Navigating the Northeast

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                        Navigating the Northeast

A political settlement with the Nagas will require the backing of the
non-Nagas as well. BARUN DAS GUPTA on the peace moves in the Northeast.

The Hindu (New Delhi)
March 4, 2001

CLOSE ON the heels of the Union Home Minister, Mr. L. K. Advani's hint
in Kohima last Sunday that the Naga ceasefire might be extended to other
areas of the Northeast, the Army announced a ``suspension of
operations'' against all militant groups in Manipur for 15 days from
March 1, in view of the holi festival, which the Manipuris call
``Yaoshang''.

The next day, the Manipur Government went a step further by announcing a
one-month ceasefire during which the State police and the paramilitary
forces would observe a similar restraint. Obviously, the Army and the
Manipur Government took the step at the instance of the Centre. In
Manipur, there are about a dozen and a half militant outfits of Nagas
and Kukis mainly active in the hills, and of Manipuris or Meiteis
operating in the valley.

It was in August, 1997, that the Naga ceasefire between the Centre and
the Isak-Muivah faction of the NSCN (National Socialist Council of
Nagaland) first came into force for three months. It was routinely
extended every three months. However, from 1998 the period was extended
to six months. Last August, it was extended by a year, implying that the
Centre was satisfied that the ceasefire had worked well.

There were differences between the NSCN(I-M) and the Centre on the
ceasefire on two counts. First, the former wanted it extended to all
Naga-inhabited areas in Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. But the
State Governments concerned were dead against it. Second, the NSCN (I-M)
maintained that the ceasefire was between the Centre (that is, the Army)
and itself, but the Centre insisted it meant that the faction desist
from all violent activities - whether directed against the State police,
the rival Khaplang faction or common people - and stop all forms of
extortion.

The Congress(I) Chief Minister of Nagaland, Mr. S. C. Jamir, has all
along been opposed to the Centre holding peace talks with one faction
only. When the NSCN(I-M) made an abortive bid on his life on November
29, 1999, despite the ceasefire, he demanded its immediate termination.
He alleged that the NSCN(I-M) was honouring the ceasefire only by its
flagrant violation.

Intriguingly, last Tuesday the NSCN(I-M) announced it was ``exempting''
some sick and newly-established public and private sector enterprises
from payment of ``loyalty tax'' to its Government, the so-called
``Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland'' or GPRN, but all
other organisations would continue to pay the ``tax''. Employees of all
organisations will also continue to contribute a part of their salary as
they have been doing.

On the eve of Mr. Advani's Kohima visit, the Nagaland PCC, headed by Mr.
Jamir, passed a resolution pooh-poohing the Isak-Muivah faction's claim
that it alone had the mandate of the Naga people to hold talks with the
Centre.

The NPCC proposed that a common platform ``comprising all sections of
Nagas'' be set up for holding ``direct political talks'' with the
Centre. The PCC suggested that the Church take the initiative for the
dialogue. It stressed that no ``single group or organisation'' could
resolve the Naga problem. Other bodies such as the NSCN(K) and the Naga
National Council (Federal) had also to be involved in the negotiations.

Mr. Jamir pointed out at the PCC meeting that no substantive political
issue had been discussed by the Centre with the NSCN(I- M) in the last
three and a half years that the ceasefire had been in force.

This is true enough. It was Mr. Swaraj Kaushal who first started the
negotiations with the NSCN(I-M) on behalf of the Centre. But soon,
following serious differences between him and the Prime Minister over
certain offers that the former wanted to make to the militant outfit,
Mr. Kaushal quit. His place was taken by the former Home Secretary, Mr.
K. Padmanabhiah.

He had several rounds of talks with Mr. Muivah. After Mr. Muivah was
arrested by the Thai authorities in Bangkok in January last year, the
talks were stalled for some time. But the thread was picked up by Mr.
Isak Swu, chairman of the outfit. But, by Mr. Advani's own admission, no
substantive talks have been held for arriving at a comprehensive
political settlement. The deadlock in talks has dismayed public opinion,
particularly the NGOs.

The deadlock is natural. Because, any settlement will mean not only that
the militants give up their demand for secession and sovereignty but
also that the Centre agree to give much more autonomy to the Nagas.

This may require amendment of the Constitution for which all major
political parties will have to be consulted and a consensus arrived at.

Anything granted to the Nagas will, arguably, have to the conceded to
other States also. So, a political settlement with the Nagas will
require the concurrence of non-Naga opinion as well.

The Centre's immediate aim seems to be to consolidate and stabilise the
peace. That is why the last extension of the ceasefire was for one year.
And now it has been extended to Manipur as well.

Opinion in the Manipur valley, cutting across political lines, has been
very firmly against either extending the ceasefire to the Naga-inhabited
areas (mainly the Ukhrul district) of the State or making any
territorial concessions to the proposed Greater Nagaland - or Nagalim,
as it is called now.

That the Manipur Government readily agreed to announce the ceasefire
implies that in the recent political changes in the State, resulting in
the ouster of the Nipamacha Ministry and the induction of a new regime
headed by Mr. Radhabinod Koijam, the BJP has acquired a great deal of
political clout.

It stands to reason that the Centre will next try to persuade Assam and
Arunachal Pradesh also to declare a ceasefire in Karbi Anglong and North
Cachar Hills (Assam) and in Tirap and Changlang districts (Arunachal
Pradesh).



