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BurmaNet News (Editorials): Decembe



Subject: BurmaNet News (Editorials): December 18, 2000

Due to the number of news stories and editorials today, BurmaNet
has divided news and op/eds into separate issues.  This issue
contains todays editorials and opinion pieces.

______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
________December 18, 2000   Issue # 1688_________

NOTED IN PASSING:  ?If Clinton wants to leave George W. Bush a powerful 
precedent for a bipartisan foreign policy, he will support Suu Kyi and 
the people of Burma by banning textile and apparel imports that enrich 
the members of Burma's military dictatorship.?

The Boston Globe.  See Boston Globe: Pressure on Burma

OPINION/EDITORIALS_______
*Boston Globe: Pressure on Burma
*The Japan Times: Myanmar in the middle
*Irrawaddy: Lessons from the Mawdsley Saga
*Bangkok Post: Postbag: Open your eyes to the plight of Burma
*BurmaNet: Could Forced Labor Sanctions Mean More Aid For Burma?  Amb. 
Derek 
Tonkin on Forced Labour in Burma
*NCGUB: On the 10th Anniversary of the Formation of National Coalition 
Government of the Union of Burma
*Burma Courier: Before You Leave, General than Shwe

The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com



______________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________



Boston Globe: Pressure on Burma 

By Globe Staff, 12/17/2000 

       BE IT IN THE Balkans, in Rwanda, or in Iraq, criminals in power 
have committed their crimes against humanity without being deterred by 
disapproval from the outside world.

But in the case of the brutal military junta that rules Burma, there are 
signs that outsiders are determined to protect human rights and restore 
the legitimate government of Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi 
and her National League for Democracy, which won 80 percent of the seats 
in Parliament in a 1990 election that the junta has scorned.

 This month, at a long-postponed ministerial meeting of the European 
Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the ASEAN 
countries yielded for the first time to the EU's interference in the 
internal affairs of a member state. Ever since the  Burmese junta gained 
acceptance from ASEAN in July 1997, that regional bloc has been snubbed 
by European countries demanding that the Burmese junta respect human 
rights and engage in political dialogue with Suu Kyi.

 In a symbolic concession at last week's meeting in Laos, the junta 
agreed to receive an EU delegation in January and to release Suu Kyi 
from house arrest ''at the appropriate time.'' The Europeans must take 
care not to be fobbed off with a ceremonial  visit to Burma. They should 
insist that the junta cease the practice of torture that was documented 
in a desolating report
released last week by Amnesty International, free all the political 
prisoners subject to those sadistic tortures, and begin a dialogue with 
Suu Kyi and her party that may lead to restoration of Burma's elected 
government.

Fortunately, the EU's initiative comes after the International Labor 
Organization, the oldest UN agency, called on its members to review 
relations with Burma and consider sanctions as a means to end the 
junta's widespread use of forced labor. There are teeth in the ILO's 
chastisement of the junta.

Also, in an exemplary display of bipartisan solidarity in the cause of 
human rights and democracy, members of the US Senate and the House of 
Representatives signed letters to President Clinton asking him to use 
his power ''to ban all textile and apparel imports, at least, if not all 
imports from Burma.'' The signatures of liberals Tom Harkin of Iowa and 
Patrick Leahy of Vermont appeared on the Senate letter alongside those 
of Jesse Helms of North Carolina and Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. 

If Clinton wants to leave George W. Bush a powerful precedent for a 
bipartisan foreign policy, he will support Suu Kyi and the people of 
Burma by banning textile and apparel imports that enrich the members of 
Burma's military dictatorship. 


___________________________________________________


The Japan Times: Myanmar in the middle



December 18, 2000, Monday 


Relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and Europe 
are moving forward. The fact that foreign ministers from the two blocs 
held their two-day meeting in Vientiane, Laos, last week is a sign of 
progress. The relationship had been frozen for two years amid mounting 
acrimony. Divisions between the two groups are still wide, but they have 
a better chance of resolving their differences if they are talking to 
each other rather than at each other. 

