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Oversight begs redressal



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Oversight begs redressal

By ignoring the force of the ethnic minority population, the
international community is playing into the hands of the junta, which
doesn?t want the National League for Democracy and the ethnic groups to
join forces and put pressure on the military regime, Says YINDEE
LERTCHAROENCHOK

The Statesman (New Delhi)
October 22, 2000

For five years, the international community has concentrated primarily
on breaking the political deadlock in Yangon.  They seem to have ignored
other political factors, which brought Myanmar to military rule, about
40 years ago.

Inevitably, the world has followed every word and move of the Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, since her release from house
arrest in mid-1995.  By refusing to obey the junta?s wish to exile her
overseas or to be subdued by suppression, Mrs. Suu Kyi has remained the
glowing torch for the democracy struggle in Myanmar.

Unquestionably, she is respected as ?the leader? by both the Myanmarese
democracy movement and the 12-odd ethnic rebel groups fighting for
autonomy from Yangon.

But international peace attempts seem to have resulted in only a tighter
deadlock, with the junta responding with more arrests and crackdowns on
Mrs. Suu Kyi?s party, the National League for Democracy.

The global community remains divided over developing a common approach-
whether to use the carrot or the stick- to effectively force the ruling
generals to open talks with the NLD.  Diplomats in Yangon and key
Myanmar players outside are equally in the dark as to what keeps the
regime together despite persistent speculation about serious internal
splits among the ruling generals.

For now, they are hoping that an imminent threat of political sanctions
by the International Labour Organization against the use of forced
labour might influence the regime to have second thoughts over its
persistent refusal to start a dialogue with the NLD.

An ILO technical team is currently in Myanmar, to examine if the regime
has complied with ILO recommendations for an end to the practice of
forced labour.  If the ILO finding is negative, a series of sanctions
will go into effect on 30 November.  It?s still unclear if other UN
agencies will be bound to take similar steps to isolate the junta.

Although ILO sanctions will be welcomed by Myanmar?s pro-democracy group
and Western countries which called for the imposition of tough
punishment on Yangon, some Asian diplomats doubt if sanctions will be
effective in forcing the junta to change as long as its allies in East
and South-east Asia- particularly China and Japan- remain supportive of
the military regime.

Inside Myanmar, the armed ethnic groups which have struck a ceasefire
agreement with Yangon, are equally frustrated over a stalemate in
tackling their political demands for autonomy.  On the issue of
Myanmar?s ethnic minorities, there is a virtual lack of international
interest in their plight.  ?The ceasefire groups are unhappy as there
seems to be no political space for them to manoeuvre,?said an ethnic
Myanmarese scholar.

?There is no way for them to organize or even to meet.  They are trailed
all the time by the junta.  Some groups feel that everything is being
held hostage to the political deadlock between the NLD and the junta,?
he said.

Like the scholar, many guerrilla leaders have made similar complaints
over the apparent concentration of global efforts on activism in
Yangon.  The deteriorating political, economic and social situation in
the ethnic minority areas is ignored internationally.  Except for
illicit drug-trafficking activities, nothing else seems worthy of
catching their attention, said one leader.

By ignoring the force of the ethnic minority population, the
international community is playing into the hands of the junta, which
doesn?t want the NLD and the ethnic groups to combine their political
strength and put pressure on the regime.

The leaders said the secession demands of Myanmarese ethnic armed revolt
in the first place and the subsequent military coup of 1962 that led to
the annulment of the ?secession rights.?

?Without an acceptable resolution to the ethnic nationalities? rights
issue, there will never be peace,? said an ethnic leader.

Although most ceasefire groups are in touch with one another, they have
tried not to provoke Yangon?s suspicions about their activities and
contacts with supporters outside Myanmar.  Most of these groups have
decided to strengthen their positions, in case there are political
changes.

In September, representatives of many ethnic groups- including the Lahu,
Pa-O, Palaung, Shan and Wa- met and agreed to begin drafting a Shan
State constitution.  While the first draft is expected to emerge in 13
months, consultations with grassroots people have begun.  This will
educate them on democracy, which is the primary objective of the
charter.

?We hope to mobilize the grassroots and bring about harmony and unity
among various ethnic nationalities in Shan State.  The charter also aims
at ethnic reconciliation and building of a democratic foundation among
the people,? said another prominent ethnic leader involved in the
drafting of the charter.

Other armed ethnic groups including those in the Arakan, Chin, Kachin,
Karen and Mon states, are also on the verge of drafting their state
constitutions.  These will, hopefully, serve as political documents
should the time come for the drafting of a federal constitution in
Myanmar.

Though the drafting method varies from state to state- the Shan State
drafting committee prefers to consult the local people for their input,
whereas the Kachin leadership intends producing a draft and asking its
people to comment- the writing of the charters is an independent
exercise of the ethnic population.

These people, who constitute about 20 to 30 percent of the country?s 45
million population, have in the past decade been largely ignored while
internal politics has focused primarily on Yangon.

For the first time, it seems the armed ethnic groups have begun thinking
seriously about the future they want in Myanmar and about how to
strengthen the indigenous peoples in the border areas.  As always, they
refuse to be dictated to about their future.

The Nation/ Asia News Network.


