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BurmaNet News: June 3, 2001
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
June 3, 2001 Issue # 1816
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
NOTED IN PASSING: ?A robust response.?
Asiaweek?s term for the killing of three Thai civilians when the Burmese
army shelled the town of Mae Sai in February. See Asiaweek (Online
edition): Ten Reasons for Thaksin to Skip Myanmar
INSIDE BURMA _______
*AP: U.N. envoy meets with Suu Kyi a second time
*Radio Myanmar (SPDC): Flash flood derails Mandalay-Myitkyina train,
dead, injured unknown
*AP: Bridge collapse causes train plunge, several feared dead
MONEY _______
*Xinhua: Foreign Investment in Myanmar Declines
*Xinhus: Myanmar's Foreign Trade Up in 1st Two Months
*Xinhua: Myanmar Produces Less Crude Oil in 1st Two Months
GUNS______
*SHAN: Meet the Lahu
DRUGS______
*AP: Myanmar hands over drug trafficking suspect to China
REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*Reuters: Myanmar accepts ILO forced labour inspection team
*AFP: US considering asylum for God's Army twins: Thai official
*US Government: -Report to the Congress Regarding Conditions in Burma
and U.S. Policy Toward Burma
EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA________
*Asiaweek (Online edition): Ten Reasons for Thaksin to Skip Myanmar
OTHER______
*ILO: Report of ILO mission to Burma (17-19 May 2001)
*BurmaNet: New issue of BurmaNet Karen published
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
AP: U.N. envoy meets with Suu Kyi a second time
YANGON, Myanmar - June 3, 2001
U.N. envoy met with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi for a second
time on Sunday in his latest attempt to push forward her reconciliation
talks with the country's military rulers.
Razali Ismail drove to Suu Kyi's lakeside villa where she has been held
under virtual house arrest since September even while she has been
talking to the junta's leaders.
The talks were initiated secretly by Razali in October. Although the
existence of the talks was revealed in January, both sides have agreed
not to divulge the agenda or their progress.
Razali, who arrived in Yangon on Friday on a four-day visit, met with
Suu Kyi Saturday also. He had earlier that day held talks with Secretary
One Lt. Gen. Khin Nyunt of the ruling State Peace and Development
Council. Details of the talks have not been revealed.
Razali's visit, his third to Myanmar since his appointment as the United
Nations special envoy in April 2000, comes amid reports that the talks
are not progressing well.
The junta has come under widespread criticism, mainly by the West, for
refusing to hand over power to Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy
party, which won the 1990 general elections.
Instead, NLD members have been subjected to harassment and arrest.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current group of
generals took power in 1988, gunning down thousands of pro-democracy
protesters nationwide. The National League for Democracy was formed two
weeks later.
Last month the government denied that the talks were stalled and Foreign
Minister Win Aung said the negotiations were not merely a ``publicity
stunt'' to appease the West.
Until October, the junta had consistently refused to negotiate with the
opposition if Suu Kyi took part. The change of heart is believed to have
been brought about by Razali, a Malaysian, as well as Malaysian Prime
Minister Mahathir Mohammad.
2001-06-03 Sun 06:03
___________________________________________________
Radio Myanmar (SPDC): Flash flood derails Mandalay-Myitkyina train,
dead, injured unknown
June 2, 2001
The 41-UP Mandalay-Myitkyina passenger train of Myanmar Railways under
the Ministry of Rail Transportation departed Mandalay Railway Station at
2100 on 31 May. At about 0410 today while the train was crossing Sindaw
Bridge--Bridge No 159 between Nyaung Khin and Htantabin Villages in
Kanbalu Township, a flash flood occurred due to heavy rains and the
engine and four passenger coaches were derailed. Immediately after the
accident, Maj Gen Soe Win, chairman of Sagaing Division Peace and
Development Council and commander of Northwest Military Command,
supervised a group of Defense Services personnel, Red Cross Brigade
members, and Health Departmental employees and have been carrying out
rescue operations. Rail Transportation Minister U Pan Aung and Myanmar
Railways employees, Health Minister Maj Gen Ket Sein and medical
specialists, Social Welfare, Relief, and Resettlement Minister Maj Gen
Sein Htwa, and responsible officials arrived at Mandalay International
Airport by Myanmar Airways this morning and proceeded to the disaster
site and have been carrying out rescue work and providing medical
treatment. It has been learned that there were some casualties and
injured among the passengers due to the train derailment.
02 JUN 0549z
______________________MONEY________________________
Xinhua: Foreign Investment in Myanmar Declines
YANGON, June 4, 2001
Foreign investment in Myanmar totaled 4.03 million U.S. dollars in two
projects in the first two months of this year, dropping by 52.54 percent
from the same period of 2000, according to the latest figures issued by
the country's Central Statistical Organization.
The investment, which came from Singapore and Canada during the
two-month period, respectively amounted to 3.53 million dollars and
500,000 dollars in the manufacturing and mining sectors. In 2000, a
total of 152.8 million dollars came to Myanmar from nine countries and
regions, mainly from the Republic of Korea, Britain, China and Canada.
The investments were mostly injected into the sectors of manufacturing,
oil and gas and agriculture. According to official statistics, since the
opening up to foreign investment in late 1988, Myanmar had drawn a total
of such contracted investment of 7.34 billion dollars in 356 projects as
of the end of 2000. Of the leading foreign investors, Singapore ranked
the first with 1.504 billion dollars, followed by Britain with 1.401
billion and Thailand with 1.264 billion. However, due to the Asian
financial crisis in mid-1997, there emerged a trend of down sliding in
Myanmar's annual foreign investment.
___________________________________________________
Xinhus: Myanmar's Foreign Trade Up in 1st Two Months
YANGON - June 3, 2001
Myanmar's foreign trade, including the border trade, totaled 769.15
million U.S. dollars in the first two months of this year, up 35.64
percent from the same period of 2000, the country's Central Statistical
Organization (CSO) said in its latest data. Of the total trade volume
during the two-month period, imports were valued at 431.15 million
dollars, increasing by 10.71 percent, while exports amounted to 338
million dollars, rising by 90.3 percent. However, the trade deficit
stood at 93.15 million dollars, the CSO said. During the period, the
import value of consumers goods, capital goods and intermediate goods
accounted for 30.73 percent, 40.9 percent and 28.37 percent of the total
imports respectively.
Myanmar mainly exports agricultural products, timber and marine
products. The figures also indicate that Myanmar's private sector is
playing a leading role in the country's foreign trade. During the
period, the import value of the private sector made up 68.68 percent of
the total imports, while its export value represented 59.84 percent of
the total exports. The import and export value of the government sector
during the period accounted for only 31.32 percent and 40.16 percent
respectively. Myanmar's main foreign trading partners are Singapore,
China, Thailand, south Korea and Japan.
Xinhua: Myanmar Produces Less Crude Oil in 1st Two Months
YANGON - June 2, 2001
Myanmar produced a total of 533,000 barrels of crude oil in the first
two months of this year, 11 percent less than the same period of 2000,
according to the latest data issued by the country's Central Statistical
Organization. During the two-month period, the country yielded 230.47
million cubic-meters of natural gas, also falling by 9 percent from the
corresponding period of 2000. In 2000, the country produced 3.538
million barrels of crude oil and 1.538 billion cubic-meters of natural
gas. Since Myanmar opened to foreign investment in late 1988, such
investment in the oil and gas sector coming from oil companies of
Australia, Britain, France, Indonesia, Japan, Thailand and the United
States has reached 2.355 billion dollars in 51 projects, taking up 32.2
percent of the country's total contracted foreign investment by sector.
