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BurmaNet News: August 26, 2001
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
August 26, 2001 Issue # 1872
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
INSIDE BURMA _______
*In These Times: Pariah Nation
*Reuters: Megawati in Myanmar, no Suu Kyi meeting planned
*AFP: UN envoy to make new tilt at pushing ahead historic dialogue
*Xinhua: 33 Fires Occur in Myanmar in July
MONEY _______
*Bangkok Post: Foreign Labour - Employers seek further reprieve
GUNS______
*Freedom News (SSA): Old Shan monastery, burned by Burmese
DRUGS______
*Bangkok Post: Wa taking smuggled cars in barter deals with local help
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AFP: Myanmar's intelligence chief to visit Thailand
*Xinhua: Myanmar Leader Meets Chinese Vice Foreign Minister
*AFP: Thailand seals border in attempt to stop influx of illegal workers
EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA________
*In These Times: Burma Inc.
*Irrawaddy online: Japanese Aid to Burma Only Adds to Confusion
OTHER______
*Burmese Women Association (Melbourne, Australia): Invitation for a Fund
Raising Lunch for Burmese Refugee Children
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
In These Times: Pariah Nation
October 2001
Most days, the area surrounding University Avenue, home to one of the
world's most famous political prisoners, is quiet. Outside the house of
Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese opposition leader who has been under house
arrest on and off since the ruling junta cancelled elections more than a
decade ago, barricades prevent curious visitors from getting too close.
Troops wander around, smoking cigarettes and chatting among themselves.
Several blocks away, a few aging Japanese sedans and battered
three-wheeled taxis putter along.
Inside Suu Kyi's home, however, momentous happenings appear to be
underway. For the first time since the mid-'90s, leaders of the Burmese
junta have initiated a dialogue with Suu Kyi's party, the National
League for Democracy (NLD), on the shape of Burma's political future.
And as discussions between the NLD and the junta have proceeded, some
optimistic observers are predicting that four decades of military rule
are drawing to a close. But in Burma, a land ruled by an opaque regime,
events are rarely as simple as they seem.
Things hardly could get worse. In 1962, the military seized power and
plunged Burma into decades of self-imposed isolation. As Burma's
economy, once one of the strongest in Southeast Asia, deteriorated, it
triggered popular unrest. In 1988, anti-government demonstrations
shattered the state's tranquility and brought Suu Kyi, daughter of slain
independence hero Aung San, to the forefront of the pro-democracy
opposition. But the military crushed the 1988 demonstrations, killing
thousands of students; in 1989, it placed Suu Kyi under house arrest.
Yet in 1990, the military regime allowed free elections, perhaps because
the junta mistakenly believed it would win the poll. Instead, the NLD
swept the election. Shortly afterward, the junta nullified the vote, and
Suu Kyi remained under house arrest. (After throwing out the 1990
elections, the generals began calling the country Myanmar.) She was
freed in 1995, but placed under house arrest once again last fall after
attempting to travel outside Rangoon to visit members of her party.
While Suu Kyi languished, the junta attempted to demolish the NLD. The
regime closed Rangoon's universities, which had been hotbeds of protest
in 1988, creating a lost generation of Burmese students who never
finished their education (hundreds of unemployed young adults can be
seen spending their days idling around downtown Rangoon). Lower-level
NLD workers were detained in government-run "guesthouses," and many NLD
party offices were shuttered. Tin Oo, a leading member of the State
Peace and Development Council (SPDC), the official name for the junta,
told Burma's state press that Suu Kyi would be "crushed without mercy."
In January, however, a junta spokesman unexpectedly announced that the
generals were talking with Suu Kyi in an effort to promote national
reconciliation and stability. Although the junta has refused to provide
details of the talks, sources in the military say that top members of
the junta have been regularly visiting Suu Kyi's home.
In an apparent effort to demonstrate its sincerity, the junta also has
made concessions to the NLD. The generals have allowed Suu Kyi to meet
with the U.N. human rights inspector, who had been barred from Burma for
five years. The SPDC has released more than 140 political prisoners,
including two famous comedians known here as the "Mustache Brothers" who
had been jailed for performing skits that poked fun at the government.
The military also allowed the NLD to reopen a party office in Taikkyi, a
suburb of Rangoon, and freed Suu Kyi's cousin and aide, Aye Win, from
prison. "The SPDC has taken some steps that show they're trying to boost
goodwill towards Suu Kyi," says David Steinberg, a Burma expert at
Georgetown University.
Almost immediately, key players praised the apparent rapprochement. In
early 2001, the All Burma Students Democratic Front, a Thailand-based
organization of Burmese students who have fled the country, celebrated
the dialogue as "a historic breakthrough." Meanwhile, Surakiart
Sathirathai, foreign minister of Thailand, told reporters: "National
reconciliation [in Burma] is moving."
Exactly why the SPDC decided to open a dialogue with Suu Kyi is unclear.