The cause of the standoff was ASEAN's decision to admit Myanmar to the 
group three years ago. The policies of the Yangon government - its 
human-rights abuses, suppression of democracy and involvement in illegal 
activities - obliged European Union governments to protest its presence 
at meetings. ASEAN governments rallied around their organization's 
integrity - their right to include whoever they chose - and its guiding 
principle of noninterference in the domestic affairs of members. As a 
result, ministerial-level dialogue between ASEAN and the EU stalled. 

This year, Myanmar made its way to the meeting. Its delegates were at 
the table, and Yangon's policies were on the table. Indeed, the issue 
hung over all the talks. Fortunately, the two sides were able to work 
out a suitable compromise. 

The leaders of the ruling junta in Myanmar agreed to free Ms. Aung San 
Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy and Nobel Peace 
Prize laureate, and other opposition leaders from virtual house arrest. 
Ms. Suu Kyi has long been a thorn in the side of the government, which 
overturned her party's victory in national elections nearly a decade 
ago. She enjoys considerable overseas support and the government's 
ham-fisted tactics have ensured that she stays in the limelight. She and 
other party leaders have been confined to their homes since the 
government interrupted her last trip outside the capital to conduct 
political activities. 

In a bid to soften its image, the junta released six opposition leaders 
a week before the Laos meeting. Myanmar also agreed to allow an EU 
fact-finding mission to visit the country in January to confer with Ms. 
Suu Kyi and the junta. But it will not permit the EU members to become 
involved in any arbitration to encourage reconciliation talks between 
the junta and the NLD. 

ASEAN's willingness to compromise on the Myanmar issue is encouraging. 
Noninterference is a wonderful principle, but it is proving unworkable 
in practice - at least, not if ASEAN wants to be a credible 
international player. Myanmar's admission to the organization was 
justified on the grounds that engagement would facilitate reform in the 
country. 

The logic is impeccable, but things have not worked out as planned. The 
government in Yangon has proved unyielding; the political situation is 
unchanging and human rights continue to deteriorate. Prior to the 
ASEAN-EU meeting, Amnesty International issued a report condemning the 
junta for torture and ill-treatment of dissidents and minorities. 
Myanmar dismissed the report. Even the International Labor Organization 
is demanding sanctions against Myanmar and requesting that all member 
states and organizations review their relations with the country because 
of its use of forced labor. 

Given the circumstances, the meeting's call for "early" talks between 
the junta and the NLD and other opposition groups is encouraging. It 
endorsed U.N. special envoy Razali Ismail's mission to promote 
reconciliation, another positive sign. 

But declarations only mean so much. There must be real improvement in 
conditions in Myanmar, and that means putting pressure on Yangon to 
change. The work can be done behind the scenes and through various 
means, but there has to be a price for noncompliance. 

ASEAN governments should take the lead, but Japan has a role to play as 
well. As a leading aid donor and having a long history of friendly 
relations with Myanmar, Japan should use every bit of influence it can 
muster to nudge the junta toward dialogue and respect for human rights. 

Last week's meeting was not entirely devoted to the Myanmar issue. The 
ministers pledged to support Indonesia's territorial integrity and its 
efforts to resolve conflicts. The meeting also backed a new round of the 
World Trade Organization with a broad and balanced agenda. It affirmed 
the need for more market access and the removal of nontariff barriers. 

ASEAN and the EU clearly desire a new and better partnership. Building 
it will not be easy. A guiding principle has to be mutual respect and 
equality among the two groups. But that same principle needs to be 
applied to citizens in both groups, not just their governments. That 
could be the key that unlocks the stalemate and allows the relationship 
to move forward. 


___________________________________________________


Bangkok Post: Postbag: Open your eyes to the plight of Burma


December 17, 2000 



Many of my Thai friends have asked me why there are so many Burmese in 
Thailand. They say the Burmese are not only financial burdens but also 
cause security threats to our country. My reply to them is to point out 
that what they see is an illusion. In 1988, Burmese students and 
civilians demonstrated against the military regime and were brutally 
suppressed. Unlike the success Thais gained on October 14, 1973, 
democratic Burmese are still living under oppression 12 years later. 
After 1988, Burmese refugees were forced to leave their homes to seek 
asylum in Thailand because many of their families and colleagues were 
killed as they stood up against the Burmese military regime. They have 
been forced to leave their homes and become porters and labourers. Many 
women have been raped by armed soldiers in uniforms. Wives have been 
raped and killed in front of their husbands and young kids. And many 
other scenarios beyond our imaginations have happened there. My dear 
Thais, please wake up from the illusions that you have! 

