BurmaNet News: January 20, 2001

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______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
         January 20, 2001   Issue # 1715
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________

NOTED IN PASSING:

?Perhaps nothing short of a miracle - or a radical change in the 
political realities of modern-day Burma - will redeem the country and 
its people in the eyes of its closest neighbour.?

Min Zin.  See The Nation: Thai Yet to 'Love Their Neighbour'



INSIDE BURMA _______
*Asiaweek: Fighting on a New Front in a Forgotten War
*Xinhua: Myanmar Building Hill Resort to Promote Ecotourism
*DVB:   Burmese groups skeptical about dialogue
*DVB: Burmese authorities allow screenings of Chinese propaganda films 

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*Far Eastern Economic Review: Burma--A Ray of Hope
*AFP: Albright welcomes Myanmar talks, but warns against "false dawn"  
*The Nation: Twins 'Upset about Killings' 
*US Gov:  Remarks by  Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright  on Burma

OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*The Nation: Thai Yet to 'Love Their Neighbour'
*Far Eastern Economic Review: Talking Politics




__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________


Asiaweek: Fighting on a New Front in a Forgotten War 


January 19, 2001 

SECTION: EYEWITNESS; Pg. 33 

LENGTH: 610 words 


BYLINE: BY WILLIAM BARNES, LOI DAI LENG, MYANMAR-THAI FRONTIER  
HIGHLIGHT: 
A rebel army in Myanmar that once smuggled narcotics turns its guns on 
the drug traffickers in a bid for legitimacy  

The dawn quiet in the jungle along the frontier between Myanmar and 
Thailand is broken by a solitary shout: "Go man go!" A squad of 
uniformed young men carrying an eclectic collection of guns jogs out of 
the woods. "Go man go," they chant back to their drill sergeant. Here in 
the middle of the Golden Triangle, in a village straddling the border, 
the latest recruits of an ethnic Shan warlord's small army are preparing 
to fight -- against the drug trade.  

To those familiar with this lawless land where much of the world's opium 
is produced, that may come as a bit of a surprise. The Shan State Army 
has been fighting since the 1960s for the freedom the Shan people were 
promised at Myanmar's independence. Its fight was not always noble. For 
years, the SSA's southern forces under the notorious druglord Khun Sa 
controlled a huge chunk of the world's opium supply. After Khun Sa 
signed a peace deal with Yangon in 1996 that allowed him to remain free 
in "retirement," the SSA and its cause faded from the world's attention. 
Now, in a quixotic bid for legitimacy and international support, its 
commander is assaulting the heroin factories and intercepting the mule 
convoys that are run by rival militias backed by Yangon's military 
junta.  

"If I was doing it for the money, I would be a drug trafficker wouldn't 
I?" says Col. Yot Serk, a quiet-spoken lifelong soldier, aggrieved that 
Washington still lists him as a narcotics dealer. "I just see that life 
is hell for the Shan people under the Burmese. You don't think we'd be 
fighting like this if the [junta] were even a little bit reasonable?" In 
the last two years, the SSA says, it has destroyed seven drug refineries 
and seized more than 70 kg of heroin and two million methamphetamine 
pills.  

The SSA's luck may be changing. Bangkok is furious about the flood of 
yaba, or amphetamines, that is flooding into Thailand from factories 
across the northern frontier. Thai generals seethe at the Myanmar army. 
It does raid drug production plants and burn poppy fields elsewhere. But 
it is also allowing the United Wa State Army, a Yangon-aligned ethnic 
militia which the U.S. calls "the world's largest armed drug trafficking 
organization," to expand its operations in Shan State along the border.  


So while the Thai government dares not move openly against a prickly 
historical rival that is now a fellow member of the Association of 
Southeast Asian Nations, it keeps an eye on Yot Serk and discreetly 
applauds his successes. Thai authorities allow the SSA to operate freely 
in Loi Dai Leng -- where one side of the sole street is Thailand, the 
other Myanmar. About 100 fighters live here, out of a total SSA strength 
that experts estimate at two to three thousand. Thai special forces 
appear to be friendly with SSA counterparts, and Thai agents are said to 
cooperate with the ethnic army's anti-drug operations. "We check. We 
know that he does do these things. We support every drug fighter," says 
a well-placed Thai intelligence source.  

But the open recognition and support by the international community that 
the SSA craves for its drug fighting campaign and independence 
aspirations remain elusive. That may be because Yot Serk was once Khun 
Sa's best fighter. Or it may be because some governments are still not 
persuaded that the 43-year-old commander is going straight. Meanwhile, 
pressure on the SSA continues to grow as the stronger Wa, who have 
traditionally operated in the hilly north of Shan State near the Chinese 
border, move thousands of their villagers into the historically 
ethnic-Shan lowlands nearer Thailand. And the forgotten war rumbles on.  