A few analysts say sanctions levied against Burma by Western
governments--including the United States--finally embarrassed and
isolated the regime so much that it was forced to negotiate. Others
posit that Burma's recent economic collapse forced the generals to the
bargaining table. The Burmese economy definitely has seen better times:
Inflation is running at more than 20 percent, and the country's
currency, the kyat, is depreciating precipitously. Essential goods in
Rangoon have become at least four times more expensive over the past
three years.
But to many Burma experts, one thing is clear: The military is not going
to fade away into the smoggy Rangoon night. "The regime doesn't want to
lose control--it saw how the military in Indonesia was made feebler when
it allowed some power to be handed over to civilians," says Michael
Aung-Thwin, a Burma expert at the University of Hawaii. "The junta
remains conservative, and I don't think for a moment that the NLD will
wind up in charge of the country."
Indeed, while talking with Suu Kyi and using the dialogue to woo the
regional and
international media, the junta has continued to consolidate its hold on
Burma. Although the case has received limited attention in the press,
Suu Kyi's brother, Aung San Oo--a businessman and U.S. citizen--has sued
his sister in an attempt to reclaim half of her residence, which he says
should be a jointly owned family property. Several Bangkok-based
analysts believe the junta pushed Aung San Oo, who is not a
pro-democracy activist, to file the suit. Since foreigners cannot hold
property in Burma, if Aung San Oo wins, his half of the house would be
turned over to the government, which then potentially could evict his
sister.
What's more, Suu Kyi remains under house arrest, and the country's jails
are still near bursting. According to Amnesty International, the Rangoon
junta holds more than 1,800 political prisoners. Over the past year, the
military arrested more than 200 members of opposition parties. "While
they're talking with Suu Kyi, the military is taking more political
prisoners," says Jeremy Woodrum, director of the Washington office of
the Free Burma Coalition, a pro-democracy group.
On this year's Armed Forces Day, a time when top brass signal the coming
year's policies, junta head Than Shwe warned that democracy would bring
"chaos and instability" to Burma. Than Shwe's tough comments lend
credence to reports that, even as talks continue, a group of hard-liners
centered around army chief Maung Aye has gained the upper hand within
the SPDC. Perhaps because of the junta's intransigence, Suu Kyi did not
appear at a Martyr's Day parade honoring her father--a move analysts
took as a sign the opposition leader was fed up with the regime's
dialogue.
Outside Rangoon, the military continues to battle ethnic-minority
militias and to align itself with some of the world's most unsavory drug
traffickers. The SPDC "continues to vigorously wage war against the
ethnic nationalities and ruthlessly oppresses the people," read a
statement issued by the Karen National Union (KNU), one of the leading
militias. "These acts are diametrically opposed to the goal of resolving
basic political problems."
To fight the KNU and other ethnic minority groups pushing for democracy,
the junta allies itself with the United Wa State Army (UWSA), a
guerrilla group based along the Thailand border that funds itself by
trafficking opium, amphetamines and other drugs. Although SPDC leaders
insist they are doing their best to combat narcotics production, drug
enforcement officials based in Southeast Asia contend that the Rangoon
regime turns a blind eye to the UWSA's business, and even skims off a
percentage of their drug money. "The drug trade has become a significant
factor in the overall economy, and the regime has obtained vital revenue
from the reinvestment of narcotics profits," says a report on Burma by
the International Crisis Group. In recognition of the junta's support,
the UWSA battles ethnic minority opponents of the junta.
Meanwhile, the SPDC has utilized the talks with Suu Kyi to boost ties
with Asian neighbors, who are more important to the junta's long-term
survival. Rangoon today has few economic ties with Western
nations--Japan, China, India, Thailand, Singapore and Pakistan are
Burma's most important allies--and the country's economy revolves around
the military. "The junta has tight control of the important sectors of
the economy, and it is actually consolidating that control," Aung-Thwin
says. "The Asian nations are much more willing to do business with
Burma. ... The sanctions don't really affect Burma's business with China
or Thailand."
These Asian allies now are drawing closer to Rangoon, as the stigma of
dealing with the SPDC has begun to dissipate. Over the past two months,
Japan's most powerful business group, the Keidanren, has held talks with
the junta, and the Japanese government has approved a $28.6 million aid
package to Rangoon. "It is extremely important to the Japanese
government that they have influence in Burma," Steinberg says. "They
will do most anything to be in Burma." Meanwhile, Malaysia is helping to
develop Burma's gas fields, and Thailand's new prime minister, Thaksin
Shinawatra, has demonstrated no interest in discussing Burma's human
rights problems.
Despite the significant obstacles to any deal between the junta and Suu
Kyi, several influential commentators continue to promise a major
breakthrough. Thai Defense Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who has close
ties with several SPDC members, told local reporters that the NLD and
the junta could soon form a national government. "I've got a sixth sense
that something positive is going to happen soon," Chavalit said. "The
trend is quite encouraging." Meanwhile, Roger Mitton, a writer for
Asiaweek and probably the most influential journalist on Burma issues,
has suggested that the junta and NLD might agree to a deal in which the
generals would receive an amnesty and Suu Kyi would become head of
state.