Pongtheb Yangsomcheep 


___________________________________________________




___________________________________________________


Irrawaddy: Lessons from the Mawdsley Saga

>From the October 2000 issue

The release of human rights campaigner James Mawdsley after more than a 
year of unlawful imprisonment in Burma has been greeted with relief by 
activists and others around the world. It is indeed a happy occasion 
when a blatant injustice is corrected, even if it is in the context of a 
cynical maneuver by a ruthless regime to portray itself as "charitable." 


Thankfully, Mawdsley has not played along with the junta?s bid to 
improve its image ahead of the upcoming summit between the European 
Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) in 
Vientiane, Laos. Unlike other activists who have made symbolic gestures 
of solidarity with Burma?s more than 1,000 political prisoners, Mawdsley 
remained clear-sighted about the nature of the regime throughout his 
experience. By refusing to compromise for the sake of his own freedom, 
he has demonstrated unequivocally that pressure from the international 
community was the sole factor in securing his release. Naturally, the 
regime attempted to save face by timing its "charitable act" with the 
end of the Buddhist Lenten season, and by releasing half a dozen Burmese 
prisoners for good measure. But there is little doubt that Burma?s 
regional partners were at work here, trying to contain the diplomatic 
damage done by the brutal beating inflicted upon Mawdsley, a British 
citizen, in his Kengtung prison cell last month. 

It would be expecting too much to believe that Burma?s diplomatic allies 
have suddenly discovered the political will to exert real pressure on 
the regime. No doubt the low-key intervention was merely intended to 
patch things over long enough to allow the meeting in Vientiane to pass 
without the threat of another embarrassing cancellation. However, the 
fact is that pressure did work in this instance, meaning that the regime 
is not as immune to external influence as it pretends to be. It also 
means that Asean can no longer plead powerlessness in the face of the 
regime?s intransigence. 

As Mawdsley has shown, firm determination is a tremendous asset when 
dealing with unprincipled dictators. Let?s hope that Asean and the rest 
of the international community realize this as they continue to push for 
the eventual liberation of the countless Burmese who remain prisoners in 
their own country



___________________________________________________



BurmaNet: Could Forced Labor Sanctions Mean More Aid For Burma?  Amb. 
Derek 
Tonkin on Forced Labour in Burma

Dec. 16, 2000

During the first week of this month, Myanmar.com's discussion list saw 
an unusually well reasoned exchange on a seemingly improbable 
subject--could the recent ILO sanctions on Burma for using forced labor 
end up rewarding the regime?

To set the stage, the International Labour Organization called on the 
world's governments
to take "appropriate measures" to bring an end to forced labor in Burma. 
 On Dec 5,
retired British Ambassador Derek Tonkin started the debate by arguing 
that "appropriate 
measures" taken by ILO members could include development assistance that 
would remove the regime's need  to use forced labour in community 
projects:

[Derek Tonkin was the British Ambassador to Vietnam from 1980-82, to 
Thailand and Laos from 1986-89 and was Chairman of Beta Mekong Fund 
Limited, a British venture capital investment fund, 1994-2000.]

******
Subject: Forced Labour in Burma [abridged]

"...Such measures could logically - for example - include the extension 
of development aid, 
to ensure that the country has sufficient resources to purchase heavy 
road-building 
equipment so that compulsory communal labour is no longer needed, or can 
at least 
be paid for.?

******
Subject: Tonkin on Forced labor in Burma

Lack of modern equipment is not the excuse to use forced labor .   It is 
not
acceptable in civilized world that  use of forced labor  is due to lack 
of 
equipment.   If Junta has sense to spend some of the share from defense 
budget in development, Burma could have been paradise now.