____________________________________________________


Xinhua: Myanmar Building Hill Resort to Promote Ecotourism


YANGON, January 19 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar is building one more hill resort 
station in Thandaung, southern part of the country, in addition to the 
existing two in the north, to add more place for rest and recreation for 
holiday-makers, especially foreign holiday-makers. Permission has been 
granted by the authorities for free use of land and altogether 20 local 
companies are engaged in the project, official newspaper The New Light 
of Myanmar reported Friday. The construction project is being 
implemented with the cooperation of the Myanmar Ministry of Progress of 
Border Areas and National Races. Myanmar has introduced ecotourism 
opening mountain resorts in the country, mostly in northern Mandalay 
division. 

In addition to building hill resorts, Myanmar has also opened some 
islands including the Thahtay Island in Kawthoung opposite to Thailand 
to foreign investors to build beach resorts to promote tourism industry. 
According to official statistics, the number of foreign tourists 
visiting Myanmar came to 151,970 in the first eight months of 2000, 
falling by 17 percent over a year earlier. Foreign investment in the 
country in the hotels and tourism sector stood at over 1.04 billion U.S. 
dollars in 41 projects as of 2000. Enditem 2001-01-19 Fri 00:13 


____________________________________________________


DVB:   Burmese groups skeptical about dialogue


January 18, 2001, Thursday 




Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1245 gmt 16 Jan 01  


DVB Democratic Voice of Burma correspondent Htet Aung Kyaw reports on 
whether there is a possibility of a peace agreement between the Karen 
National Union KNU and the SPDC State Peace and Development Council as 
recently mentioned by SPDC Secretary-1 Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, and that the 
SPDC military government is not only holding talks with the NLD National 
League for Democracy but also attempting to hold talks with the 
nationalities armed groups at the border.  

Htet Aung Kyaw This news came up when a group led by Col San Pwint, an 
SPDC military intelligence officer, arrived Myawadi. Border news sources 
told DVB that their main target was the KNU. But Phado Mahn Sha, the KNU 
secretary, told DVB that it was a meeting between the liaison officers 
from both sides and that there is no possibility of a dialogue at this 
moment.  

Phado Mahn Sha We would like to say that this is false news. We are not 
having any talks with the SPDC at the moment. The SPDC is also carrying 
out their offensive against the KNU. But one thing which is true is that 
we have communication between us. We established the communication links 
between us after the 1996 talks. We use a central third party for 
communications, some from their side and some from our side. They are 
meant only for communication, not to hold talks.  

Htet Aung Kyaw DVB also asked another nationalities group the KNPP, 
Karenni National Progressive Party.
  
U Ohn Mawkhi - name as received By talking with the NLD they the SPDC 
are sending us mixed signals. They sent negotiators to negotiate for a 
cease-fire in 1994-95 with the KNU, the KNPP and other nationalities 
groups under the policy of getting the armed groups back to the legal 
fold. Now they are not sending liaison people but writing to us. In the 
letter they wanted us to join with the SPDC Armed Forces and engage in 
development activities, to return for talks and to return to the legal 
fold. But as for us and as the whole world knows, even the whole of 
Burma knows, what their peace means and what will happen with peace. If 
you want to know more go and ask around. We know what happened and that 
is why we cannot easily accept the overture. If they really want then 
they have to do it nationwide and must include a third party because the 
KNPP has had a bad experience. Everyone knows in 1995 we signed a 
cease-fire agreement. Well, we signed a bilateral agreement but the 
thing is nothing was actually agreed upon between the KNPP and the SPDC. 
We told U Kyaw Thein Burmese defence official that. This time we cannot 
accept that condition and we need to be very careful.  			

Htet Aung Kyaw That was U Ohn Mawkhi, the secretary of KNPP. In fact the 
SPDC military government is trying to show the world that they can hold 
talks with any organization but we will have to wait and see what the 
outcome will be from the actual talks.  





___________________________________________________


DVB: Burmese authorities allow screenings of Chinese propaganda films 


The SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] military government has 
allowed the viewing of propaganda movies produced by the Chinese 
government at major cities in Burma. A four-person Chinese mobile movie 
unit led by PRC [People's Republic of China] Consul Mrs Lui Xuqui 
arrived in Myitkyina, Kachin State, on 13 December 2000 and showed free 
Chinese propaganda movies for three days. 