But this optimism seems misplaced. Burma has little culture of political
pluralism: Since World War II, the country has experienced six decades
of turbulence, in-fighting and military rule. Ethnic divisions still
plague the country. The junta continues to hold nearly all the cards,
and it may be playing its aces to lure Asian companies and overcome
Western sanctions.
"The SPDC has held talks with Suu Kyi before [in 1994], when they ended
the talks and then blamed the failure on Suu Kyi," Woodrum says. "They
could easily end the dialogue again and then blame Suu Kyi for being
difficult." Indeed, Steinberg adds, even if the dialogue between the
SPDC and Suu Kyi continues, the most likely scenario is some arrangement
where the junta retains almost total power over the command-style
economy and considerable control over the political scene.
For its part, Washington can't do much to help the opposition. Although
Burma's economy is in bad shape, and proposed U.S. legislation to ban
all imports from Burma would hurt Rangoon's garment industry, as the
SPDC develops closer trade and aid links with its Asian neighbors it has
less need for American investment. "Certainly, the regime would like
American companies to come to Rangoon, but it doesn't need them if Japan
and Thailand are pragmatic and invest in Burma," says Aung-Thwin. "So
the SPDC can continue to go its own way."
Joshua Schenker is the pen name of a journalist who has written
extensively on Southeast Asian politics.
___________________________________________________
Reuters: Megawati in Myanmar, no Suu Kyi meeting planned
By Aung Hla Tun
YANGON, Aug 24 (Reuters) - New Indonesian President Megawati
Sukarnoputri visited Myanmar on Friday on the latest leg of a whirlwind
tour through southeast Asia to drum up business and reassure the region
that her vast country was on the mend.
Megawati was due to have lunch with Senior General Than Shwe, chairman
of the military government, before flying to Bangkok for a meeting with
Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
She was not expected to meet pro-democracy opposition leader Aung San
Suu Kyi -- a woman who Megawati has said she admires, and whose life has
many parallels with her own.
Megawati, daughter of Indonesia's founding President Sukarno, became a
symbol of democracy in Indonesia due to her opposition to the
military-backed government there in the 1990s.
Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Burmese independence hero General Aung
San, spent six years under house arrest from 1989 and has been held in
de facto house arrest for nearly a year because of her pro-democracy
campaigning.
Senior Indonesian diplomats said no meeting between Megawati and Suu
Kyi had been planned.
Myanmar is the fifth stop in Megawati's eight-day trip to all nine
fellow member states of the Association of South East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) -- the Philippines, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand,
Brunei, Singapore and Malaysia.
She left Cambodia on Friday morning, after a visit upon which she
discussed with Prime Minister Hun Sen ways to boost Indonesian
investment in Cambodia.
Cambodian Commerce Minister Cham Prasidh said the two leaders also
discussed the possibility of direct air links between Indonesia and
Cambodia, and improving shipping links.
In Thailand, Megawati is expected to discuss ways of boosting bilateral
trade, and of trading using local currencies to avoid having to use the
U.S. dollar.
Diplomats have said Megawati's regional tour is partly aimed at
displaying her confidence in weathering troubles at home, following her
sudden ascent to the presidency last month.
Megawati's tour highlights a week of diplomatic forays by ASEAN leaders
anxious to find ways to put their countries back on the world investment
map.
Vietnamese President Tran Doc Luong is on a three-day visit to South
Korea, and Thaksin visited Singapore earlier this week, mainly to try to
drum up investment.
Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo arrives in Singapore on
Friday after a visit to Brunei.
___________________________________________________
AFP: UN envoy to make new tilt at pushing ahead historic dialogue
BANGKOK, Aug 26 (AFP) - UN envoy Razali Ismail arrives in Myanmar Monday
to launch a new attempt at accelerating historic talks between the junta
and democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi which began 10 months ago.
The four-day mission is the fifth by the Malaysian diplomat since UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan appointed him in April 2000 with a brief to
help end a decade of political deadlock in the military-run nation.
On each occasion he has met with top members of the junta and been
allowed to visit Aung San Suu Kyi at her lakeside residence, where she
has been held under loose house arrest restrictions since September.
"Razali has the trust of both sides. All his visits have been
fruitful," a spokesman for the junta told AFP on a recent visit to
Yangon.
Diplomats agree that Razali plays a vital role in efforts to bridge the
gap between the generals and the democratic opposition, which has never
been allowed to take power despite winning a landslide election victory
in 1990.
"As long as Razali is engaged, his visits have always had an impact,
she will continue to put her trust in him," said one Western ambassador,
referring to the charismatic National League for Democracy (NLD) leader.
Informed sources in Yangon say that since they began meeting last
October, the two camps have not progressed past the first stage of the
process which is aimed at creating a "climate of confidence and mutual
respect".
The new atmosphere has seen the release of around 170 political
prisoners in small groups over the past few months.
But eventually the aim is to establish a full-blown "national
reconciliation" process and the drafting of a new constitution which
would herald the return of civilian government after 40 years of
military rule.