So far Myanmar's petroleum and its products are insufficient to meet the
demand and the country still has to import 280,000 to 300, 000 tons of
crude oil and 100,000 to 150,000 tons of diesel oil annually.
_______________________GUNS________________________
SHAN: Meet the Lahu
June 1, 2001
Shan Herald Agency for news
"Training is a lifetime job to put it to good to use for just a few
short span of time", said the grizzled 78 year old elder of the local
Lahu community told the participants of a self-improvement program.
Lawjaw, still full of fires despite his age, left China after he lost
his fight against the communists in 1958. Four years later, the Burmese
army took the reins of government in Burma with a call for socialism
that triggered his decision to move out again in disgust from the Shan
State where he had been making his new home. "Socialism is communism
and communism's socialism", he said. "What's the difference?"
He told S.H.A.N. he was still ready to fight for a good cause, and
S.H.A.N. believed him.
Lahu, better known as Muser (Hunters) or "Murn Surh" (Like Tigers)
according to Japhet a.k.a. Jakui, General Secretary of the Lahu
Democratic Front, are a warlike people of the Lolo stock who are found
in the rectangle area of China's Yunnan, Burma's Shan State, northern
Thailand and Laos.
There are 200,000 Lahu living in the Shan State: 53% animists, 44%
Christians, 2% Buddhists and 1% other faiths, according to the LDF.
"Lahu love to fight and they love guns. There is a saying, 'A Lahuman
will rather lose his wife than his gun'", he said.
Lahu are also credited as great guerrilla fighters, but when it comes to
conventional military formations, they straggle poorly behind other
races. "There was an attempt to form a regular Lahu unit after the
War", he said. "But there were so many desertions and breaches of
discipline that it had to be disbanded soon".
Still their fighting skills and cooperation are greatly appreciated both
by the Burma Army and the United Wa State Army, both of which have been
doing their best to woo the Lahu into their ranks. "Many Lahu militia
units are being formed under the Burma Army", said he. "On the Wa side,
one of their commanders is Jalaw-bo, a known Lahu fighter".
However, the Lahu are not without troubles in their dealings with the
occupying Burmese army. "They have been employing all available means to
persuade the animists to become Buddhists promising them freedom from
forced labor and all kinds of taxation and freedom to set up independent
militia units with their full support", he said. "As a result, Buddhist
militia forces have sprung up in Kunhing (west of the Salween),
Mongpiang (east of the Salween, west of Kengtung) and the Highland Five
Tracts of Kengtung itself. The leader of the latter, Hsay Kuang Jak,
has been especially difficult to deal with letting most Lahu to believe
the Burmese are trying to form a Lahu DKBA against the Christian Lahu".
DKBA, short for Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, a splinter group from
the Christian-dominated Karen National Union, led the Burma Army to
victory in 1995 in its campaign against the then KNU headquarters at
Manerplaw.
With regards to the Shan, he said, "It's up to the Shans (to prove their
sincerity). We had been loyal followers and supporters of the late Shan
prince of Kengtung, who was a just ruler. Do you know that while the
Shans (Tais) of Yunnan hold the peacock as their national symbol, we
hold it as a pledge of friendship between Shans and Lahu, who according
to our folklore presented to the Shan prince as a token of amity?"
Japhet, 54, was born on 7 June 1947 in Nawnghpa, Kengtung State of the
then Federated Shan States, of parents Samuel and Janmwe. A younger
brother to Benjamin Ja-oo, the Lahu leader who died last year, he
joined his brother two years ago to work under him. He was elected as
the new general secretary of the LDF two months ago.
Losing his left leg during his fight against the communists in 1984 had
not stopped him from either hunting or fighting. "It won't stop me from
working for the good of our people either", he said. "I'm not a
politician, but I aim to do my best".
________________________DRUGS______________________
AP: Myanmar hands over drug trafficking suspect to China
BANGKOK, Thailand - June 1, 2001
Myanmar has handed over a drug suspect wanted by China in the first
successful instance of joint border cooperation under a project
initiated by the United Nations Drug Control Program, the U.N. agency
announced Friday.
In a news release, the agency said that Tan Xiaolan, a Chinese national
who had been indicted on charges of smuggling narcotics by a Chinese
criminal court, had been arrested in Myanmar and handed over to Chinese
authorities.
The announcement, issued by the UNDCP office in the Myanmar capital of
Yangon, said an arrest warrant for Tan was issued by Chinese officials
in May last year and that he was caught in April this year in Myanmar
where he had tried to take refuge.
On April 23, Myanmar law enforcement authorities handed over Tan to
officials from China's Yunnan Provincial Narcotic Control Committee, it
said.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, is the world's biggest producer of opium
and its derivative heroin, as well as a major exporter to neighboring
countries of the stimulant drug methamphetamine.
The UNDCP described the handover of the fugitive as ``a first and
concrete'' successful example of the two countries cooperating through
the use of a Border Liaison Office, established as part of a regional
drug fighting plan set up by the UNDCP.
It said the UNDCP project, phased over four years, is aimed at
establishing and strengthening regional cross-border cooperation in the
field of law enforcement among six countries: Thailand, China, Laos,
Cambodia, Vietnam and Myanmar.
In its first phase it has given priority to the China-Myanmar border,
because the roads crossing on the land borders between the two countries
are still the main routes for drug trafficking. Yunnan province, with a
population of 40 million has 1,997 kilometers (1,238 miles) of land
border with Myanmar.
The project also provides for the creation of communications channel
training, technical equipment and initiatives to engender trust and
confidence between the officials of the different nations, the UNDCP
said.
___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
Reuters: Myanmar accepts ILO forced labour inspection team
GENEVA - June 2, 2001
The military government of Myanmar has agreed to receive a special
International Labour Organisation (ILO) mission to verify that action is
being taken to end the use of forced labour, the ILO said on Saturday.
The Geneva-based ILO, which has spearheaded efforts to get Myanmar to
stamp out the practice, said that a team would travel to the Asian state
in September.
The ILO has sent missions to Myanmar in the past but this would be the
first allowed to carry out a full inspection, the ILO said.
``The government of Myanmar agrees to receive a high-level team to
carry out an objective assessment,'' the ILO said in a report to be
submitted to its annual conference starting in Geneva on Tuesday.
Myanmar, already a near international pariah for its harsh treatment of
internal, pro-democracy opposition, is accused by the ILO of employing
people in slave-like conditions on agricultural and construction
projects.
Although the government announced last October that it was banning the
practice, the ILO has so far refused to relax pressure, saying no
independent confirmation was available that the prohibition was being
put into effect.
Last November, the ILO urged its 174 member states to review relations
with Myanmar because of continuing concerns about the labour situation.
___________________________________________________
AFP: US considering asylum for God's Army twins: Thai official
BANGKOK - June 2, 2001
The United States is considering an offer of asylum to the former
leaders of the anti-Myanmar militia God's Army, who were captured by
Thai troops earlier this year, Thai officials said Saturday.