Similarly, this mobile movie unit arrived in Magwe on 18 December 2000 
and showed free Chinese propaganda movies for three days. The SPDC has 
allowed its troops and departmental employees to watch the movie shows 
along with the people. The SPDC not only provided full security for the 
PRC consul-led Chinese mobile movie unit but has also given permission 
to show the movies anywhere they like. DVB [Democratic Voice of Burma] 
correspondent Sai Kyi Aye filed this report. 


Source: Democratic Voice of Burma, Oslo, in Burmese 1245 gmt 14 Jan 01 





___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
				

Far Eastern Economic Review: Burma--A Ray of Hope

Talks between the junta and Aung Sang Suu Kyi are greeted with cautious 
optimism By Bertil Lintner/BANGKOK
Issue cover-dated January 25, 2001

BURMA'S MILITARY LEADERS may appear to have made a New Year's resolution 
to make up with the opposition, but don't bet on it. Hopes of a 
breakthrough followed the unexpected announcement in early January that 
the generals had opened a dialogue with pro-democracy leader Aung San 
Suu Kyi, who heads the beleaguered opposition National League for 
Democracy.  

The news was generally welcomed with cautious optimism, though analysts 
did note that it comes at a time when both sides have their backs 
against the wall. 

The government has been under growing international pressure to open a 
dialogue with the opposition and improve its human-rights record, while 
the economy is in a desperate state and faces further ruin from 
International Labour Organization sanctions imposed in November because 
of the continuing use of forced labour. 
The NLD, meanwhile, has been virtually wiped out as a functioning 
opposition. Suu Kyi and most of the top leadership are in detention, 
while thousands of followers have been arrested and hundreds of offices 
shuttered. 
The announcement that Suu Kyi and the junta's powerful intelligence 
chief, Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, had met several times came after Razali 
Ismail, the United Nations special envoy on Burma, concluded a five-day 
visit to the country on January 9. He talked to both sides during his 
trip. 

"Mr. Razali was able to confirm that the two sides had started a direct 
dialogue since last October and that they were satisfied with the 
results achieved so far in the area of confidence building," the UN said 
in a statement, adding: "The two sides are expected to start more 
substantive discussions shortly." 

There were soon further signs that the government was adopting a change 
of approach in its dealings with Suu Kyi, who has been under house 
arrest since she tried to visit party workers in the northern city of 
Mandalay in late September.
 
For the first time in five years, state-run newspapers halted their 
vicious daily attacks on Suu Kyi, apparently at the request of Razali. 
Then junta officials visited NLD headquarters and said 86 jailed 
supporters would be allowed to receive food parcels and letters. 

This is all welcome news. The Thailand-based All Burma Students' 
Democratic Front hailed the talks as a "historic breakthrough" and "the 
most positive sign we've seen since the general election held in 1990." 
In that election, the NLD won 392 out of the 485 seats contested in the 
first multiparty polls in Burma since 1960. The irate army nullified the 
results and the assembly has never met. 

But most diplomats and analysts are wary, while some fear the junta's 
real intention is simply to persuade the international community to ease 
the pressure on Rangoon before it reverts to its bad old ways. "It is a 
start, but we must not expect results overnight," says Harn Yawnhee, 
Brussels-based spokesman for the pro-democracy movement in exile. "There 
is a lot of ground to be covered and a lot of mistrust to be overcome. 
Anything can happen to derail the process and both sides will have to 
work hard to keep the process alive. It could be a long process, with 
many ups and downs and stops before it goes anywhere." 

But a Bangkok-based analyst says: "The generals will use the ruse of 
democracy to get the international community off their backs. They plan 
to legitimize the status quo under a different guise." He and others say 
the litmus test of the generals' sincerity will be if they release Suu 
Kyi and all other political prisoners and allow the reopening of 
opposition-party offices. 

The pessimists note that it's not the first time the generals have held 
talks with Suu Kyi. She met twice with Khin Nyunt and junta chief Gen. 
Than Shwe in 1994, during her first long stretch of house arrest. But 
the talks went no further after Suu Kyi said she was not trying to 
strike a deal. The difference now is that while there was no significant 
outside involvement in the earlier talks, the latest ones have been 
pushed by strong regional interests and the United Nations. 

The catalyst for change appears to have been the appointment of Razali, 
a Malaysian, as special envoy to Burma. His appointment came amid 
mounting frustration in the Association of Southeast Asian 
Nations--especially in Thailand--at the debilitating effect Burma's 
membership was having on the bloc's relations with the West, 
particularly Europe. Burma was inducted as a member in 1997, largely at 
the behest of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. 