******
Subject: Forced Labour in Burma  [abridged]

December 06, 2000

The point made by Pnhyein@xxxxxx that "lack of modern equipment is not 
the excuse to use forced labour" is perfectly valid. There can be no 
excuse for forced labour. This is however a moral point. 

The point I was making was a practical point of "Realpolitik". The 
provision of development aid might be seen (e.g. by the Japanese) as an 
"appropriate measure" under the ILC/ILO resolution designed to induce 
the junta to abandon forced labour. It is self-evident that, if the 
junta has access to international development assistance, then heavy 
road-building equipment could be made available to replace forced 
labour, and resources could be made available to pay for local communal 
labour. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the provision of 
"ODA" would be more likely to encourage the junta to abandon forced 
labour than to discourage them from doing so. This would be wholly 
consistent with the ILC/ILO resolution. It could be argued that the 
international community should not need to bribe Burma to abandon forced 
labour. This is the moral position. The "Realpolitik" is that the 
provision of ODA would be likely to have the desired effect. This is the 
practical position. The further you are away from Burma, the stronger 
the moral imperative ["These people must understand......."]. The closer 
you are to Burma, the stronger the need to secure a practical solution 
["An Asian solution to an Asian problem."] 

Conversely, the application of sanctions (a ban  on investment, 
discouragement of tourism, restrictions on trade) would be less likely 
to encourage the junta to abandon forced labour and more likely to 
encourage them to continue. The rationale behind sanctions is that it is 
important "to send a strong message" that forced labour will not be 
tolerated. Such "pressure", I am sorry to say, is largely posturing for 
domestic political purposes in the US and Europe. As practical measures, 
sanctions are likely to be of limited effect when Burma has regional 
neighbours (China, the countries of ASEAN, South Korea, North Korea, 
Japan) who are on the whole willing to give the junta the benefit of the 
doubt and in any case strongly resent what is seen as neo-colonialist 
interference...

If  contrary to my expectations sanctions were to have an effect, it  
would be to cause damage to the economy. This in turn would mean a 
reduction in national income and hence less resources to pay for 
essential infrastructure labour. It is therefore reasonable to conclude 
that effective sanctions seem more likely to induce the junta to 
continue with forced labour than of putting pressure on them to bring it 
to an end.  

Governments, employers and workers need to come up with more practical 
solutions to give effect to the ILC/ILO resolution than have yet been 
advocated. Only Japan and Australia seem to have a clue about what is 
needed and what might be done. With some imaginative diplomacy, it 
should be possible to agree internationally supervised development 
projects in Burma as a first step towards bringing Burma in from the 
cold. All we have to look forward to at present is an increasing 
East-West polarisation on Burma which will only benefit Chinese and 
Japanese designs in the region, and leave the US and Europe with 
diminishing influence. 

Derek Tonkin [derektonkin@xxxxxx]

********


BurmaNet adds? Amb. Tonkin is the first to publicly raise an argument 
that will likely be heard again?that Burma should be paid to stop using 
forced labor.  Tonkin justifies paying Burma not to use forced labor on 
practical, ?Realpolitik,? grounds but makes what is essentially a moral 
argument: if the international community doesn?t provide aid and instead 
imposes sanctions, Burma will have ?less resources to pay for essential 
infrastructure labour.?  There are obvious moral objections to bribing 
the regime not to use forced labor but if it worked, it might well be 
worth swallowing any misgivings.  There are, however, thoroughly 
practical reasons to believe it won?t work.

First, whatever correlation there is between foreign aid/investment and 
forced labor has largely been negative.  That is, when there has been 
more foreign money coming in, there has been more forced labor.  Second 
and even more importantly, there is no economic rationality to the 
regime?s use of forced labor.  They do not use forced labor out of 
necessity, but instead out of a combination of stupidity and character.