The youthful twin brothers, Luther and Johnny Htoo, were once believed
by their ethnic Karen followers to have mystical powers that made them
invincible in battles against Myanmar troops along the Thai border.
"A US embassy representative interviewed them on May 11, and they would
need immigration officials to interview them again before making a
decision," Suan Phung District Chief Payakphan Phokaew said.
Payakphan said the Thai National Security Council asked the Interior
Ministry to contact a third country for possible resettlement of the
24-person group, including the twins and their relatives.
"So far only the US embassy has shown interest and has interviewed
these people," he said.
Payakphan said US authorities had not yet contacted him about
scheduling an interview with US immigration officials.
"The process is not yet complete," he said.
Payakphan added that some of the twins' older relatives were reluctant
to travel to the United States despite assurances by US embassy
officials that they could return to Myanmar.
After their capture by Thai troops in January, the Htoo brothers
debunked the myths surrounding their militia band and said they dreamed
only of returning to Myanmar and going to school like ordinary children.
They downplayed their followers' belief that they possessed magical
powers that made them and their fighters invincible in battle against
Myanmar troops, saying the stories that they were impervious to gunfire
were not true.
Their mystical anti-Myanmar rebel movement, which had gained widespread
international publicity, was finally hunted down over a bloody New
Year's Eve raid on a village in Ratchaburi province.
Since then the twins and some dozen supporters, mostly women and
children, have been held at this border police headquarters, living
together in a small cottage as their future is considered.
___________________________________________________________________
US Government: -Report to the Congress Regarding Conditions in Burma and
U.S. Policy Toward Burma
Memorandum of April 12, 2001--Report to the Congress Regarding
Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy Toward Burma
Presidential Documents
Title 3--
The President
[[Page 20725]]
Memorandum of April 12, 2001
Report to the Congress Regarding Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy
Toward Burma
Memorandum for the Secretary of State
Pursuant to the requirements set forth under the heading ``Policy
Toward Burma'' in section 570(d) of the Fiscal Year 1997 Foreign
Operations Appropriations Act, as contained in the Omnibus Consolidated
Appropriations Act (Public Law 104-208), a report is required every 6
months following enactment concerning:
1) progress toward democratization in Burma;
2) progress on improving the quality of life of the Burmese people,
including progress on market reforms, living standards, labor standards,
use of forced labor in the tourism industry, and environmental quality;
and
3) progress made in developing a comprehensive, multilateral strategy to
bring democracy to and improve human rights practices and the quality of
life in Burma, including the development of a dialogue between the State
Peace and Development Council and democratic opposition groups in Burma.
You are hereby authorized and directed to transmit the attached report
fulfilling these requirements for the period September 28, 2000, through
March 27, 2001, to the appropriate committees of the Congress and to
arrange for its publication in the Federal Register.
(Presidential Sig.)B
THE WHITE HOUSE,
Washington, April 12, 2001.
Billing code 4710-10-M
[[Page 20726]]
Plan for Implementation of Section 570 of Public Law 104-208 (Omnibus
Appropriations Act, Fiscal Year 1997)
Conditions in Burma and U.S. Policy Toward Burma for the Period
September 28, 2000-March 27, 2001
Introduction and Summary
Over the past 6 months, Burma's military regime appears to have moved
from a consistent policy of confrontation with the National League for
Democracy (NLD) to a policy of negotiation and dialogue with the NLD's
General Secretary, Aung San Suu Kyi. It is still too early to determine
the regime's intentions and motivations. While both sides have held the
substance of this dialogue in strictest confidence, there have been a
number of goodwill gestures, including the release of some political
prisoners and a halt to the vicious attacks on Aung San Suu Kyi and the
NLD by the regime-owned press. Nonetheless, the government continues to
hold over 1,600 political prisoners. Aung San Suu Kyi remains in
detention in her home, but has told visitors from the United Nations,
the European Union, and the United States that she supports the current
dialogue and is comfortable with her current circumstances.
The quality of life in Burma has continued to deteriorate. Poverty is
widespread, and the economy has begun to show the stresses of a severe
foreign exchange shortage, corruption, mismanagement, and diversion of
resources to the military. Human rights abuses have also continued.
Burma's citizens live subject to the arbitrary and sometimes brutal
dictates of the military regime. In ethnic minority areas, there were
continuing reports of extrajudicial killings, rape and disappearances.
Prison conditions are harsh and life- threatening, and arbitrary arrest
and detention for the expression of dissenting political views are a
common occurrence.
Forced labor also continues to be a serious problem. In November 2000,
the Governing Body of the International Labor Organization (ILO)
concluded that the Government of Burma had not taken effective action to
deal with the ``widespread and systematic'' use of forced labor in the
country. For the first time in its history, the ILO has taken action to
secure a member state's compliance with worker rights standards. Acting
on a June ILO Conference decision, the ILO Director General called on
all ILO members to review their ties with the regime to ensure that
those ties did not abet the practice of forced labor in Burma. The
United States strongly supported this decision.
U.S. policy goals in Burma include progress towards democracy,
restoration of civilian government, improved human rights and a more
effective counternarcotics effort. We support the ongoing dialogue
between Aung San Suu Kyi and the military regime and hope that it will
lead to meaningful democratic change. We also consult regularly, at
senior levels, with countries that share our concerns regarding Burma's
current human rights practices.
In coordination with the European Union and other states with similar
but not identical policies, the United States has imposed sanctions on
Burma. These include an arms embargo, an investment ban, a visa ban on
high-level officials, and other measures. Our goal in applying these
sanctions was to encourage a transition to democratic rule and greater
respect for human rights. Should there be significant progress towards
those goals--whether as a result of the current dialogue between Aung
San Suu Kyi and the military regime or otherwise--then the United States
would be obliged to look seriously at measures to support constructive
change.
Measuring Progress toward Democratization
During the review period (September 2000 to March 2001), Burma's
military regime moved from a consistent policy of confrontation with
National League for Democracy to a policy of negotiation and dialogue
with the NLD's General Secretary, Aung San Suu Kyi. However, it is still
too early to
[[Page 20727]]
know if the move represents a genuine change. After twice preventing
Aung San Suu Kyi from traveling outside of Rangoon City, and confining
her incommunicado in her home starting on September 21, 2000, the
military regime, on the advice of UN Special Representative Razali
Ismail, and in the face of increasing international condemnation,
particularly over human rights abuses and its policy of imposing forced
labor, opened a quiet dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi in October 2000.
This dialogue has apparently contributed to some greater mutual
understanding. While none of the substance of the current dialogue has
yet been revealed by either side, there have been a series of
confidence-building gestures. In December, the regime released six of
the NLD's nine central executive committee members from detention in
their homes. The current efforts here have also halted the virulent
attacks on Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD that had become a staple of
newspaper coverage in Burma and have allowed the NLD to resume some
normal party activities.
At the specific request of UN Special Representative Razali Ismail, the
Burmese regime also released about 100 political prisoners. These
included a number of aged and ill prisoners, such as U Chein Poh, a
respected lawyer who was unjustly imprisoned in September; five
political prisoners who had been held past the term of their sentences
in Mandalay; and approximately 85 NLD supporters who had been arrested
at the time Aung San Suu Kyi was detained on September 21, 2000.