Razali visited Burma as a representative of the United Nations, but it 
was no coincidence that Mahathir was in the country at the same time on 
an official visit. Razali said Mahathir's visit "definitely helped the 
UN effort" but was a separate Malaysian initiative. 

MALAYSIAN CONNECTION


Mahathir, apparently keen to redeem a reputation tainted by his harsh 
treatment of the opposition back home, focused on the carrot of business 
and investment in his talks with the Burmese. Diplomats say much of the 
political spadework was done just before his trip by a visiting team of 
high-ranking Malaysian officials. 

Mahathir and these officials made it clear to the generals that donor 
nations would never accept a situation in which they went ahead and 
passed a new constitution without the opposition. The generals needed to 
do more if they were to win Western aid, which was cut after the army 
crackdown on pro-democracy protests of 1988. 

Clearly the generals were feeling the pressure from sanctions and their 
overseas allies to shape up. But some Burmese fear they will return to 
past practices by holding a couple of rounds of talks, letting them 
break down and then blaming it all on Suu Kyi; then they will pass a new 
constitution to legitimize their rule. 

"We have to be cautious. I think sanctions, including the ILO's, are 
working," says pro-democracy magazine editor Aung Zaw, adding in 
reference to tensions within the junta: "It also shows that internal 
conflicts among the top three are tense. Not only the NLD, but the junta 
itself is in deep trouble. I think Khin Nyunt has to do that as he has 
been pushed in a corner by his rivals." Those rivals are Than Shwe and 
army chief Gen. Maung Aye. 

Harn Yawnhee is more optimistic. "Given the involvement of Dr. Mahathir, 
Asean, Razali and the UN secretary-general, I think it will not be a 
repeat of 1994. I think both sides realize the need to find a solution 
for the sake of the future of Burma as a nation. Let us wait and see." 


___________________________________________________


AFP: Albright welcomes Myanmar talks, but warns against "false dawn"  

WASHINGTON
Jan 18 (AFP) - The United States Thursday welcomed the tentative 
dialogue between Myanmar's generals and their bitter rival Aung San Suu 
Kyi, but warned the country needed a "new beginning" not just another 
"false dawn."   Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, in one of her 
final acts at the State Department, discussed the talks in a personal 
statement on Myanmar's political struggle -- an issue which she says is 
close to her heart.   "The Burmese government and opposition leader Aung 
San Suu Kyi have recently confirmed that they are engaged in a 
dialogue," Albright said as she read the statement to reporters.   "We 
hope it represents a genuine effort to achieve national reconciliation 
and that it brings swift and concrete progress toward ending abuses of 
human rights in Burma, which regrettably continue.   "Burma needs a new 
beginning, not another false dawn," she said using Myanmar's former 
name, which the opposition prefers.   The United Nations announced last 
week that secret talks between leading general Khin Nyunt and opposition 
leader Aung San Suu Kyi were being held to prepare the way for an 
historic dialogue between the two sides.   Albright's statement, which 
was previously scheduled, came hours after Myanmar's official media 
quoted Khin Nyunt as saying the country would never adopt 
"western-style" democracy.   It was also issued just two days before she 
hands her department over to George W. Bush's Secretary of 
State-designate, Colin Powell.   

Bush's policy intentions towards Myanmar are so far unclear, but there 
has been speculation that the rigorous denunciations of the country's 
human rights record might be more muted under the new administration.   
Harold Koh, outgoing Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human 
Rights and Labor said after the Albright breifing that he expected US 
policy on Myanmar to remain consistent.   "We think that the United 
States government and the United States people will continue to have 
that same core interest, regardless of who's in charge."   Albright said 
President Bill Clinton wanted to give the tentative dialogue a chance to 
succeed but warned that in the absence of any concrete progress, action 
may need to be taken to highlight Myanmar's alleged use of forced labor. 
  After reading the statement, she added: "The President and I welcome 
these talks and sincerely hope that this dialogue is genuine and leads 
to real improvement in the lives of the Burmese people."   

Members of the International Labor Organisation "should be prepared to 
consider additional measures, including trade sanctions, to respond to 
the ILO's call to action," she said.   The ILO last year called on its 
members to review their ties with Myanmar over evidence that it used 
forced labor -- a charge the junta denies.   Myanmar has been trapped in 
a political stalemate since the military annulled an opposition election 
victory in 1990.   The generals are accused by the United States and 
other Western opponents of carrying out a string of human rights abuses, 
and of crushing all political opposition.   It is still unclear exactly 
what outcome the junta has in mind for the talks. Aung San Suu Kyi is 
still confined to her home in suburban Yangon and scores of 
pro-democracy activists remain in prison.  