Most credible accounts (ILO, US Dept of Labor, HRW, Amnesty) indicate 
that the regime?s use of forced labor ramped up in early 90s and peaked 
in 1996, declining somewhat in the years since.  The pattern of foreign 
direct investment in Burma shows very nearly the same pattern and for 
good reason.  The regime often uses forced labor in conjunction with 
foreign aid and investment.  The Yadana pipeline is an example of forced 
labor used in conjunction with foreign investment and for example of 
forced labor combined with foreign aid, look at the South Nawin Dam, 
built in the mid 90s.  Design work was paid for by the Japan Bank for 
International Cooperation and much of the earth moving was done, by the 
regime?s own account, the ?voluntary?, i.e. forced labor of more than 
260,000 people.
(See 
http://www.dol.gov/dol/ilab/public/media/reports/ofr/burma/main.htm#AP3P).


Tonkin, and even many of the regime?s critics, err in assuming the 
regime uses forced labor because they lack the resources to pay the 
workers.  Governments have printing presses and can simply print the 
money to pay for manual labor?especially when the cost of labor is as 
low as it is in Burma.  Printing money to pay forced laborers would have 
an inflationary impact but the best estimate is that in 1996?the peak 
year of forced labor?paying for ALL the forced labor in Burma would have 
added about 8% to the inflation rate.  A small price to pay for avoiding 
international sanctions and scaring off most reputable foreign 
investors, to say nothing of the inefficiency of using the army to round 
up old women and children to break rocks.

If the rational economic (not to mention political) thing to do would be 
to print the money to pay for labor, why doesn?t the regime do it?  In 
fact, there is evidence that the regime does print some money to pay for 
corvee labor, although there are ample indications that it isn?t nearly 
enough and in practice money rarely make it to the workers.  Blame 
corruption for that.  The regime?s greatest failing, however, isn?t 
corruption.  It is stupidity.  The reason they don?t print enough money 
to pay for labor is that the regime?s leaders aren?t economically 
rational.  As Brigadier General Zaw Tun, Deputy Minister for National 
Planning and Economic Development said of the regime?s grasp of 
economics, ?It appears that the higher up generals know nothing about 
what is happening.?  He was fired for that bit of candor.

Realistically, what the regime lacks isn?t the resources to pay for 
forced labor.  Rather, it is the common sense to use the printing press 
rather than the bayonet to induce people to part with their labor and 
the discipline amongst the military to refrain from embezzling any funds 
appropriated to pay for labor.  If the regime possessed these qualities, 
it would not need foreign help.  Without these qualities, foreign aid 
would be no help.



___________________________________________________
 .







___________________________________________________


NCGUB: On the 10th Anniversary of the Formation of National Coalition 
Government of the Union of Burma