Observers have been heartened by the prisoner releases, but note that
only about 60 are from a "priority list" of 200 presented to the junta
by Razali when he last visited in June.
"Aung San Suu Kyi is frustrated at the pace (of the releases). She
thinks they could move a lot faster," said one diplomat.
The international community meanwhile is waiting for some proof of the
generals' sincerity, like a mass release of prisoners or a decision to
free Aung San Suu Kyi and her two top aides who also remain in
detention.
This week Razali is scheduled to meet again with Myanmar's leader
Senior General Than Shwe as well as its influential chief of military
intelligence Lieutenant-General Than Shwe.
He is expected to see Aung San Suu Kyi twice, as he has on past visits
where he has also held talks with leaders of the religious, ethnic and
business communities who also have a stake in moves for reform.
Foreign missions in Yangon remain divided over how to deal with the
notoriously intransigent junta, but agree that the "Razali initiative"
is Myanmar's best chance to emerge from the damaging political impasse.
"His role is to ensure that progress is made, without interfering in
the substance of the discussion," said a well-informed source.
"But his patience will be tested if the process does not move ahead,"
he said.
For its part, the junta remains fearful of unleashing a force it cannot
control and "those who are in favour of the dialogue are confronting
strong opposition from others who are not."
"But when the one-year mark arrives, something will have to happen,"
the source said.
___________________________________________________
Xinhua: 33 Fires Occur in Myanmar in July
YANGON, August 26 (Xinhua) -- A total of 33 fires broke out in Myanmar
in July, causing a loss of 3.77 million Kyats (about 10, 771 U.S.
dollars) worth of property, according to the Fire Department Sunday. Of
the fire cases in the month, 24 were due to negligence, eight to
electrical faults and one to arson. However, it declined to disclose the
casualties in the fire. Although it is now the rainy season, the Myanmar
authorities are urging the people to continue to take fire prevention
measures and to have buildings, factories, warehouses and hospitals well
inspected and get fire equipment ready. Myanmar's fire prevention
services are carried out through over 540 fire stations and by over
71,300 firemen, according to the department
______________________MONEY________________________
Bangkok Post: Foreign Labour - Employers seek further reprieve
August 24, 2001.
But minister firm on enforcing the ban
Penchan Charoensuthiphan
Businesses relying on foreign labour have pleaded for further reprieve
as the deadline for enforcing a ban on employment of illegal foreign
workers approaches.
Many employers of foreign labour have petitioned the Labour Ministry to
put off crackdowns on illegal workers until all foreigners hired for
specific jobs allowed by the state are registered, said Deputy Labour
Minister Ladawan Wongsriwong yesterday.
Among the petititioners were representatives of Tak's chamber of
commerce and industrial council, she said.
However, Dej Boonlong, the labour minister, said yesterday the grace
period ending on Aug 31 would not be extended further.
Crackdowns on illegal foreign workers would start immediately after the
registration period expired on Sept 29, he said.
Employers in Tak had given him a list of more than 20,000 foreign
workers they wanted to register, he added.
Mr Dej said details of the ministry's proposal on foreign labour control
would be discussed at today's National Security Council meeting and then
forwarded to cabinet for acknowledgement.
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, as the NSC chairman, had already
endorsed the ministry's plan to start cracking down on illegal foreign
workers and their employers after Sept 29.
_______________________GUNS________________________
Freedom News (SSA): Old Shan monastery, burned by Burmese
June-July 2001
[Shan State Army]
On 5th May 2001, (14th day of the waxing moon of the 6th month 2544
B.E.) the old Shan monastery at Nong Pha, was burned by Burmese
saboteurs. Ancient artifacts, Buddha images of bronze and wood, and
hundreds of sacred scripts were burned to the ground. Villagers
captured 2 Burmese suspects and sent them to TangYan court to stand
trial.
Nong Pha is a village situated approximately 12 miles, north-east of
Tang Yan on the way to the Salween river crossing. This village is
controlled by a pro-Burmese militia group as well as Burmese troops
camping in the village.
Nong Pha monastery was built more than 60 years ago. It was built of
teak and hard wood, with the floor high above the ground. It has a
square floor plan with 12 rooms on each side, with a span of 6 cubits
(9 feet) each. Therefore the whole monastery was 108 feet on each side.
More than 70 novices were learning in this monastery. It was a
sanctuary for ethnic Shans, Wa-s, Palaungs and Chinese living in this
village tract and from the adjacent Salween river area. Although they
are Buddhists, they are of the (Yuan) sect, not the same as the Burmese
Buddhism.
The fire started at about 20:00 hrs, just before the monks and novices
had finished their usual evening prayer. On hearing crackling sounds,
the novices rushed out only to find that the north east corner of the
monastery was already in flames. Within a moment , with a crackling
sound the flame spread around the corners. Before they could do
anything the flames had engulfed the whole monastery. Although the
monks and novices carried water from the well and fought the fire
desperately, the monastery was burned down completely within an hour.
The village was about 15 minutes' walk away. When the villagers arrived
to help, they found that the inferno had already stripped clean the
whole monastery.