In the past junta officials have suggested moulding a political 
framework reminiscent to that adopted by Indonesia under General 
Suharto, where the army was nominally out of politics, but controlled 
events from behind the scenes.   Khin Nyunt said Myanmar would work to 
install a democratic system suitable for its people and in line with its 
historical and cultural background.  




___________________________________________________


The Nation: Twins 'Upset about Killings' 

Saturday, January 20, 2001



BY DON PATHAN 
The Nation 

SUAN PHUNG, Ratchaburi - They said a picture is worth a thousand words 
but the child-twin leaders of an armed messianic group, Johnny and 
Luther Htoo, were speechless when they were shown a picture of their 
mother and older sister. 

"A huge smile broke out on their face when they saw the picture," said a 
Border Patrol Police officer who showed them the photo. 

The look on their faces was in sharp contrast compared to the previous 
four days when they looked nervous and anxious after they and sixteen 
others surrendered to the Thai Army. 

The photo was taken some years ago at the time when their mother, Nor 
Muh Khae, was pregnant with the twins. 

The picture shows her standing next to her daughter, Mon Dae, who the 
twins say is about 20 now. The twins have been separated from their 
family since early last year after their stronghold in Karmaplaw was 
overrun by Burmese government soldiers in an all out offensive to wipe 
out God's Army, as the twin's group was named. 

According to army and rebel sources, the remaining members in God's Army 
are facing a bleak future and the organisation is likely to quickly 
break up now that the twin leaders have surrendered. 

A military source and a member of another rebel group, the Karen 
National Union, said God's Army is quickly becoming disunited as their 
baby-face leaders are no longer taking up arms. 

Though the twins still command the respect and admiration of their 
followers, their will to fight quickly disappeared after the killing of 
six Thai villagers on New Year's Eve, the sources said. 

"One of the twins was so angry at the outcome of the shooting that he 
punched one of the people [who allegedly took part in the killing] in 
the face, while screaming at those involved 'I have never sinned'," one 
of the sources said. 

Karen villagers, and those who have come to know them, said the 
chain-smoking Christian twins are very religious. The group would huddle 
together to say a long prayer before entering each battle.  
Their followers are required to carry a Bible in their rucksack when 
they go out on missions, the sources said. 

The sources said this deep religious belief was the reason the twins 
were so upset at the death of the Thais. 

On Tuesday, three of the four members who allegedly took part in the 
murders surrendered to the police, while the eldest, called Rambo, died 
after a grenade he was carrying exploded when he attempted to flee back 
to Burma. 


The three, who were taken to the scene of the shooting on Thursday to 
re-enact the killing, blamed the incident on Rambo. 

The police said they would be prosecuted as soon as possible.  
Described as a stubborn hard-liner, Rambo was a senior member in the 
movement. 

The sources, who took part in the surrender negotiations, said the twins 
had shown signs of giving up before the shooting, but Rambo and other 
senior members insisted on continuing their fight. 

The decision to surrender, they said, came not only from the fact that 
Thai security forces had cut off their supply route to their camp, but 
from the fact that the twins had lost the will to fight for autonomy 
after the tragic events on New Year's Eve. 

The sources said the older members kept the twins away from most of the 
surrender negotiations with representatives of the Thai Army, as well as 
ethnic Karen who have known them for years. 

They said the older members did not want to give up their struggle and 
exploited the twins' messianic status to keep the movement intact.  
"As long as the people continued to believe in the twins, their will to 
fight would remain," they said. 

It's a different story now, they said. The remaining troops will likely 
be reunited with their family living in the numerous border villages or 
surrender to the authorities so they can be relocated to refugee camps 
in Ratchaburi's Suan Phung district. 

A total of 18 members of the group have surrendered to the authority, 
most of whom are children. 

Army chief Gen Surayudh Chulanont saw the surrender as "great progress" 
made, saying that local residents can rest assured that the security 
situation will improve dramatically in the coming days. 

National Security chief Kajadpai Burutpatana said the former rebels who 
were granted refugee status might not be sent to camps in Ratchaburi due 
to local resentment. Those who were not classified as refugees would be 
allowed to stay in the area temporarily before being repatriation to a 
safe area in Burma. 

He was confident the remaining rebels posed no security threat to the 
country, adding that international media has made the group look larger 
than life. 

The twins have been lionised by Karen for their supposed magical powers, 
which many believed have helped them defeat Burmese soldiers trying to 
capture them. 

The group came into being in 1997 after KNU's force brigade based in the 
area was overran by Burmese troops in an all out offensive that drove 
about 2,000 refugees into Thailand. 