December 18, 2000
	 

Today is the 10th Anniversary of the day, on which the National 
Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) was formed on the 
18th of December 1990, at Marnerplaw, with the full support of the 
Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) and the National Democratic Front 
(NDF). The NCGUB is also government of the National Council of the Union 
of Burma (NCUB).
The NCGUB was formed to realize the desire for democracy of the entire 
people, made up of various ethnic nationalities, as expressed explicitly 
in May 1990 elections. 
	In the past 10 years, the NCGUB has worked relentlessly for termination 
of the military dictatorship, for democracy and for the establishment a 
federal union. 
	The cause of civil war, that has been raging for more than 50 years, is 
the failure to establish a genuine national unity. We have endeavored 
with all our vigor to perform this vital national duty in the 10 years. 
	We have especially striven earnestly for the gaining of sympathy, 
support and recognition for the movement of the people of Burma for 
democracy. 
	The NCGUB has endeavored to maintain and enhance the momentum of the 
democratic movement in Burma by lobbying for support with the UN, the 
EU, the ILO, the IPU, the Socialist International (SI), individual 
governments, non-governmental organizations and individual parliaments, 
and mobilizing overseas democratic forces of the patriots.
	On this special occasion, we would like to pay our respect and put on 
record the democratic activists who have been incarcerated by the 
SLORC/SPDC, in military prisons, jails, detention centers, in prison 
camps and the so-called guest houses of the SPDC, including Daw Aung San 
Suu Kyi and others, who have been put under house arrest. 
	We would like also to express our deep appreciation and gratitude to 
all the governments, the NGOs, parliaments, individuals in various 
countries and the overseas democratic forces of the patriots, which have 
been helping and supporting, in various ways, the movement for 
establishment of democracy in Burma.
	On this occasion, we also honor those who are continuing the struggle 
against the dictatorship without surrender and with determination. The 
SLORC/SPDC military dictatorship seized state power, with reliance on 
force of arms, and has been holding it for more than 12 years now.  It 
has hijacked and trampled under foot the election results for more than 
12 years. Since the day it came to power, the dictatorship has been 
insulting the people daily, with the abuse of the armed forces. During 
the more than 12 years rule of homemade military dictatorship of the 
SLORC/SPDC, instead of progress, there has been only deterioration in 
political, economic, social, educational etc. fields. 
	In addition to restricting activities, which are in accordance with the 
laws concerning political parties, the SLORC/SPDC has been lawlessly 
plotting every day, using all kinds of wicked means, with the intention 
of abolishing the NLD, which had won the 1990 election with the 
overwhelming support of the people.
	The dictatorship has been perpetrating serious violations of human 
rights of the people and they have to face severe hardships with regard 
to food, clothing and shelter.
	For the perpetuation of its hold on power, the evil military 
dictatorship has been using religion as a prop and patriotism in its 
propaganda, with a self-serving definition.
Even when the ILO has passed resolutions condemning it, the SLORC/SPDC 
continues to practice forced labor, as a modern system of slavery.  
It has been wrecking the future of the country by stifling the education 
of young students who are the future generation.
We are convinced that dialogue is the only way to escape from the 
general crisis faced by Burma. 
	The original owners of the sovereignty are the people. The people have 
expressed their true will in May 1990 elections. They have decided on 
the political system, the party and the leaders of their choice. The 
people have legally entrusted the right to act on their behalf to the 
representatives through the election.
	For that reason, for the flourishing of democratic system in Burma, it 
is our principal duty of today to support the Committee Representing 
People's Parliament and cooperate for the emergence of democracy, at the 
earliest date.  
	On the occasion of the 10th Anniversary of formation of the NCGUB, we 
resolve to continue the struggle, unceasingly, holding hands firmly with 
the resistance forces and patriots at home and abroad, for the 
termination of the military dictatorship, for the emergence of a genuine 
democratic system and for the establishment of a federal union, in 
accordance with the objectives, laid down at the time when the NCGUB was 
initially formed. 





___________________________________________________


Burma Courier: Before You Leave, General than Shwe


Letter posted on Burma newsgroups:  December 15, 2000

Dear General Than Shwe,

Life is very short.   General Saw Maung sponsored fair elections in 1990 
but he did not live to see democracy flourish.  Before you retire it 
will be wonderful if you leave some legacy and sweet memories that the 
people of Burma and the next generation, including your children and 
your children's children will always cherish and be proud of.

Your close neighbour, Thailand, who sponsored you to get into the ASEAN 
club suggested that the ASEAN 'troika' should mediate for 
reconciliation.  The European Union suggested the same thing and UN 
General Secretary Kofi Annan sent his special envoys many times but your 
Government still refused to cooperate.

You know very well and the international community knows well that those 
proposals are sincere and not to meddle in internal affairs of one 
Sovereign State. They are just trying to help with some problems that 
you have. 
There are many countries in the world to day that have changed for the 
better.  It is time for Burma to change for the better, also. 
Let me give one simple example.  When I first came to USA in 1977, 
chicken cost 39 cents per lb.  Now one lb of chicken cost 79 cents.  
When I left Burma in 1977, chicken cost 16 kyats for a viss (=3.6 lbs).  
Now in Burma a viss of chicken costs 800 to 900 Kyats.  Prices have 
jumped fiftyfold in 23 years.  The U.S. is not a flawless democracy but 
it does allow the desire of the people to be the responsible authority. 
You could make it to happen and I do positively believe that you can 
make the difference before you retire. 
May God bless you and bestow you with good health and much wisdom. 
Saw Aung Khin, Seattle WA



				













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