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BurmaNet News: September 29, 2000



______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
        An on-line newspaper covering Burma 
_________September 29, 2000   Issue # 1629__________

INSIDE BURMA _______
*Reuters: Myanmar blasts opponents, Suu Kyi still locked up
*FEER: Burmese Rifts
*DVB: Junta building new air base in south 

REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL _______
*AP: EU Urges Myanmar To Lift Restrictions On Aung San Suu Kyi
*AP: Thailand Supports Oct UN Mission To End Myanmar Deadlock
*The Nation: Maneeloy to be shut down next year
*The Nation: FROM THE EDGE: Burmese exiles in India lose their edge

OPINION/EDITORIALS _______
*The Nation: EDITORIAL: Razali's mission to Burma critical 
*Bohmu Aung's address at his residence at a ceremony on August 31st to 
mark his 90th birthday.

OTHER _______
*All Burma Students' Democratic Front: Reorganization Statement

The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com


__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
	

Reuters: Myanmar blasts opponents, Suu Kyi still locked up

 
YANGON, Sept 29 (Reuters) - Myanmar"s military branded the opposition a 
group of traitors on Friday and said pro-democracy figurehead Aung San 
Suu Kyi, who remains locked in her house and cut off from contact, was 
trying to destroy the country. Suu Kyi"s two attempts this year to leave 
Yangon in defiance of restrictions on her freedom have sparked an angry 
response from the military government, which has confined senior 
opposition members to their homes and put one in detention. In the 
latest of a series of stinging attacks, the official Kyemon newspaper 
said Suu Kyi had been "going on the rampage" and was damaging the 
government"s image. "Suu Kyi has been going on the rampage more than 
before since the begining of 2000," it said.

 "She has been attempting to make the Western bloc more hostile to 
Myanmar and showing her cunning will towards the people." Another 
commentary in the Kyemon and Myanma Alin newspapers said Suu Kyi"s 
National League for Democracy (NLD) was in league with foreign 
colonialists trying to destabilise Myanmar. "What Myanmar"s 50 million 
people are after today is living an easy life, making an easy living and 
keeping Myanmar"s independence and territorial integrity," the 
commentary said. "The colonialist group, which wants to influence 
Myanmar, is interfering to spoil national unity and to disrupt the peace 
and progress of the country by mingling intimately with internal 
traitors."

 INTERNATIONAL OUTRAGE The treatment of Suu Kyi has sparked 
international condemnation and thrown into doubt a planned meeting in 
Laos in December between the Association of South East Asian Nations 
(ASEAN) and foreign ministers of the European Union. The 55-year-old 
Nobel laureate was released from house arrest in 1995 but her movements 
remain severely restricted. She tried to leave Yangon by car in August 
but was stopped by the police south of the capital, and was forcibly 
returned home after a nine-day roadside standoff. An attempt to leave 
the city by rail last week was also blocked by police. Suu Kyi and seven 
senior colleagues have been kept locked in their homes since then, and 
NLD Vice Chairman Tin Oo is in detention. The government says Suu Kyi 
and her companions lashed out at railway cleaning staff and may face 
charges. The NLD won elections in 1990 by a landslide but has never been 
allowed to govern. The government says public opinion has turned against 
the party, and official newspapers regularly carry stories reporting 
mass anti-NLD demonstrations. It says millions of voters have signed 
petitions demanding the dissolution of the party. (With additional 
reporting by Andrew Marshall in Bangkok)   


____________________________________________________


FEER: Burmese Rifts

By Bertil Lintner

Far Eastern Economic Review   

REVIEW

Issue cover-dated October 5, 2000

While the outside world has been focusing in recent weeks on the 
stand-off between Burma's ruling generals and opposition leader Aung San 
Suu Kyi, serious problems within the junta, the State Peace and 
Development Council, have also been making themselves apparent. 

It began with the "voluntary resignation" on August 28 of naval chief 
and SPDC member Vice-Adm. Nyunt Thein. Two week later, another 17 
high-ranking naval officers were removed. Many naval officers, loyal to 
Nyunt Thein, are also reported to have submitted resignations. 

Analysts believe the navy shake-up reflects the larger rivalry between 
Gen. Maung Aye, the army chief and SPDC vice-chairman, and intelligence 
boss Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt. Resentment has also been growing over the 
increasing authority army officers have in coastal areas. 