Most, if not all, of the villagers have since crossed the border and are 
currently living in refugee camps in the district. 

Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai, who visited the twins on Tuesday, said the 
group who surrendered will be treated like any other displaced people 
fleeing war, while the three who allegedly took part in the killing will 
be dealt with according to the Thai law. 




___________________________________________________


US Gov:  Remarks by  Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright  on Burma

Jan. 18, 2001

  SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Thank you. I wanted to come down and make this 
statement    personally because this is an issue that I have cared about 
and will continue    to care about, and it makes so much difference to 
all who care about democracy    and human rights around the world. 

  For the past eight years, the President and I have worked hard to 
support the    advocates of peaceful democratic change in Burma, 
including Nobel Peace Prize    winner Aung San Suu Kyi. Today, I am 
issuing the following statement, making    clear our position on new 
talks that are taking place between Aung San Suu Kyi    and the Burmese 
military regime. 

  This is the statement: 

  "The Burmese Government and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi have 
recently    confirmed that they are engaged in a dialogue. We hope it 
represents a genuine    effort to achieve national reconciliation and 
that it brings swift and    concrete progress toward ending abuses of 
human rights in Burma, which    regrettably continue. Burma needs a new 
beginning, not another false dawn.    "This Administration has worked 
continuously and with bipartisan support to    aid the Burmese people in 
their struggle for human rights and democracy. 

We    have imposed sanctions against the ruling military to help keep 
Burma's    democratic opposition, and thus hope for change, alive. We 
have worked closely    with the United Nations and our Asian partners to 
encourage diplomacy aimed at    dialogue. And I am confident America's 
efforts will continue as long as they    are necessary. 

  "The President and I have been particularly concerned about the 
continuing use    of forced labor by the Burmese Government. Last year, 
the International Labor    Organization asked world governments, 
businesses and trade unions to review    their relation with Burma 'and 
take appropriate measures to ensure that it    cannot take advantage of 
such relations to perpetuate or extent the system of    forced or 
compulsory labor.' 

  "Forced labor is unlikely to end in Burma as long as democracy is 
denied.    Thus, it is especially important for the current dialogue to 
lead to genuine    progress: the full and free participation of the 
National League for Democracy    and the Burmese people in the political 
life of their country, the release of    political prisoners, and an end 
to forced labor. 

  "We want to give this process the opportunity to succeed, but the 
President    has asked me to make clear that, in the absence of 
significant progress, ILO    members, including the United States, 
should be prepared to consider    additional measures, including trade 
sanctions, to respond to the ILO's call    to action." 

  That is the end of the statement. And let me just add that the 
President and I    welcome these talks and sincerely hope that this 
dialogue is genuine and leads    to real improvement in the lives of the 
Burmese people. All Americans should    look forward to the day when the 
Burmese people will truly be free to govern    themselves. 

  Thank you all very much. 



______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________


The Nation: Thai Yet to 'Love Their Neighbour'


Saturday, January 20, 2001

 
BY MIN ZIN

THE spectre of Bang Rachan and a century of nation building still cast 
shadows over Thais' perception of Burma and the Burmese. 

Watching the Thai film "Bang Rachan" is an uncomfortable experience for 
Burmese as the story portrays the sacrifice of brave Siamese villagers 
fighting to the death against superior Burmese invaders. 

When the two forces engage each other, resulting in the death of the 
"evil" Burmese, the Thai audiences respond with enthusiastic hurrahs and 
applause. And as the corpses of Siamese pile up and are set aflame, Thai 
girls start sobbing. "You can hardly feel any sense of humanity in the 
theatre, where instead all negative feelings are predominantly 
overwhelmed," says Ko Myo, a Burmese who has seen the movie. 

Though there is little historic evidence to support the film's 
narrative, it succeeds in reinforcing deep-seated Thai prejudice against 
Burmese. The plot is in fact derived from a well-known national myth 
which students are exposed to in school. The project was filmed without 
consulting any historians. 

"We intended to [film without consulting historians] for fear that a 
dramatic element of story telling would be destroyed by factual 
information and subsequently all enjoyment would be lost. We made it 
real only to convince the audiences," says the director, Thanit 
Jitnulkul.  
Pornpol Sarnsamak, 23, a senior student of history at Chiang Mai 
University, is unimpressed. "Invented nationalism has been 
commercialised again in a highly sophisticated manner. It is not a 
healthy thing to instil patriotism among people through the use of 
distorted accounts. I don't think we should be that biased," he says. 