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<center><b><font color="#0000FF"><font size=+3>Navigating the Northeast</font></font></b></center>

<p><b><font color="#3333FF"><font size=+2>A political settlement with the
Nagas will require the backing of the non-Nagas as well. BARUN DAS GUPTA
on the peace moves in the Northeast.</font></font></b>
<p><font color="#CC0000"><font size=+1>The Hindu (New Delhi)</font></font>
<br><font color="#CC0000"><font size=+1>March 4, 2001</font></font>
<p><font size=+1>CLOSE ON the heels of the Union Home Minister, Mr. L.
K. Advani's hint in Kohima last Sunday that the Naga ceasefire might be
extended to other areas of the Northeast, the Army announced a ``suspension
of operations'' against all militant groups in Manipur for 15 days from
March 1, in view of the holi festival, which the Manipuris call ``Yaoshang''.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The next day, the Manipur Government went a step further
by announcing a one-month ceasefire during which the State police and the
paramilitary forces would observe a similar restraint. Obviously, the Army
and the Manipur Government took the step at the instance of the Centre.
In Manipur, there are about a dozen and a half militant outfits of Nagas
and Kukis mainly active in the hills, and of Manipuris or Meiteis operating
in the valley.</font>
<p><font size=+1>It was in August, 1997, that the Naga ceasefire between
the Centre and the Isak-Muivah faction of the NSCN (National Socialist
Council of Nagaland) first came into force for three months. It was routinely
extended every three months. However, from 1998 the period was extended
to six months. Last August, it was extended by a year, implying that the
Centre was satisfied that the ceasefire had worked well.</font>
<p><font size=+1>There were differences between the NSCN(I-M) and the Centre
on the ceasefire on two counts. First, the former wanted it extended to
all Naga-inhabited areas in Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. But the
State Governments concerned were dead against it. Second, the NSCN (I-M)
maintained that the ceasefire was between the Centre (that is, the Army)
and itself, but the Centre insisted it meant that the faction desist from
all violent activities - whether directed against the State police, the
rival Khaplang faction or common people - and stop all forms of extortion.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The Congress(I) Chief Minister of Nagaland, Mr. S. C.
Jamir, has all along been opposed to the Centre holding peace talks with
one faction only. When the NSCN(I-M) made an abortive bid on his life on
November 29, 1999, despite the ceasefire, he demanded its immediate termination.
He alleged that the NSCN(I-M) was honouring the ceasefire only by its flagrant
violation.</font>
<p><font size=+1>Intriguingly, last Tuesday the NSCN(I-M) announced it
was ``exempting'' some sick and newly-established public and private sector
enterprises from payment of ``loyalty tax'' to its Government, the so-called
``Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland'' or GPRN, but all other
organisations would continue to pay the ``tax''. Employees of all organisations
will also continue to contribute a part of their salary as they have been
doing.</font>
<p><font size=+1>On the eve of Mr. Advani's Kohima visit, the Nagaland
PCC, headed by Mr. Jamir, passed a resolution pooh-poohing the Isak-Muivah
faction's claim that it alone had the mandate of the Naga people to hold
talks with the Centre.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The NPCC proposed that a common platform ``comprising
all sections of Nagas'' be set up for holding ``direct political talks''
with the Centre. The PCC suggested that the Church take the initiative
for the dialogue. It stressed that no ``single group or organisation''
could resolve the Naga problem. Other bodies such as the NSCN(K) and the
Naga National Council (Federal) had also to be involved in the negotiations.</font>
<p><font size=+1>Mr. Jamir pointed out at the PCC meeting that no substantive
political issue had been discussed by the Centre with the NSCN(I- M) in
the last three and a half years that the ceasefire had been in force.</font>
<p><font size=+1>This is true enough. It was Mr. Swaraj Kaushal who first
started the negotiations with the NSCN(I-M) on behalf of the Centre. But
soon, following serious differences between him and the Prime Minister
over certain offers that the former wanted to make to the militant outfit,
Mr. Kaushal quit. His place was taken by the former Home Secretary, Mr.
K. Padmanabhiah.</font>
<p><font size=+1>He had several rounds of talks with Mr. Muivah. After
Mr. Muivah was arrested by the Thai authorities in Bangkok in January last
year, the talks were stalled for some time. But the thread was picked up
by Mr. Isak Swu, chairman of the outfit. But, by Mr. Advani's own admission,
no substantive talks have been held for arriving at a comprehensive political
settlement. The deadlock in talks has dismayed public opinion, particularly
the NGOs.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The deadlock is natural. Because, any settlement will
mean not only that the militants give up their demand for secession and
sovereignty but also that the Centre agree to give much more autonomy to
the Nagas.</font>
<p><font size=+1>This may require amendment of the Constitution for which
all major political parties will have to be consulted and a consensus arrived
at.</font>
<p><font size=+1>Anything granted to the Nagas will, arguably, have to
the conceded to other States also. So, a political settlement with the
Nagas will require the concurrence of non-Naga opinion as well.</font>
<p><font size=+1>The Centre's immediate aim seems to be to consolidate
and stabilise the peace. That is why the last extension of the ceasefire
was for one year. And now it has been extended to Manipur as well.</font>
<p><font size=+1>Opinion in the Manipur valley, cutting across political
lines, has been very firmly against either extending the ceasefire to the
Naga-inhabited areas (mainly the Ukhrul district) of the State or making
any territorial concessions to the proposed Greater Nagaland - or Nagalim,
as it is called now.</font>
<p><font size=+1>That the Manipur Government readily agreed to announce
the ceasefire implies that in the recent political changes in the State,
resulting in the ouster of the Nipamacha Ministry and the induction of
a new regime headed by Mr. Radhabinod Koijam, the BJP has acquired a great
deal of political clout.</font>
<p><font size=+1>It stands to reason that the Centre will next try to persuade
Assam and Arunachal Pradesh also to declare a ceasefire in Karbi Anglong
and North Cachar Hills (Assam) and in Tirap and Changlang districts (Arunachal
Pradesh).</font>
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