But potentially even more serious are signs of a rift over the junta's 
economic policies. In an amazingly outspoken address to academics at 
Rangoon's Institute of Economics on July 7, Brig.-Gen. Zaw Tun, deputy 
minister for national planning and economic development, revealed that 
official data for growth had been grossly, and deliberately, 
exaggerated. 

He called the Burma Investment Commission "too protective" and accused 
the government of spurring inflation by printing money. Zaw Tun has 
since been dismissed and placed under house arrest. But silencing him 
may not hide Burma's woes. In his speech he used an English phrase to 
describe economic-policy failures: "Killing me softly with the system." 





____________________________________________________


DVB: Junta building new air base in south 

Text of report by Burmese opposition radio on 28th September 

The SPDC [State Peace and Development Council] military government has 
planned to build an airbase in Tenasserim Division with fighters and 
helicopters purchased from China. The area between Mergui airport and 
LIB [Light Infantry Battalion] No 17 in Tenasserim Division has been 
cleared and construction has already begun. Surveys were carried out 
since June. Construction materials were shipped from Rangoon to Mergui.  

The new air base, which is under construction in the area between Mergui 
airport and LIB No. 17 headquarters, is to be formed with a squadron of 
eight Chinese-made fighters and eight helicopters including a radar 
station. 

The Coastal Region Military Command headquarters has issued a directive 
that LIB No. 17 will be moved to Tamok Village in Palaw Township due to 
the airbase. No compensation was given to the villagers whose land were 
confiscated and they were forcibly moved from their villages to make way 
for the air base. This report was filed by DVB [Democratic Voice of 
Burma] correspondent Aung Hlaing Oo. 









___________________ REGIONAL/INTERNATIONAL___________________
					
AP: EU Urges Myanmar To Lift Restrictions On Aung San Suu Kyi
 
Friday, September 29 3:24 AM SGT 

 
PARIS (AP)--The European Union said Thursday that Myanmar's authorities 
must immediately lift restrictions on the freedom of movement of 
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, adding that it was deeply concerned 
by the Noble Peace laureate's situation.  A statement issued by the EU 
Presidency, currently held by France, condemned the restrictions on the 
free movement of Suu Kyi and members of the her party, the National 
League for Democracy.   

Suu Kyi and eight other central executive committee members of the NLD 
have been under virtual house arrest since last Friday after she made 
her second attempt in one month to travel upcountry by train. She has 
been similarly stopped on several occasions in the past.   
Security forces hauled Suu Kyi and deputy party leader Tin Oo out of the 
Yangon railway station after they tried to travel to Myanmar's second 
biggest city, Mandalay, for party work. Officials say Tin Oo is being 
kept at a government guest house.   

Suu Kyi led a pro-democracy uprising against the military in 1988 and 
was put under house arrest a year later. Her National League for 
Democracy won general elections in 1990, but was prevented from taking 
power.  
 
Over the past month, the military's restrictions on the NLD have drawn a 
barrage of international criticism.   

"All current restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi's freedom of movement and 
on her freedom to communicate with the outside world and to receive 
visitors must be lifted without delay," the EU statement said, calling 
for dialogue between the authorities and the democratic opposition, 
including the NLD.

  


____________________________________________________


AP: Thailand Supports Oct UN Mission To End Myanmar Deadlock

Friday, September 29 5:11 PM SGT 

 
BANGKOK (AP)--Thailand voiced support Friday for a United Nations 
mission to break the political deadlock inside Myanmar, warning the 
situation there could deteriorate and affect other countries in the 
region.  A Thai Foreign Ministry statement urged Myanmar's military 
government and pro-democracy opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to 
cooperate with U.N. envoy Razali Ismail, a former Malaysian diplomat, 
who will visit Myanmar in the second week of October.   

On Thursday Thai Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan met with Razali, who 
was appointed by U.N. Secretary-general Kofi Annan in April to promote 
human rights and broker political reconciliation in Myanmar, also known 
as Burma.   

Without an urgent improvement, "the situation (in Myanmar) will only 
deteriorate. The impact will not be limited only to inside Myanmar, but 
will affect the region as Myanmar is also an ASEAN member," the Thai 
statement said.  
 
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which includes Thailand, 
admitted Yangon in 1997, despite Western opposition because of Myanmar's 
poor human rights record. ASEAN nations rarely comment on the internal 
affairs of a fellow member.
   
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept 1990 general elections in 
Myanmar but was barred from taking power by the military, that has 
jailed hundreds of her followers and heavily restricts the NLD leader's 
movements.   