However, approximately 1,600 political prisoners remain, a number that
may be higher than at the beginning of 2000.
The regime has also gradually increased access to Aung San Suu Kyi.
Since December, visitors have included Aung San Suu Kyi's son and his
family, select members of the NLD's central executive committee, UN
Special Representative Razali Ismail, representatives of the European
Union, Australian human rights specialist Chris Sidoti, and U.S. Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State Ralph Boyce. In each of these meetings,
Aung San Suu Kyi has emphasized that, although she remains under virtual
house arrest, she is content with the status of her dialogue with the
regime. However, she has not revealed any portion of the substance of
that dialogue to any outsider.
Counternarcotics
Burma remains the world's second largest producer of illicit opium and
heroin. However, production of both heroin and opium has declined in
Burma since 1996. In 2000, Burma produced an estimated 1085 metric tons
of opium, down approximately 60 percent from the 2,560 metric tons of
opium produced in 1996.
Although opium production has declined, methamphetamine production has
soared, particularly in outlying regions that are governed by former
ethnic insurgent groups which have signed cease-fire agreements with the
government. In 2000, the Burmese Government seized approximately 27
million methamphetamine tablets, compared with approximately 6 million
tablets in 1996.
There is no evidence that the Burmese Government is involved on an
institutional level in the drug trade. However, there are persistent and
reliable reports that officials, particularly corrupt army personnel
posted in outlying areas, are either directly involved in drug
production and trafficking or provide protection to those who are. In
addition, while the Government has encouraged ethnic insurgents who have
signed cease-fire agreements to curb narcotics production and
trafficking, it has not, in general, taken action against them. One
exception to this general rule occurred in November 2000, when the
government occupied the territory of the Mong ko Defense army and
arrested its leader, Mon Sa La, on drug trafficking charges.
The United States does not believe that Burma's current
counternarcotics efforts are commensurate with the scale of the problem
in Burma. Nevertheless, the United States has continued to work with the
UN Drug Control
[[Page 20728]]
Program (UNDCP) and other donors to support opium reduction and crop
substitution programs. In September 2000, the United States obligated
approximately $600,000 to support UNDCP's Wa Alternative Development
Project, which is targeted at the reduction of opium production in the
territories of the United Wa State Army, now the largest cease-fire
group in Burma.
The Quality of Life in Burma
While potentially one of the richest countries in the region, Burma
remains one of the world's poorest with an average per capita GDP of
approximately $300, according to World Bank figures. Primarily an
agricultural economy, Burma also has substantial mineral, fishing and
timber resources. However, almost four decades of military misrule and
mismanagement and the diversion of resources to military use have
produced a chaotic economy characterized by widespread poverty.
Over the past 6 months, a growing foreign exchange shortage has
produced a rapid depreciation in Burma's official currency, the kyat,
against the dollar. Valued at approximately 360 kyat to the dollar in
September 2000, that rate has now fallen to approximately 500 kyat per
dollar. At the same time, a breakdown in public confidence in the FEC
(foreign exchange certificate), a scrip the government circulates in
place of the dollar, has resulted in a sharp decline in its value
against the dollar as well. In rural areas, government restrictions on
private sector rice exports in the face of a bumper crop reduced rice
prices to levels below farmer costs, but in urban areas, this same
policy helped hold down living costs and inflation. According to an
urban retail price index calculated by the U.S. Embassy, between
September 2000 and March 2001, inflation in urban areas of Burma dropped
from an average annual rate in excess of 30 percent to a rate of
approximately 15 percent.
Severe human rights abuses also continued throughout Burma during the
reporting period. Burma's citizens live subject to the arbitrary and
sometimes brutal dictates of Burma's military regime. In ethnic minority
areas, in particular, there continued to be many credible reports of
extrajudicial killings, rape, and disappearances, as well as systemic
forced labor. Prison conditions remained harsh, and arbitrary arrest and
detention for the expression of dissenting political views were common
occurrences.
Several high-profile political prisoners were released during the
review period. These included James Mawdsley, a British citizen, who was
released in October 2000, shortly after the UN Working Group on
Arbitrary Detention informed the Burmese Government that Mawdsley's
detention violated international standards of human rights. As of March
2001, however, among the more than 1,600 political prisoners under
detention or in prison, there were 38 members of parliament.
Forced labor also remained an issue of serious concern. In November
2000, the International Labor Organization (ILO) Governing Body
concluded that the Government of Burma had not taken effective action to
deal with the ``widespread and systematic'' use of forced labor in the
country and, for the first time in its history, took action under its
Constitution to compel a member state to comply with ILO worker rights
standards. Pursuant to that decision, taken by the International Labor
Conference in June, the ILO Director General in December 2000 called on
all member governments, worker and employee delegations, and sister UN
organizations to review their ties with Burma to ensure that they did
not abet the practice of forced labor. The United States strongly
supported this decision, but has deferred action on the ILO's call
pending the outcome of the ongoing dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi and
the military government.
[[Page 20729]]
Development of a Multilateral Strategy
U.S. policy goals in Burma are progress towards democracy, restoration
of civilian rule, improved human rights, and more effective
counternarcotics efforts. We support the ongoing dialogue between Aung
San Suu Kyi and the military government in the hope that it will
eventually lead to meaningful democratic change in Burma. We also
consult regularly, at senior levels, with countries with major interests
in Burma and/or major concerns regarding Burma's human rights practices.
The United States has co-sponsored annual resolutions at the UN General
Assembly and the UN Commission on Human Rights that target Burma. We
have also supported the ILO's unprecedented decision to compel Burma's
compliance with its obligations to respect worker rights, in particular,
to end the pervasive use of forced labor. We strongly support the
mission of the UN Secretary General's Special representative for Burma,
Razali Ismail, who helped persuade the military government to open a
dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi over Burma's political future.
In coordination with the European Union and other states with similar,
but not identical, policies, the United States has imposed sanctions on
Burma. These sanctions include a total arms embargo, a ban on all new
U.S. investment in Burma, the suspension of all bilateral aid, the
withdrawal of general system of preferences privileges, the denial of
Overseas Private Investment Corporation and Eximbank programs, visa
restrictions on Burma's senior leaders, and a hold on all new lending or
grant programs by the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the
Asian Development Bank, and other international financial institutions
in which the United States has a major interest. We have also downgraded
the level of our diplomatic representation from Ambassador to Charge
d'Affaires.
Our goal in applying these sanctions is to encourage a transition to
democratic rule, civilian government, and greater respect for human
rights. Should there be significant progress towards those goals,
whether as a result of the current dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi and
the military government or otherwise, then the United States would be
obliged to look seriously at measures to support this process of
constructive change.
[FR Doc. 01-10260
____________________________________________
Title 3--
The President
[[Page 27443]]
Notice of May 15, 2001
Continuation of Emergency With Respect to Burma
On May 20, 1997, the President issued Executive Order 13047, certifying
to the Congress under section 570(b) of the Foreign Operations, Export
Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations Act, 1997 (Public Law
104-208), that the Government of Burma has committed large-scale
repression of the democratic opposition in Burma after September 30,
1996, thereby invoking the prohibition on new investment in Burma by
United States persons, contained in that section. The President also
declared a national emergency to deal with the threat posed to the
national security and foreign policy of the United States by the actions
and policies of the Government of Burma, invoking the authority, inter
alia, of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C.