The roots of such bias are surprisingly shallow, but nonetheless 
complexly interwoven. Although most Siamese and Thais have always tended 
to regard Burma as their enemy, the national identities of both 
countries are relatively recent creations. The pre-modern kingdoms that 
covered much of their present territories did not fully encompass either 
country, and there was considerable overlapping. In some Siamese 
chronicles, for instance, the city and province of Chiang Mai, now known 
as Thailand's "second capital", was identified as part of the Burmese 
Empire. According to the "Ayutthaya Chronicles", Lan Na (present-day 
Chiang Mai) had sided with the Burmese virtually from the beginning of 
their 1563 invasion of Siam.  

Not only politically but also culturally the two countries were not so 
easily distinguished from each other. Both were - and still are - 
extremely heterogeneous in terms of ethnicity, further blurring the line 
between them. In the Chiang Mai region, which remained an important 
vassal state of Burma from 1558 to 1774, cultural and religious 
influences especially ran deep in both directions. It was only with the 
sacking of the Siamese capital of Ayutthaya in 1767 that the Siamese 
began to draw a strong black line between "us" and "them". 

The destruction of Ayutthaya, the pride of classical civilisation, was 
an unmitigated disaster for relations. It would be difficult to 
over-estimate the impact of this episode on the subsequent development 
of Siamese perceptions of Burma. 

Krom Phrarawangboworn Mahasurasrihanat, a chronicler of Siamese history, 
gave full vent to the sense of outrage that still simmers in the hearts 
of many Thais: "The sinful Burmese ravaged our villages and cities. A 
great number of our citizens [were killed], and many temples were . . . 
ruined. Our peaceful kingdom was abandoned and turned into forest. The 
Burmese showed no mercy to the Siamese and felt no shame for all the 
sins they had committed." 

A leitmotif of much Siamese historical commentary since Ayutthaya has 
been the image of the cruel and ineffably evil Burmese. Even in other 
genres, such as the writings of learned monks, the Burmese emerge as 
dangerous enemies of all that is precious to the Siamese, including 
their Buddhist faith, something that even now is an integral part of 
both nations' identities. 

By the late 19th and early 20th centuries, such stereotypes had become 
fodder for the cause of nationalism, the ideological underpinning of 
Siam's efforts to build a modern nation state. Anti-Burmese sentiment 
was systematically inculcated in the mind of every Siamese, through oral 
tradition, historical literature, textbooks, plays, music and movies, in 
order to instil a sense of national pride. Thus ancient battles between 
rival rulers suddenly became wars between nations. 

"The negative attitude toward the Burmese does not occur solely as a 
result of the past relationship," says Dr Sunait Chutinatranond of the 
Institute of Asian Studies at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok. "It 
is, rather, the outcome of political manoeuvres by Thai nationalist 
governments, especially military regimes. It is an attempt to stir up a 
sense of nationalism and at the same time legitimise their ruling 
authority by claiming that they, like all their brave ancestors who 
fought against Burma, take as their primary concern the task of 
protecting the nation, religion and monarchy from external invasion." 

In more recent years, other factors besides nationalist propaganda have 
also contributed to Thais' negative view of Burma. The steady 
deterioration of social and economic conditions in Burma after decades 
of misrule under successive military regimes has added a sense of 
worldly, as well as moral, superiority to many Thais' self-image 
vis-á-vis their neighbour. With the fall of the Burmese currency, the 
kyat, from three times the value of the baht in the 1970s to just 
one-tenth of its value since the late 1980s, Burma's degradation as a 
nation seems complete. Thai businessmen, setting their watches back 30 
minutes as they fly to Burma, may feel that they have in fact regressed 
30 years upon reaching their destination.  

The shades of discrimination that Burmese now face in Thailand are far 
more nuanced than in the past. According to Pornsuk Koetsawang, author 
of "In Search of Sunlight", a book about the plight of Burmese illegal 
immigrants living in Thailand, "regarding discrimination against 
Burmese, [legal] status is far more determinant than being Burmese". But 
in the minds of many Thais the words "illegal" and "Burmese" are almost 
inextricably connected, as not only "illegal" people, but also illegal 
substances such as yaa baa (methamphetamines) continue to flow across 
the border in torrents. 

As the "illegal Burmese" supersedes the "evil Burmese" in popular 
imagination, even educated Thais are often incredulous when they meet 
Burmese who don't fit the "illegal" image. 

"Whenever I introduce myself as a Burmese student of Assumption 
University, many Thais just can't believe it," says one 20-year-old 
Burmese with a valid passport and a student visa who attends classes at 
the prestigious Bangkok university. 