The long-running war of wills between Suu Kyi and the regime, which has 
ignored the pro-democracy leader's long-standing calls for political 
talks between them, has escalated since Razali's first visit to Myanmar 
in June
 .   

Since Sept. 22, Suu Kyi and other leaders of her party have been under 
virtual house arrest after her second attempt in one month to travel 
outside Yangon was blocked by authorities. The regime's actions drew 
renewed international criticism.   

The Thai statement called for a political dialogue between the two sides 
to promote national reconciliation for the benefit of the "majority of 
Myanmar people."


____________________________________________________


The Nation: Maneeloy to be shut down next year

 - Sep 29, 2000.

BY JEERAPORN CHAISRI 

 
THAILAND will close down the Maneeloy holding centre next year as all 
Burmese residents there are expected to leave soon for overseas 
resettlement, Ratchaburi Deputy Governor Preecha Raungchan said 
yesterday.   

The Kingdom has accelerated the resettlement of thousands of the 
centre's residents groups of Burmese gunmen seized and briefly held 
hostages at the Burmese Embassy in Bangkok last October, then the 
Ratchaburi Hospital in late January.   

Preecha, who oversees the Maneeloy centre, said more than 1,000 Burmese 
have been resettled in third countries since last October.   

There are now less than 1,300 students in the camp and all have been 
registered for overseas resettlement. 
  
Most were accepted by the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand, Sweden, 
Norway, Finland, Australia and the United States - the last two 
countries taking the largest share.   
About 50 refugees will fly to New Zealand on October 24. 

 
Another big group is scheduled to leave in February, because all flights 
to the resettlement countries are fully booked due to peak tourist 
bookings.   

Preecha said he expected the rest to be resettled by the middle of next 
year as the preparation-and-resettlement process was going on smoothly 
with cooperation from the Maneeloy residents.   

Before the embassy hostage crisis, many Burmese students had resisted 
attempts to relocate them elsewhere in the country or resettle them 
overseas.   

"If the Thai government and the UNHCR [UN High Commissioner for 
Refugees] have a concrete policy to resettle all Maneeloy residents, we 
will be able to close down the centre sometime early next year," said 
the deputy governor.   

Preecha said holding centre residents were allowed to enjoy sports and 
recreational activities, but forbidden from engaging in any political 
work or campaigns.   

The authorities had to impose strict rules, he said, because it was not 
easy to look after more than a thousand people.   

If any of the Burmese break the rules, they would be sent to Bang Kaen 
Police Cadet School in Bangkok for temporary detention.   

"It's not jail imprisonment, only temporary detention," Preecha said.   

"I understand what they [Burmese students] want is freedom, but they 
should be aware of Thai law as well. If we let them engage in political 
activities, Thailand might run into trouble again. I have, therefore, 
followed the Interior Ministry's regulations in overseeing peace and 
order in the camp," said Preecha, who will be transferred to Phetchaboon 
province next month.   
But there were still a few Burmese students who managed to sneak out of 
the camp to run political activities, he claimed.   			

Preecha said the Thai government provided English lessons, computer and 
vocational training for centre residents to prepare them for life 
abroad.   

The Maneeloy centre was set up in 1992 to house Burmese students 
recognised by the UNHCR as refugees or 'persons of concern'. 





____________________________________________________



The Nation: FROM THE EDGE: Burmese exiles in India lose their edge

 Sep 30, 2000.

BY YINDEE LERTCHAROENCHOK 

PUNE, India - Whereas their fellow countrymen in Thailand have been 
living under constant threat of arrest and expulsion, Burmese refugees 
and political activists in India have been enjoying the hospitality of 
their host government.  

The Burmese exiles not only mingle with the locals and live like Indian 
citizens but they are also allowed to engage in political activism as 
long as it remains peaceful and does not affect "Indian policy and 
relations" with its neighbour to the east.  

Interestingly, India and Thailand - two model democracies in South and 
Southeast Asia - have over the past 10 years been watching Burma closely 
and with similar grave concern. But each has treated exiled Burmese 
living on their soil differently.  

While Thailand is to be thanked for housing and tolerating hundreds of 
thousands of Burmese refugees, economic migrants and dissidents and has 
often closed its eyes to Burmese anti-government activism, these groups 
of people have lived virtually under the whim of the powers-that-be in 
Thailand, not to mention being subject to constant police crackdowns and 
financial extortion. The Burmese can one day be valued as a prized cheap 
labour source for the Thai industrial sector, and the next day be 
vilified as snatchers of employment from Thai workers.  