1703(c)).
The national emergency declared on May 20, 1997, must continue beyond
May 20, 2001, because the Government of Burma continues its policies of
committing large-scale repression of the democratic opposition in Burma,
threatening the national security and foreign policy of the United
States. Therefore, in accordance with section 202(d) of the National
Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)), I am continuing the national
emergency with respect to Burma. This notice shall be published in the
Federal Register and transmitted to the Congress.
(Presidential Sig.)B
THE WHITE HOUSE,
May 15, 2001.
___________EDITORIALS/OPINION/PROPAGANDA__________
Asiaweek (Online edition): Ten Reasons for Thaksin to Skip Myanmar
Thursday, May 31, 2001
>From Our Correspondent:
Ten Reasons for Thaksin to Skip Myanmar
Siam's prime minister should wait a little longer
By ROGER MITTON
Thursday, May 31, 2001
Web posted at 06:50 p.m. Hong Kong time, 06:50 a.m. GMT
In February, when Thaksin Shinawatra became prime minister of Siam, it
was reported that he intended to visit Myanmar as soon as possible. The
reports were carried in the local press, which is notoriously biased and
inaccurate when it comes to Myanmar matters, but even so, there were
intimations from Thaksin's team that he did plan to try to repair
relations with his neighbor. However, he immediately encountered a
setback when the Shan State Army (a Western-backed anti-Yangon group)
provoked an incident on the northern border that elicited a robust
response from the Myanmar military. Those hostilities, which spilled
over onto the Siamese side, caused the border to be closed and led to
the usual vituperative anti-Myanmar headlines in the Bangkok press. That
resulted in Thaksin wisely putting his visit on hold. Now there is talk
that it is on again. He should think twice. Here are 10 reasons for him
to stay at home:
1. The Myanmar leaders insist on calling Siam by the name Thailand, when
everyone knows this name was imposed on the people of that country in
1939 by the odious dictator Field Marshal Phibun Songkhram. In his
seminal work Thailand: Dictatorship or Democracy?, Donald F. Cooper
wrote: "The first Phibun government, dating from December 15, 1938, was
ruthless and one of extreme nationalism. The trappings of fascism, if
not the substance, appeared . . . Phibun developed a theory of æGreater
Thailand' (and) . . . in 1939, he persuaded the National Assembly to
change the name of the country from Siam to Thailand." Bearing this in
mind, Thaksin should not now be going to visit a country that insists on
using a name that was imposed on it undemocratically by a ruthless
military dictator.
2. The leaders of Myanmar paid a friendly visit to Bangkok in March,
1999. Not only did the top duo of Than Shwe and Khin Nyunt stay
overnight at the Peninsula Hotel and meet their counterparts, but so too
did a bevy of ministers, including David Abel, Tin Hlaing, Saw Lwin and
Thein Nyunt. There was adequate scope then for a rapport to be
established between the two sides. This relationship was cemented at
ASEAN summits in Hanoi and Manila. So, since the Myanmar side has
happily visited Bangkok to boost relations, there is no need for a
reciprocal visit by Thaksin at this sensitive time, no matter how
courteous, diplomatically correct and trade-uplifting it might be.
3. Thaksin's predecessor, the ultra-cautious Chuan Leekpai, showed his
usual understanding of such matters by never once visiting Yangon during
his three years in office. This record might be openly chastised by top
officials in Thaksin's new foreign ministry team, and it might appear to
fly in the face of the friendly visit of the Myanmar leadership and of
their invitation to him to pay a reciprocal visit. But the wily Chuan
knew that any trip to Yangon would cost him dearly in the eyes of the
domestic media and so, being ever conscious of PR, he rightly stayed
away.
4. Thaksin knows his nation has a problem with drugs. Far too many young
folk have become addicted to amphetamines, and far too much opium is
trafficked overseas, via Bangkok and other ports, from Myanmar and Laos
(the world's second and third biggest sources of these drugs). Many
military and business people are implicated in the business, not to
mention the Shan State Army, whose spiffy uniforms and weapons did not
fall out of the sky. Clearly, Thaksin's priority should be dealing with
the drug peddlers and users in his own country, especially the big boys
in the military, the police and the bureaucracy. He should not be
wasting time hopping over to Yangon to mouth platitudes about crop
replacement and sniffer dogs. If drug dealers in his own backyard
continue to get away with their foul trade with impunity, it may finish
Siam as a nation. Get your priorities right, Dr. T.
5. As a corollary, one of Thaksin's first priorities should be to
re-evaluate the "buffer zone" policy whereby recalcitrant ethnic
minorities have been assisted in their attacks on the Myanmar military.
This assistance is a dangerous policy because Thaksin cannot then
criticize Kuala Lumpur or Vientiane if they likewise help recalcitrant,
separatist-inclined Muslims and ethnic Lao in his country.
6. Staying away from Yangon will give Thaksin more time to sort out the
rot in the 3rd Army, which patrols the northern border with Myanmar. It
is an open secret that any recruit (to the ranks or the officer corps)
who wants to make real money in the military always seeks to join the
3rd Army. It receives by far the highest apportionment from the
so-called "Secret Funds" that Bangkok gives each year to the military.
It is also alleged that elements in the 3rd Army are involved in drug
trafficking. Little has been done to squash this unsettling charge.
7. Thaksin knows that his domestic press (which he increasingly
controls) is relentless in its apocalyptic condemnation of Myanmar. This
criticism extends even to the extent of writing total nonsense. And, of
course, the writers ù who rarely, if ever, visit Yangon ù are as biased
and stupid as their own ex-dictator Phibun in continuing to refer to
Myanmar by its old colonialist name, Burma. Their articles, which often
attack revered symbols of the Myanmar way of life, have greatly
disturbed the leadership in Yangon. As a result, it would not be a good
time for Thaksin to visit right now. Wait until the political settlement
comes and the garbage writers have eaten crow, then go.
8. The Thaksin government is seeking ways to become more self-reliant.
As the PM aptly put it in a speech last month: "We are going back to
basics in every sense of the word . . . We must look inward." Quite so.
But if he is embarking on this kind of visionary agenda, why then would
he want to visit a country like Myanmar, which is attempting to do
precisely the opposite and break out of the self-reliant, isolationist
policies of its former dictator, Ne Win? It makes no sense, so stay at
home, Dr. T.
9. As Santana (the philosopher, not the rock star) said: "Those who
forget the past are condemned to repeat it." Okay, so formerly warring
neighbors like the British and French, and the Spanish and Portuguese
may have learned to adapt to the 21st century and move forward; but it
is very important for Siam to retain the mindset of 1765 ù when its
ancient capital of Ayuthaya was sacked by the Burmese ù or else the
nation may become so impartial and even-handed that it becomes be a
pushover in any future conflict.
10. Thaksin should take care to listen to distant voices in North
America and Europe, rather than his regional colleagues. After all,
those in ASEAN, including even the Philippines, strongly espouse an
engagement policy with Myanmar, and their leaders often visit Yangon.