After the incident, it was known that 3 Burmese peddlers had come to beg
permission from the abbot to lodge at the monastery's kitchen. Since
then they had come again and again, sleeping in the kitchen by night,
wandering and selling their goods (torches, radios, cassette player,
flasks, etc.) by day. It is an open secret that the Burmese military
intelligence are sending their men to observe cease-fire groups. Before
the burning there were 3 of them, but after the incident there were
only two. They said their companion had gone to TangYan to buy their
merchandise. When they were asked to show their ID cards, they said
their companion had taken them away with him to town. The village
headman had seized and brought them to TangYan, where they were handed
over to the township authorities for interrogation and to stand trial
in court.
Two months have passed, but these authorities have done nothing to take
action. In this country they should be punished, for wandering around
without papers. The punishment for native people would be more severe,
unless they bribed the authorities; sometimes they even suffer extra
judicial execution, being accused of being insurgents.
One monk from the burned monastery, who has come to the Thai border said
"Its because we are kind and think light of the fifth columnists, that
now our heritage has all been destroyed. Even if they sentence the
saboteurs for 10-20 years, we cannot redeem our ancestral heritage".
Meanwhile the locals, who are strongly Buddhist, are now gathering to
reconstruct a new monastery and make it complete within a year or two.
Ironically, the burning coincided with the "Fire fighter's day"
recognized by the Burmese military dictators.
________________________DRUGS______________________
Bangkok Post: Wa taking smuggled cars in barter deals with local help
August 24, 2001.
Anucha Charoenpo
Northern police have stepped up measures against car-smuggling gangs
from Malaysia after being told by informers that most stolen cars were
being delivered to the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the key drugs
producer and trafficker in Burma.
Pol Maj-Gen Somkid Boonthanom, the Chiang Rai police chief, said about
50 Burma-bound vehicles with Malaysian registrations had been seized in
Chiang Rai over the past 10 months.
Police in Mae Sai, Mae Fa Luang, Chiang Saen, Muang, Wiang Kaen and Mae
Chan districts of Chiang Rai have set up roadblocks to check on
suspected vehicles heading for the Burmese border.
Pol Maj-Gen Somkid said the gangs were engaged in a barter deal and a
lot of methamphetamine pills were being brought into the country in
exchange for the stolen cars.
He cited a case in which a former Phayao policeman, Pol Sgt Banleng
Panjakhan, was arrested and charged with trafficking in a million
methamphetamine pills, in June this year.
He allegedly confessed that he had been employed by a gang of smugglers
to deliver a stolen car to the UWSA in exchange for the drugs.
It was estimated about 500 stolen cars were being smuggled in from
Malaysia every year by Thai-Malaysian gangs with the help of corrupt
customs officials in both countries who were also profiting from the
racket.
He said he would contact Malaysian authorities to help trace the gangs'
movements and activities in a bid to crack down on the practice.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
AFP: Myanmar's intelligence chief to visit Thailand
BANGKOK, Aug 25 (AFP) - Myanmar's powerful intelligence chief,
Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt, is to visit Thailand from September 3-5
as a guest of Defence Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, officials said
Saturday.
Khin Nyunt will meet Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra during the
trip, which is seen as cementing a return to cordial relations after a
bitter six-month-long row between the two neighbours.
"It's likely that discussions will cover the development of military
ties between Thailand and Myanmar and border trade," said foreign
ministry spokesman Norachit Singhaseni.
The historically tense relationship with Myanmar erupted into open
hostility in February when the two national armies staged a half-day
clash sparked by skirmishes between rival ethnic militias on the border.
The fighting prompted Thailand to shut down the important Mae
Sai-Tachilek border crossing and halt supplies destined for use by the
Myanmar military, including medicine, rice and fuel.
Months of angry exchanges followed, prompting a flurry of official
protests as both sides traded accusations over who was to blame for the
rampant border drugs trade reputedly controlled by the ethnic armies.
Thaksin's inaugural visit to Myanmar in June largely resolved the row
and the Mae Sai-Tachilek border crossing was reopened soon after.
Chavalit, who has close ties with the junta, declared in July after a
visit to Yangon that relations had been normalised and that both sides
had resolved to patch up relations between their militaries.
On September 4 Khin Nyunt will be granted an audience with Thailand's
King Bhumibol Adulyadej at his seaside palace in Hua Hin, south of
Bangkok.
The junta number-three will also meet Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart
Sathirathai during the three-day trip.
___________________________________________________
Xinhua: Myanmar Leader Meets Chinese Vice Foreign Minister
Xinhuanet 2001.08.25 21:49:40
YANGON, August 25 (Xinhuanet) -- First Secretary of the Myanmar State
Peace and Development Council Lieutenant-General Khin Nyunt met with
visiting Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Wang Yi here Saturday afternoon.
Khin Nyunt said Myanmar-China paukphaw (fraternal) friendship was
fostered personally by leaders of older generation of the two
countries, adding that under the new circumstances, the two sides
should carry on the friendly tradition and further strengthen the
cooperation in respective fields.