Despite a tendency to attribute their neighbour's troubles to some 
inherent flaw in the Burmese character, there is a growing recognition 
amongst Thais that all is not rotten in Burma. The emergence of Aung San 
Suu Kyi as the courageous and charismatic leader of the pro-democracy 
movement has done much to inspire admiration and sympathy for the 
Burmese struggle. This, coupled with their own bitter but relatively 
brief experience of military rule, has made many Thais realise that the 
use of sheer brute force by the government, rather than a lack of will 
on the part of ordinary citizens, has been the major impediment to 
Burma's desire to rejoin the ranks of civilised nations. 

Burma has also become more attractive to Thai investors. With their own 
natural resources greatly depleted after decades of high growth, Thais 
have discovered the enormous potential of the land beyond their western 
frontier.  
Indeed some Thai analysts believe that as globalisation takes hold of 
Thailand and the country enters the international economic mainstream 
history itself is losing its significance. Education and culture are 
seen increasingly in terms of their commercial value and less as a means 
of constructing national identities based upon interpretations of the 
past.  

King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910), the father of modern Thailand, once 
mentioned that his ancestors had put a curse on future generations of 
the royal family to prevent them from forming close ties with Burma. 
This curse, it seems, still has hold over many Thais, whether they 
acknowledge it or not. Even Pornsuk admits legal status alone would not 
make much of a difference to her own family's perceptions of the 
Burmese: "If I had a Burmese boy-friend, my family and relatives would 
feel very bad even if he had legal status." Perhaps nothing short of a 
miracle - or a radical change in the political realities of modern-day 
Burma - will redeem the country and its people in the eyes of its 
closest neighbour.


___________________________________________________



Far Eastern Economic Review: Talking Politics

Issue cover-dated January 25, 2001


Whether anything comes of the Burmese junta's meetings with Aung San Suu 
Kyi hinges on if the West deigns to engage the generals 


AN OFFICIAL OF BURMA'S junta has met Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the 
opposition National League for Democracy. After United Nations envoy 
Razali Ismail revealed this at the end of a five-day visit, it emerged 
that the first round of talks actually took place months back, in 
October (see article on page 22).  

But as we go to press, still no word has emerged of what transpired 
between Miss Suu Kyi and Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt. Indeed, the junta met 
twice with Miss Suu Kyi in 1994, only to then call off further talks. 
Given the opacity surrounding the latest meetings, it is entirely 
plausible that the parleys were merely a subplot to internal squabbling 
within the regime itself, as some speculate. All told, it remains too 
early to suppose that the generals have become kinder and gentler. 

The only certainty is that the United States and the European Union had 
no part in arranging the talks. Belief is that Malaysia's Mahathir 
Mohamad--who was in Burma for an official visit that ended with a 
private holiday the same week Mr. Razali arrived in Rangoon--was the one 
who goaded the junta to meet Miss Suu Kyi. The U.S. and EU, on the other 
hand, in their zeal to punish the junta for cancelling the 1990 
elections that established the NLD as the legitimate choice of Burmese 
to rule Burma, have squandered all leverage over the military. 
In 1996, the EU imposed sanctions to deny visas to senior junta 
officials. Last year it toughened restrictions by specifically naming 
all personae non grata, and froze overseas funds held by members of the 
regime. And in 1997, Washington imposed sanctions against new American 
investments in Burma. As we noted at the time of the U.S. action, yes, 
sanction threats can work to eke out concessions. But that is precisely 
it: They are effective only as a threat. Once actually imposed, all bets 
are off; everyone loses, not least the ordinary folks for whom choking 
off investments means lost jobs and income. 

The U.S. and EU may tut-tut at some of Asean's member states for seeking 
to profit from constructive engagement; for unwittingly encouraging the 
junta. Yet the major powers' sanctions--in effect shunning Burma--have 
failed as much to diminish brutish behaviour by the military rulers, 
which the International Labour Organization has cited for the use of 
forced labour. (The ILO also made a knee-jerk, politically correct call 
for member countries to impose sanctions.) Now, whether the current 
talks can lead to anything substantive lies with the same powers. If 
they continue to treat the Burmese regime only as pariah and turn up 
their nose at it--erring in thinking that the junta actually gives a 
hoot when all this time it hasn't--nothing good can emerge. But if they 
begin to engage it, as the little power Australia began to do in 1999, 
then there is the possibility of gaining major-power leverage to build 
on the meetings--whatever the generals' original intentions for holding 
them--and actually encourage change. 

A decade after the end of the Cold War, perhaps Burma can serve as a 
reminder to many in the West, especially the U.S., that real-world 
politics requires constant engagement




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