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<b><font size=+3>Oversight begs redressal</font></b>
<p><b>By ignoring the force of the ethnic minority population, the international
community is playing into the hands of the junta, which doesn?t want the
National League for Democracy and the ethnic groups to join forces and
put pressure on the military regime, Says YINDEE LERTCHAROENCHOK</b>
<p>The Statesman (New Delhi)
<br>October 22, 2000
<p>For five years, the international community has concentrated primarily
on breaking the political deadlock in Yangon.&nbsp; They seem to have ignored
other political factors, which brought Myanmar to military rule, about
40 years ago.
<p>Inevitably, the world has followed every word and move of the Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, since her release from house arrest
in mid-1995.&nbsp; By refusing to obey the junta?s wish to exile her overseas
or to be subdued by suppression, Mrs. Suu Kyi has remained the glowing
torch for the democracy struggle in Myanmar.
<p>Unquestionably, she is respected as ?the leader? by both the Myanmarese
democracy movement and the 12-odd ethnic rebel groups fighting for autonomy
from Yangon.
<p>But international peace attempts seem to have resulted in only a tighter
deadlock, with the junta responding with more arrests and crackdowns on
Mrs. Suu Kyi?s party, the National League for Democracy.
<p>The global community remains divided over developing a common approach-
whether to use the carrot or the stick- to effectively force the ruling
generals to open talks with the NLD.&nbsp; Diplomats in Yangon and key
Myanmar players outside are equally in the dark as to what keeps the regime
together despite persistent speculation about serious internal splits among
the ruling generals.
<p>For now, they are hoping that an imminent threat of political sanctions
by the International Labour Organization against the use of forced labour
might influence the regime to have second thoughts over its persistent
refusal to start a dialogue with the NLD.
<p>An ILO technical team is currently in Myanmar, to examine if the regime
has complied with ILO recommendations for an end to the practice of forced
labour.&nbsp; If the ILO finding is negative, a series of sanctions will
go into effect on 30 November.&nbsp; It?s still unclear if other UN agencies
will be bound to take similar steps to isolate the junta.
<p>Although ILO sanctions will be welcomed by Myanmar?s pro-democracy group
and Western countries which called for the imposition of tough punishment
on Yangon, some Asian diplomats doubt if sanctions will be effective in
forcing the junta to change as long as its allies in East and South-east
Asia- particularly China and Japan- remain supportive of the military regime.
<p>Inside Myanmar, the armed ethnic groups which have struck a ceasefire
agreement with Yangon, are equally frustrated over a stalemate in tackling
their political demands for autonomy.&nbsp; On the issue of Myanmar?s ethnic
minorities, there is a virtual lack of international interest in their
plight.&nbsp; ?The ceasefire groups are unhappy as there seems to be no
political space for them to manoeuvre,?said an ethnic Myanmarese scholar.
<p>?There is no way for them to organize or even to meet.&nbsp; They are
trailed all the time by the junta.&nbsp; Some groups feel that everything
is being held hostage to the political deadlock between the NLD and the
junta,? he said.
<p>Like the scholar, many guerrilla leaders have made similar complaints
over the apparent concentration of global efforts on activism in Yangon.&nbsp;
The deteriorating political, economic and social situation in the ethnic
minority areas is ignored internationally.&nbsp; Except for illicit drug-trafficking
activities, nothing else seems worthy of catching their attention, said
one leader.
<p>By ignoring the force of the ethnic minority population, the international
community is playing into the hands of the junta, which doesn?t want the
NLD and the ethnic groups to combine their political strength and put pressure
on the regime.
<p>The leaders said the secession demands of Myanmarese ethnic armed revolt
in the first place and the subsequent military coup of 1962 that led to
the annulment of the ?secession rights.?
<p>?Without an acceptable resolution to the ethnic nationalities? rights
issue, there will never be peace,? said an ethnic leader.
<p>Although most ceasefire groups are in touch with one another, they have
tried not to provoke Yangon?s suspicions about their activities and contacts
with supporters outside Myanmar.&nbsp; Most of these groups have decided
to strengthen their positions, in case there are political changes.
<p>In September, representatives of many ethnic groups- including the Lahu,
Pa-O, Palaung, Shan and Wa- met and agreed to begin drafting a Shan State
constitution.&nbsp; While the first draft is expected to emerge in 13 months,
consultations with grassroots people have begun.&nbsp; This will educate
them on democracy, which is the primary objective of the charter.
<p>?We hope to mobilize the grassroots and bring about harmony and unity
among various ethnic nationalities in Shan State.&nbsp; The charter also
aims at ethnic reconciliation and building of a democratic foundation among
the people,? said another prominent ethnic leader involved in the drafting
of the charter.
<p>Other armed ethnic groups including those in the Arakan, Chin, Kachin,
Karen and Mon states, are also on the verge of drafting their state constitutions.&nbsp;
These will, hopefully, serve as political documents should the time come
for the drafting of a federal constitution in Myanmar.
<p>Though the drafting method varies from state to state- the Shan State
drafting committee prefers to consult the local people for their input,
whereas the Kachin leadership intends producing a draft and asking its
people to comment- the writing of the charters is an independent exercise
of the ethnic population.
<p>These people, who constitute about 20 to 30 percent of the country?s
45 million population, have in the past decade been largely ignored while
internal politics has focused primarily on Yangon.
<p>For the first time, it seems the armed ethnic groups have begun thinking
seriously about the future they want in Myanmar and about how to strengthen
the indigenous peoples in the border areas.&nbsp; As always, they refuse
to be dictated to about their future.
<p>The Nation/ Asia News Network.
<br>&nbsp;</html>

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