Khin Nyunt expressed that Myanmar supports China's stance held in
international and regional affairs and will continue to adopt the
one-China policy.
Wang elaborated on China's policy of the Sino-Myanmar long-term
neighborly friendship which China works for.
Wang arrived here on Thursday at the invitation of the Myanmar Foreign
Ministry to attend a diplomacy consultation between the two countries.
During the consultation, the two sides reached agreement on all sectors
in bilateral relations.
After the event, Myanmar Foreign Minister U Win Aung met with Wang.
___________________________________________________
AFP: Thailand seals border in attempt to stop influx of illegal workers
Friday August 24, 4:38 PM
BANGKOK, Aug 24 (AFP) - Thai authorities said Friday they had sealed the
country's borders in an effort to stem the chronic inflow of illegal
workers from neighboring countries.
"Now we have sealed all borders in order to prevent the continued influx
of illegal workers," Labour and Social Welfare Minister Dej Boon-long
said after a meeting of government agencies chaired by Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra.
He added that border patrol officers had taken up posts in Thailand's
frontier areas bordering Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, and that official
checkpoints would remain open.
The move comes as the Thai government struggles to map out a plan for a
system to register thousands of illegal workers and grant them one-year
work permits ahead of an August 31 deadline set by the previous
administration.
The government of former prime minister Chuan Leekpai, who lost to
Thaksin in January elections, vowed to deport unregistered workers
before September of this year.
Dej said Thaksin had asked the National Security Council to improve a
measure proposed by the labour ministry to register and issue work
permits to some 500,000 illegal workers in Thailand.
Thailand currently allows some 160,000 workers from neighboring
countries to work for one year at labour-intensive jobs typically
avoided by Thais in 18 industries, including fisheries, rice mills,
mining and livestock farming.
The work permits are issued in 37 of Thailand's 76 provinces.
"The problems are rules and regulations for the registration process and
enforcement," Dej said, adding that a plan would be adopted and
implemented before the August 31 deadline expired.
He said earlier that employers would have to go through official
channels and properly register their foreign workers, who are mostly
from Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia, for temporary work permits.
Under the proposed scheme, the government would allow foreign illegals
to register for jobs as domestic servants in addition jobs in the
industries where foreign illegals can currently register to work.
Employers who fail to register their illegal immigrant workers with
local government offices will face severe penalties, including
imprisonment, fines and paying the cost for deporting their workers.
Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai said he would clarify the
matter with his counterparts in Myanmar, Laotian and Cambodia.
He added that he would ask Myanmar, whose nationals constitute the
largest segment of the illegal worker population in Thailand, to accept
some of them back.
"During (Myanmar number-three Lieutenant-General) Khin Nyunt's visit
here from September 3 to 6 I will raise this issue and ask for his
cooperation as a neighbouring country," he said.
___________EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA__________
In These Times: Burma Inc.
David Moburg
October 2001
There may be no country with a worse record on labor rights than Burma,
where the military regime regularly forces workers to toil on government
and private projects for no pay. If the new global order can't act
against such an extreme case, then there is little hope of effective
protection of labor rights anywhere.
The campaign to support the democratic opposition in Burma nevertheless
has exerted significant pressure on the ruling junta, mainly by
attacking corporate investment in Burma and sales of Burmese products.
The drive for strong economic sanctions has the support of opposition
leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi.
In the '90s, U.S. supporters of Burmese democracy attacked companies
that operated in Burma with demonstrations, newspaper ads, shareholder
resolutions and embarrassment of corporate officers and directors,
forcing corporations such as Amoco, Texaco, Pepsi, Disney, Ericsson and
Levi Strauss to withdraw from the country. But some U.S. companies
remain, most notably Unocal in partnership with France-based
TotalElfFina.
order prohibiting new investment in Burma--action stronger than the
sanctions imposed by the European Union, but weaker than measures sought
by pro-democracy campaigners. Although George W. Bush had said he
opposed economic sanctions, he recently renewed Clinton's ban--an
indication of how much of a pariah Burma has become.
After the sanctions, the regime needed new sources of income to
supplement the cash generated by its two major exports--energy (oil and
natural gas) and drugs, especially heroin. Many Southeast Asian
governments, embracing Burma, have ignored its human rights violations.
Capital has flowed in from Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and
Korea, especially into garment factories that military officials
control.
According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, wages in these factories
are as low as 4 cents an hour, the lowest-paid workforce in the world.
Garment exports to the United States--which could have unilaterally set
quotas as low as it wanted--rapidly expanded, hitting $412 million last
year and probably close to $500 million this year, making the United
States Burma's largest garment export market.
Last year, the National Labor Committee, which has led many sweatshop
fights, and the Free Burma Coalition exposed prominent brand names and
retailers, including Kenneth Cole, Jansport, Nautica, Adidas and Ikea,
whose products were made in Burma. With the glare of publicity, many of
those companies promised to cut off all Burmese sources. Even Wal-Mart,
which initially refused, made the pledge after revelations that one of
its suppliers was a major druglord. But anti-sweatshop groups report
that others--like the big May and Federated department store chains,
Fila and Tommy Hilfiger--continue to buy from Burmese factories.