Yet what has that kind of shilly-shallying got them? A lot of
investments on the ground that are so far not paying off. Okay, they
might in future prove lucrative, but Thaksin's priority is jam today,
not jam tomorrow ù after all, he may not be in his job come July.
A last point: The rainy season is coming and it is hot and steamy in
Yangon. Not a good time for a visit. So better to wait until the end of
the year when the weather is so much nicer and when a settlement will
have been reached between the government and Aung San Suu Kyi. Then
Thaksin, with his business credentials, can help his traders and
manufacturers catch up with the Singaporeans, Malaysians, Japanese and
Koreans who have already got a head start. Myanmar, given its untapped
resources and compliant workers, is destined to be an economic tiger
once the political settlement is signed. That is why the Americans are
already changing their stance on the place. So take note, Dr. T, and
postpone your trip.
______________________OTHER______________________
ILO: Report of ILO mission to Burma (17-19 May 2001)
[Forwarded by David Arnott The Mission report is now on the ILO website
in pdf at
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/relm/ilc/ilc89/reports.htm
Scroll down to C. App./D.7: Arrangements for an objective assessment
of the situation of forced labour following measures taken by the
Myanmar Government (PDF version)
and click on the blue line.]
89th Session, Geneva, June 2001
Committee on the Application of Standards
Developments since the 280th Session of the Governing Body (March
2001): Arrangements for an objective assessment of the situation of
forced labour following measures taken by the
Myanmar Government
(Mission to Yangon, 17-19 May 2001)
Introduction
While considering that the conditions had not been met for the
provisions
contained in the Conference resolution of June 2000 to be rendered
inappropriate, the Governing Body noted during its 279th Session in
November 2000 that the Director-General should continue to extend
cooperation to the Government of Myanmar in order to promote full
implementation of the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry
During its 280th Session in March 2001, the Director-General informed
the Governing Body, in opening the discussion on the report concerning
the implementation of the measures decided by the Conference (GB.280/6),
of the efforts which he had undertaken with the Myanmar authorities in
order to fulfil the second aspect of his responsibilities. In his letter
of 1 March 2001 to the Minister for Labour (Appendix 1), he had
expressed the view that the Myanmar authorities could not expect to
receive any recognition for the framework of measures and subsequent
action which they said they had taken, in the absence of an objective
assessment by the ILO of their practical implementation and actual
impact on the forced labour situation. Following that letter, he had
received a visit from the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Khin
Maung Win, on 22 March 2001. During a very frank discussion, the Deputy
Minister had indicated that the authorities were disposed to enter
quickly into discussions on the modalities of an objective assessment
That information was received with interest, and the Governing Body
decided that any further developments should be reflected in the report
to be submitted to the Conference Committee on the Application of
Standards at its meeting in 2001, in accordance with paragraph 1(a) of
the resolution adopted in June 2000
The present report follows up that decision. Its purpose is to set out
the developments that have taken place since the Governing Body's last
session, and in particular to give an account of the origin and results
of the mission which visited Yangon between 17 and 19 May 2001 in order
to decide on the modalities for an objective assessment of the
implementation and impact of the framework of measures put in place from
October 2000 onwards
Origin of the mission During a meeting with the Director-General on 22
March 2001, Mr. Khin Maung Win had said that the Permanent
Representative of Myanmar in Geneva, Ambassador U Mya Than, would be
appointed to undertake discussions with the Office regarding the
modalities of the objective assessment. During those preliminary
discussions, it soon became clear that it was not realistic to expect
the two successive stages of the implementation process (agreement on
modalities and, in the case of such agreement being reached, the
carrying out of the assessment itself) could be undertaken before the
Conference, given the logistical constraints and the deadlines
associated with the second stage. The parties therefore set a target of
reaching a clear and firm commitment from the authorities regarding the
modalities of such an assessment before the International Labour
Conference, on the understanding that such a commitment would be
followed up as soon as possible by the assessment itself, so that the
Governing Body could be informed of the results during its November 2001
session. The letter of the Minister for Labour dated 26 April 2001
(Appendix 2) and the Director-General's reply of 10 May 2001 (Appendix
3) are the two principal reference points in the development of
discussions on that subject
It followed from the Director-General's letter of 10 May that, in order
to finalize the modalities in question and obtain before the Conference
a specific and definitive commitment based on parameters previously
discussed with the Ambassador (concerning issues such as who would carry
out the assessment, when it would begin and how long it would last, and
what practical and legal guarantees would be provided for it),
discussions would have to be held in Yangon with all the ministries
concerned
It was for this reason that a new mission visited Yangon between 17 and
19 May 2001. Its members were as follows: - Mr. Francis Maupain,
representative of the Director-General; - Mr. Dominick Devlin, Legal
Adviser; - Mr. Rueben Dudley, Deputy Director, ILO Regional Office for
Asia and the Pacific; - Mr. Richard Horsey, Secretary
Progress and findings of the mission The mission, like the previous
ones, attracted a degree of interest among the diplomatic community in
Yangon and among the United Nations agencies. In order to respond to
that interest, and despite the limited time available, the mission was
anxious to organize a number of information sessions, with the
assistance of the United Nations Resident Coordinator. The mission's
detailed programme is given in Appendix 4. During the first working
session following the mission's arrival in Yangon, the representatives
of the various ministries concerned informed the mission that they had
taken a number of measures since the adoption of the new framework of
legislative, executive and administrative measures. To illustrate those
efforts, the Secretary of the "Implementation Committee for Convention
No. 29", U Soe Nyunt, drew attention to action which had been taken to
publicize those measures as well as to the visits that had been
organized to different parts of the country in order to examine the
realities of the situation in the light of previous allegations
The mission emphasized that the purpose of its present visit was quite
different from that of the previous missions. The purpose was not to
re-examine the substantive issues dealt with in the report of the
Commission of Inquiry. Neither was it the purpose of the visit to set up
a new Commission of Inquiry, although the Government was free to request
such a step under article 34 of the ILO Constitution. As the
Director-General had made clear in his letter of 1 March and in his
presentation to the Governing Body in March, the purpose of the
objective assessment now being considered was more specific: it was to
assess the practical implementation of the legislative, executive and
administrative framework that had been put in place and its actual
impact on the forced labour situation in the country
The mission drew attention to the fact that the Committee of Experts on
the Application of Conventions and Recommendations had discussed the
framework of measures at its previous meeting in December 2000, and its
observation in its report to the Conference provided some valuable
indications as to the points to be considered when the objective
assessment was undertaken. The Committee of Experts, while expressing
regret that the views of the October 2000 Technical Cooperation Mission
had not been fully taken into account, nevertheless noted that the
legislative measures adopted "could provide a statutory basis for
ensuring compliance with the Convention in practice, if given effect
bona fide not only by the local authorities empowered to requisition
labour under the Village and Towns Acts, but also by civilian and
military officers entitled to call on the assistance of local
authorities under the Acts". With that in mind, the Committee had given
