ashley South
Source/publisher: Ashley South
2005-02-00
Date of entry/update: 2005-02-26
Grouping: Individual Documents
Language: English
Format : htm
Size: 171.63 KB
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