Meanwhile, as some big name brands pledge to avoid Burma, Burmese
products have flooded into bargain retailers like Ames and Costco.
A bipartisan coalition in Congress, led by liberals like Iowa Sen. Tom
Harkin but also including right-wing Republicans like North Carolina
Sen. Jesse Helms, is backing legislation that would ban all imports from
Burma until there is significant progress on human rights, democracy and
counter-narcotics action. Although there is little overt opposition to
the ban, mainly from the apparel importers trade association, there is a
lot of foot-dragging from even moderate Democrats "who favor trade over
human rights," according to Simon Billenness, a leader in the Free Burma
Coalition.
The legislation was prompted not only by the soaring imports, but also
by an unprecedented decision last year by the International Labor
Organization to ask its members--which include governments, unions and
businesses from most countries in the world--to review relationships
with Burma and cease any activity that could abet forced labor. Although
this first-ever ILO call for such concerted action was theoretically a
step toward global enforcement of core labor rights, there have been few
concrete responses.
Indeed, many are weary of challenging the free trade regime. World Trade
Organization Director Michael Moore admitted two years ago that his
organization would do nothing about labor practices in Burma, a WTO
member. And under the WTO, the European Union and Japan had earlier
challenged a 1996 Massachusetts law, modeled on the anti-apartheid
measures aimed at South Africa in the '80s, that prohibited state
government purchases from companies doing business in Burma. The WTO
never ruled on the challenge because the Massachusetts legislation,
which had inspired several cities to pass similar laws, was overturned
in the courts first.
But legal advisers to the democracy campaigners suggest that states and
local governments could pass other legislation, including calls for
divestment by public bodies, such as pension funds, of stock in
companies that do business with Burma. Los Angeles, Minneapolis and
other cities, as well as the state of Massachusetts, have either passed
such laws or are considering them. Meanwhile, students on many campuses
are pushing for divestment or university bans on purchasing from
businesses operating in Burma.
Beyond the continuing publicity campaigns against various brands or
stores like Suzuki (which has an assembly plant in Burma), Marriott
(which has a partnership with a resort hotel in Burma) or Pottery Barn
(which introduced a special line of Burmese baskets), groups promoting
democracy in Burma, including the international labor movement, are
pursuing both shareholder actions and lawsuits against companies.
In 1996 two lawsuits, now partly consolidated, claimed that Unocal was
liable for harm to Burmese citizens who were forced to work on its
pipeline by the Burmese military, which was a partner with Unocal and
provided security for the project. It was the first time that a
corporation had been sued for human rights violations under the old
Alien Torts Claim Act, which had been successfully revived to sue
foreign governmental human rights abusers in U.S. courts.
A California district court agreed to hear the case, and concluded that
the evidence showed that Unocal knew about the use of forced labor and
benefited from it. But the judge issued a summary judgment that Unocal
was not liable, because the evidence did not show that it had control
over the government.
International Labor Rights Fund (ILRF) lawyer Terry Collingsworth, who
argued one of the cases, believes that he will win an appeal now
underway that argues it was only necessary to show that Unocal aided and
abetted the military action and that, in any case, it should have been
an issue for a jury to decide, not the judge. Meanwhile, the two
cooperating legal teams--from ILRF and EarthRights International--also
are suing Unocal for battery, unlawful detention, slavery and other
abuses in California state court. The cases could cost Unocal well over
$1 billion if it loses.
Earlier this year, the AFL-CIO, the labor-linked LongView Investment
Fund and the Maryknoll religious order sponsored shareholder resolutions
at different companies, including Unocal, Citigroup, McDermott
International and Halliburton. These resolutions typically asked the
companies to guarantee that they are not involved in forced labor or
violation of sanctions in Burma. Although none passed, they did win
strong support in comparison to previous Burma-related resolutions.
Such actions send a clear message that the high legal and political
risks of doing business with the junta could depress stock value and
corporate performance. But while supporters of Burmese democracy put
pressure on governments and corporations in the United States and
Europe, the military regime can still count on investment from Asian
neighbors, new foreign aid from Japan and aggressive marketing of cheap
Burmese goods by Chinese businesses. Despite government talks with the
opposition, there are no signs of progress toward democracy or an end to
forced labor.
___________________________________________________
Irrawaddy online: Japanese Aid to Burma Only Adds to Confusion
By U Sein
August 23, 2001?The news of the Japanese Government?s aid of ฅ3.5
billion (US $28 million) for the Lawpita hydropower plant renovation in
Kayah (Karenni) State in Burma was very surprising news for Burmese
democracy groups and the international community. The current situation
of Burma?s political crisis is really critical and confusing. On one
side is the powerful military junta, which never cares about violations
of rights. On the other are the democracy groups and their international
circle of sympathizers. Where the Japanese Government stands is not so
clear. Those who can?t refuse to help others are noble; but is giving a
gun to a bloodthirsty killer really helping?