a number of indications regarding further measures that could be
undertaken (Report of the Committee of Experts on the Application of
Conventions and Recommendations, Report III (Part 1A), 2001, page 149)
The object and scope of the assessment being thus delineated, the
mission emphasized that the modalities were of necessity dictated by the
nature of the task: they had to provide every possible guarantee that
the assessment would be objective and credible. The members of the
High-Level Team (HLT) responsible for the assessment would therefore
have to be appointed by the Director-General solely on the basis of
their recognized impartiality, experience and technical competence
including knowledge of the region; the duration of the HLT's visit
should be sufficient to allow it to form an opinion, while recognizing
the possible constraints as regards the availability of the HLT's
members; and finally, the HLT needed to be allowed complete discretion
with regard to the organization of its programme of activities and
meetings
The mission expressed the hope that those parameters could be
translated into a specific text during the course of the visit
Those basic considerations led to discussions during which the mission
drew up an initial draft "Understanding". That in turn gave rise to
numerous proposed amendments and counter amendments until quite late in
the afternoon of Saturday, 19 May. Two main difficulties had to be
faced. The first concerned the appointment by the Director-General of
the members of the HLT, which the authorities wished to be subject to
their prior approval. That demand was not accepted. It was, however,
made clear that the expression "recognized qualifications" used in point
I of the text implied that the qualifications required of members of the
HLT would have to be recognized by all, including the Myanmar
authorities; that interpretation was subsequently confirmed in writing,
at the latter's request. The second difficulty related to the discretion
of the HLT to determine the programme which it regarded as necessary for
conducting the assessment. The solution that was adopted acknowledged
that that discretion could be limited by considerations of security -
including the security of members of the HLT itself - but stipulated
that those considerations must be "valid"; it also provided for a
mechanism to overcome any difficulties that might arise in that regard,
namely, the possible assistance of an independent "facilitator"
recognized as knowledgeable and fair by all parties concerned. On that
basis, the full text of an "Understanding" was finally agreed
Before leaving Yangon, the mission was received by the Deputy Minister
for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Khin Maung Win, who had been kept regularly
informed of the progress of the discussions and who welcomed the news
that they had finally led to an "Understanding". He expressed the
willingness of the Government to make the assessment process a success
and asked the mission to communicate to the Director-General his
Government's wish to assist the HLT as much as possible in achieving its
objectives. If difficulties arose, they could be discussed openly. The
Government was firmly committed to resolving the issue
The final text, as initialled by both parties at the airport after
final amendments, is reproduced in Appendix 5. Before leaving, the
representative of the Director-General expressed the concern that the
content of the Understanding and its implications should be communicated
to the General Secretary of the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Since it had been unable to do so directly, given the various
constraints which it had had to face, the mission, on behalf of the
Director-General, asked Mr. Léon de Riedmatten, former ICRC delegate and
currently representative of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, to do
so instead
The mission could not conclude its report without thanking Mr. Patrice
Coeur-Bizot, the United Nations Resident Coordinator, and his assistant,
Ms. Jeanne Lennkh, for their valuable support in the organization of
meetings and in ensuring the smooth progress of the mission. It also
wishes to thank Mr. Léon de Riedmatten for the very useful advice which
he imparted to the mission on the basis of his particular experience and
role. The mission was encouraged by the contacts which it had with the
international organizations represented in Yangon and with the current
ICRC delegate, Mr. Michel Ducraux
Overall, those organizations expressed a strong interest in
contributing in a concrete way to the success of the present undertaking
and in particular to promoting the development and implementation of the
programme of the future high-level team as far as their knowledge and
resources permit
Geneva, 31 May 2001
*******************
Appendix 1 Communication dated 1 March 2001 from the Director-General to
the Minister for Labour of the Government of Myanmar Dear Mr. Minister,
I acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 11 February 2001 in reply to
mine of 22 December 2000, and would like to offer the following comments
As regards the second paragraph of your letter, I can assure you that
your views, as well as the text of the statement which your Ambassador
intended to make and which reached the Chairman's Office after the
closure of the session, will be reflected appropriately in the
documentation before the next session of the Governing Body
I have taken note of your statement that Myanmar is "resolute in our
endeavours to implement the framework of legislative, executive and
administrative measures which we have put in place" with a view to the
total elimination of the practice of forced labour in Myanmar, and in
particular of the information that some action has already been taken
against the perpetrators of such practices
However it is clear that Myanmar cannot expect to receive credit for
these endeavours in the absence of an objective assessment of their
practical implementation and actual impact. The ILO alone is in a
position to provide such an assessment with the authority necessary to
carry legal, practical and political consequences at the international
level. This is all the more relevant in the light of the continuing flow
of information from various sources concerning the issues in question
For these reasons I would like to reiterate that the Office stands
ready to engage in discussions about the possible format and modalities
such an objective assessment could take. In my view, it would be highly
desirable that such discussions take place before the next session of
the Governing Body
It should be recalled that the International Labour Conference will, in
accordance with paragraph 1(a) of its resolution, review the situation
at its next session in June, on the basis of all relevant information
then available
Yours sincerely, (Signed) Juan Somavia. 6
*************************
Appendix 2 Communication dated 26 April 2001 from the Minister for
Labour of the Government of Myanmar to the Director-General Excellency,
I acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 1 March 2001 which responded
to my letter of 11 February 2001
I note with satisfaction that, as assured by you in the letter under
reference, the statement of my Ambassador as well as our views on the
issue of forced labour in Myanmar had been reflected in the
documentation submitted to the 280th Session of the Governing Body of
the ILO held last month. I wish to express thanks to you for that
I fully appreciate your Office's continued readiness to engage in
discussions about the possible format or modalities for an objective
assessment of the actual implementation of the legislative, executive
and administrative measures that we have taken to eliminate forced
labour in Myanmar. In this regard I would like to reiterate Myanmar's
willingness to occasionally accept an ILO representative based in the
Regional Office in Bangkok or Geneva and/or a mutually acceptable
person. We are convinced that such a representative would be able to
assess objectively the implementation of the abovementioned measures and
their impact. For the assessment to be generally effective, in our view,
it would require the involvement of an independent and unbiased entity
I hope that continued discussions between you and our Permanent
Representative Ambassador U Mya Than, who has been designated as our
contact point in this matter, will lead to some significant progress
before the 89th Session of the International Labour Conference (ILC) in
our search for the effective format or modalities acceptable to both
sides
I can assure you that, regardless of any outcome in this joint effort,
we will continue to take steps to ensure that forced labour does not
exist in Myanmar both in law and in practice and to implement the
framework we have put in place
Yours sincerely, (Signed) Major-General Tin Ngwe, Minister for Labour,