We understand and follow the saying "be generous to your enemy", which
is a principle advocated by Daw Aung San Su Kyi, the leader of the
National League for Democracy (NLD). Though we know we should follow
this rule, it is very difficult to forgive the violations and
perpetrations of the junta. During the 1988 democracy uprising in Burma,
unarmed students, monks and other protesters were killed in the
thousands by the Burmese army. Some of these prominent events are coming
back in sight as some of the records and documents have become
published, but not all. In these documents, it is shown that some of the
students fell down bloody on the roads of central Rangoon wounded in the
head, chest, back and other organs. Knives labeled "Made in Burma" did
not make these wounds. The Burmese army used G-3 and G-4 guns, which
were made from technology imported from Germany. Similarly, the Burmese
army was transported from the countryside to the human killing fields of
central Rangoon by Hino trucks.
These Hino TE-11.6 ton and Ranger-3 ton trucks were assembled using
"Made in Japan" technology and machinery. The Hino trucks can very
clearly be seen in the background of some of the photographs that record
the 1988 massacre.
Discriminating between sweet and foul smells, the German Government
avoided the foul smell of Burma?s junta after 1988. Why can?t the
Japanese Government take a similarly decisive stance? The Japanese
Government continues to reward the junta, instead of using a pattern of
rewards and punishments, as is usually done with an internationally
condemned military junta. Without any good results in the dialogue
process, why do they want to offer rewards to the junta? Such rewards
can have a negative effect on the dialogue process. There is nothing to
say about China, which is supporting the junta, because it isn?t a
democratic country. But why does Japan, which is a powerful Asian
democratic country, not act any differently than China?
The Japanese people, government and labour unions should know the
following events happening inside Burma:
First: For security reasons, the Burmese junta laid ten to fifteen
thousand landmines in the area of the Lawpita power plant. The villagers
near the plant are suffering as a result of the junta?s army and their
arms. But does the well-wishing Japanese Government have any plans to
supply electric power to the villagers in these areas?
Second: For security reasons, the military headquarters, military bases,
military units and detachments all over the country have privileged
access to electric power. They are using electric power not only as
household power but also as industrial power in the above mentioned army
compounds. Though it is very difficult for private businesses to get
electric power, it is very easy for army authorities in every township.
Third: In every kind of business, you normally get a bigger discount if
you buy or use more of a service or product. Contrary to this principle,
under the current regime in Burma, if you use more electric power, the
unit price goes up. Is the Japanese Government ready to work together
with the military junta under such a disordered system?
Fourth: Under the current "VIP" system in Burma, the homes of generals,
ministers, division and township officials, and all senior
administrative military officers receive electricity free of charge.
Will the Japanese Government help to eliminate such a system in Burma?
When can we look at the electric power bills of houses belonging to VIPs
in their Electric Power Corporation (EPC) Township account offices?
Electric Power could bring prosperity to the people of Burma. However,
not only electricity, but also all other resources are useless to the
people unless we dismiss the ruling junta?s system.
In this case, it is necessary to consider the speech of Daw Aung San Su
Kyi, who is selfless in her fight to implement democracy in Burma. In
answering a question concerning the current state of education in Burma,
she said that the destitution of the education of youth is not caused by
the lack of school buildings; it is because of the deterioration of the
education system under the ruling junta. The same can be said about the
power industries.
Today the supply of electric power in Burma is really inadequate. But we
can deduce that the basic reason for this unnecessary situation is not a
lack of technical assistance from Japan. A question for the well-wishing
Japanese Government is: To whom is your benevolence directed?to the
Burmese people, or to the illegitimately ruling junta?
The Japanese people should know where their ¥ 3.5 billion is going.
U Sein is a member of the National League for Democracy (Liberated
Area). He contributed this commentary to the Irrawaddy on-line edition.
______________________OTHER______________________
Burmese Women Association (Melbourne, Australia): Invitation for a Fund
Raising Lunch for Burmese Refugee Children
We, the Burmese Women Association (Melbourne, Australia), would like to
invite you and your family for a fund raising lunch (Burmese Monhinkha
and Burmese dessert) for Burmese refugee children on Thai-Burma
borders.
As the situation in the refugee camps on Thai-Burma border is worsening,
the welfare and education of local children are greatly affected by the
continuously changing conditions.
Your support and donation for these underprivileged refugee children are
very much needed and will be greatly appreciated.
Please come and join our fund raising lunch for Burmese Refugee
Children according to the following program.
Date: 1 September 2001 (Saturday)
Time: 11:00 AM ? 4:00 PM
Place: 13 McCormic Court, South Oakleigh
Tickets for 6$ per person are available from our women representative,
and all the money raised will be directly sent to the educational
program for Burmese refugee children on Thai-Burma Border.
RSVP: 30 August 2001
Please contact for more information:
Ms Nwe Ni Tun (03) 9551 9090, 0402 059 483
Email: bwa_Melbourne@xxxxxxxxxxx
________________
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