Union of Myanmar
************************
Appendix 3 Communication dated 10 May 2001 from the Director-General to
the Minister for Labour of the Government of Myanmar Dear Mr. Minister,
Thank you for your letter of 26 April reacting to my letter of 1 March
in the light of subsequent developments, including the discussions at
the 280th Session of the Governing Body
As envisaged in your letter, discussions have in the meantime continued
with Ambassador Mya Than with a view to clarifying the process whereby
the objective assessment mentioned in my letter could actually take
place
It now seems clear on both sides that this process would be in two
stages. The first stage would be to reach a clear and firm commitment on
the modalities of such an assessment on the basis of parameters which
have been presented to the Ambassador. It is very urgent that this
commitment be finalized so that, as envisaged on both sides, the outcome
could be reported to the Conference in June. To reach this outcome as
expeditiously as possible, my representatives - whose names have been
communicated to the Ambassador - are ready to travel to Yangon as soon
as the competent authorities confirm their interest, but no later than
early next week
If this first stage is successful, the second stage would be to undergo
the objective assessment itself, in accordance with the abovementioned
modalities
This assessment would have to take place not later than the end of the
summer so that a report could be prepared for the Governing Body in
November
I hope the above clarification may help the authorities to quickly
finalize their position on the matter
Yours sincerely, (Signed) Juan Somavia
**************************
Appendix 4 List of meetings held The mission held 16 meetings in Yangon
over three days. It met with the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs,
senior officials from three ministries (Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs,
and Labour), and from the Attorney-General's Office and the Office of
Strategic Studies, representatives of 26 diplomatic missions, seven
United Nations agencies, a representative of the Geneva-based Centre for
Humanitarian Dialogue, and a representative of the ICRC
Thursday, 17 May 2001 9.40 a.m., Arrival in Yangon 10.30-11.00 a.m.,
Traders Hotel Patrice Coeur-Bizot, United Nations Resident Coordinator
Jeanne Lennkh, Assistant to United Nations Resident Coordinator Léon de
Riedmatten, Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 11.00 a.m.-1.00 p.m.,
Traders Hotel Soe Nyunt Director-General, Department of Labour Win Mya
Director-General, International Organizations and Economic Department,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Dr. Tun Shin Director-General,
Attorney-General's Office Lt.-Col. Hla Min Deputy Head, Department of
International Affairs, Office of Strategic Studies Aung Thein
Director-General, Department of General Administration, Ministry of Home
Affairs Zaw Win Chief of General Staff, Police Force 2.30-4.30 p.m.,
Traders Hotel Soe Nyunt Director-General, Department of Labour Win Mya
Director-General, International Organizations and Economic Department,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Dr. Tun Shin Director-General,
Attorney-General's Office Lt.-Col. Hla Min Deputy Head, Department of
International Affairs, Office of Strategic Studies Aung Thein
Director-General, Department of General Administration, Ministry of Home
Affairs Zaw Win Chief of General Staff, Police Force 5.00-6.00 p.m.,
Japanese Embassy Shigeru Tsumori, Japanese Ambassador Kiyoshi Koinuma,
Deputy Chief of Mission, Head of Political Section Naoki Ito Counsellor
Friday, 18 May 2001 8.00-9.00 a.m., Traders Hotel Trevor Wilson,
Australian Ambassador John Jenkins, British Ambassador Bernard Lelarge,
French Second Secretary Hauke Kracht, German Third Secretary Francesco
Fedeli, Italian Chargé d'Affaires a.i
Karl Wycoff, United States Chargé d'Affaires a.i Patrice Coeur-Bizot,
United Nations Resident Coordinator Jeanne Lennkh, Assistant to United
Nations Resident Coordinator 10.00-10.30 a.m., Traders Hotel Soe Nyunt,
Director-General, Department of Labour Win Mya, Director-General,
International Organizations and Economic Department, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs Dr. Tun Shin, Director-General, Attorney-General's Office
Lt.-Col. Hla Min, Deputy Head, Department of International Affairs,
Office of Strategic Studies Aung Thein Director-General, Department of
General Administration, Ministry of Home Affairs Zaw Win Chief of
General Staff, Police Force 12.15-1.15 p.m., UNDP Office Patrice
Coeur-Bizot, United Nations Resident Coordinator Jeanne Lennkh,
Assistant to United Nations Resident Coordinator Members of the United
Nations Country Team: Francis Rinville, FAO Representative Guillaume Le
Hegarat, UNDCP Assistant Representative Rajiv Kapur, UNHCR Chief of
Mission Dr. Rosella Morelli, UNICEF Officer in Charge Jos Vandelear, WHO
Officer in Charge Bradley Guerrant, WFP Emergency Coordinator Renata
Dessallien, UNDP Deputy Resident Representative 1.15-2.15 p.m., UNDP
Office Janeh Sukaimi, Brunei First Secretary In May, Cambodian
Counsellor Nasaruddin Mochtar Koro, Indonesian Ambassador Ly Bounkham,
Lao People's Democratic Republic Ambassador Dato Mohammad Bin Noh,
Malaysian Ambassador Pablito Mendoza, Philippine Third Secretary Simon
de Cruz, Singapore Ambassador Buskorn Prugsapongse, Thai Counsellor
Nguyen Van Thanh, Vietnamese Second Secretary Wang Zongying, Chinese
First Secretary Shyam Saran, Indian Ambassador Naoki Ito, Japanese
Counsellor Chung Jung-Gum, Republic of Korea Ambassador Patrice
Coeur-Bizot, United Nations Resident Coordinator 2.30-4.00 p.m., Traders
Hotel Soe Nyunt, Director-General, Department of Labour Win Mya,
Director-General, International Organizations and Economic Department,
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Dr. Tun Shin, Director-General,
Attorney-General's Office Lt.-Col. Hla Min, Deputy Head, Department of
International Affairs, Office of Strategic Studies Aung Thein,
Director-General, Department of General Administration, Ministry of Home
Affairs Zaw Win, Chief of General Staff, Police ForceILC89-
*********************
Appendix 5 Understanding on an ILO objective assessment Recalling
previous discussions which were reported to the Governing Body at its
March 2001 session relating to the possibility of an objective
assessment being carried out by the ILO with respect to the practical
implementation and actual impact of the framework of legislative,
executive and administrative measures reported by the Government, within
the overall objective of the complete elimination of forced labour in
law and in practice; Recognizing now the desirability of such an
assessment being carried out as soon as practicable; Noting the
importance in this connection of the observation made by the ILO
Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations in its 2001 report; Aware of the need to respect the
sovereign right of the country as well as the independence of the
Organization in the discharge of its functions; The Government of
Myanmar agrees to receive a high-level team (HLT) to carry out an
objective assessment under the following conditions designed to ensure
its credibility: 1. The team will be composed of high-level persons
appointed by the ILO Director-General on the basis of their recognized
qualifications, impartiality and knowledge of the region
2. Taking into consideration seasonal weather conditions, the
assessment shall be carried out in September 2001. The time needed to
carry out the assessment in Myanmar could involve up to three weeks
3. The members of the HLT shall enjoy, for the purpose and duration of
the mission, the same protection and status accorded to officials of
comparable ranks in the United Nations
4. The HLT shall have complete discretion to establish and implement
its program of work, meetings and visits, taking into account the
indications provided, inter alia, in the aforementioned observation of
the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and
Recommendations, and subject only to valid considerations of security.
For this purpose, the HLT shall be accorded full cooperation from the
relevant Myanmar authorities. During the establishment and
implementation of the HLT's programme, the HLT and the Government may
call upon the assistance of a facilitator recognized by all parties
concerned as being a knowledgeable and fair intermediary
5. Based on the results of the assessment, the HLT may provide such
advice and comments as it deems appropriate
6. The report of the HLT will promptly be made available to the
Director-General and the Government and transmitted to the Governing
Body for consideration at its November 2001 session
19 May 2001. (Initialled) U Soe Nyunt, Chairman of the Myanmar
Negotiating Team
Francis Maupain.
____________________________
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