As Thai-Burmese relations began to deteriorate in the past two years, 
partly as the result of violent Burmese activism in Thailand, the 
leadership in Bangkok realised the large presence of undocumented and 
uncontrolled Burmese in the Kingdom would only create more problems and 
eventually harm its national interests.  

Thus it's not a surprise that after the armed seizure of the Burmese 
Embassy in Bangkok last October, the Thai government urged the West to 
quicken their resettlement of thousands of so-called Burmese "students" 
who were recognised by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). At 
the same time, the government has repeatedly called on the UN refugee 
body and Rangoon to help in the repatriation of more than 100,000 border 
refugees, mainly Karen, back to Burma.  

After the military coup in September 1988, tens of thousands of Burmese 
students and urban protesters decided to flee the crackdown to the Thai 
border, hoping to obtain international support and sympathy for their 
democratic cause. Only a few thousand opted to leave for the Indian 
border.  

Large numbers of the former group have since been resettled in the West 
or returned to Burma or continue to live low-profile lives in Thailand 
or on the border. The latter group, confined initially for a few years 
to border camps in India's northeastern Manipur State, has largely moved 
to live in New Delhi and other major cities. Most of them are not only 
protected as refugees by the UNHCR but are also recognised by the Indian 
government as democratic activists fleeing political repression back 
home.  

Many of those in India subsequently entered Indian schooling and higher 
education. Although about a thousand of them have since been resettled 
in third countries, mainly in the West, several hundred are said to be 
staying put in New Delhi, Calcutta and in various northeastern cities.  

Indian officials and Burmese activists in India attribute the Indian 
"sympathy and hospitality" towards Burmese dissidents to the country's 
"strong political culture and tradition". The world's largest democracy, 
India takes pride in its advocacy for freedom and democratic values and 
often sides with the oppressed people of dictatorships.  

Between 1988 and 1993, the national All India Radio's Burmese language 
service continuously broadcast pro-democracy news and information and 
openly voiced government support for the democratic struggle in Burma. 
 
Although New Delhi's policy towards Burma has started to shift towards 
cultivating closer relations with the Burmese junta, the country's 
adherence to freedom and democracy has never been totally abandoned.  

As one official pointed out, the Burmese ruling generals have recently 
complained about the Burmese democratic movement in India and requested 
New Delhi crack down on it. The government's response was that "it has 
toned down its support [for the Burmese], but it's not India's tradition 
to throw these values [of freedom and democracy] away."
  
"As long as they demonstrate peacefully and do not create any violence, 
there is not going to be any crackdown," the official added. 
 
Burmese dissidents themselves have also praised India for its tolerance 
and sympathy for the Burmese democratic struggle. They acknowledge the 
lack of either hostility or discrimination against them, even among the 
general Indian public.  

"But again we [Burmese] are not the only exiled political group here. In 
fact, we are pretty small when compared with the Tibetans or the Bengali 
from Bangladesh," said Thin Thin Aung, a leading Burmese activist with 
the Delhi-based Mizzima News Group. 
 
"In general, there exists no hostility against the Burmese," noted one 
official. "There is also no public discrimination against them. It's a 
neutral kind of attitude."  

A striking example of the sympathetic Indian attitude towards Burmese 
dissidents is reflected by none other than Defence Minister George 
Fernandez himself. He not only welcomes the Burmese who come to ask him 
for help and political support, but he has also opened his residential 
compound for them to stay. He also does not restrain his sharp criticism 
against the Burmese junta for its harsh repression against the 
democratic opposition and its increased dependence on China - the "major 
threat" to India.  

But despite the freedom and sympathy from top Indian political and 
bureaucratic circles, Burmese political activism in India hardly gets 
any Indian media coverage. In fact, news on Burma finds little space in 
the country's numerous broad-sheet newspapers or electronic media, 
unless it is a matter of national security or whenever Nobel Peace Prize 
laureate Aung San Suu Kyi comes under harassment.  

Of late, the Indian press began to voice its concern over Burma's closer 
ties with China and potential Chinese military expansion into the Indian 
Ocean.  

It's a pity that the majority of India's one billion people, however, 
remains pretty much unaware of what's been happening across their 
eastern border where political repression has been the norm of the day.  


Indian intellectuals, journalists and politicians attribute the public's 
ignorance to the Indian media's virtual lack of interest. But they also 
blame the Burmese dissidents themselves for the failure to lobby and for 
their "ineffective" publicity campaigns.  

"They have come to live such a comfortable life that perhaps they have 
forgotten their cause," said one official. "For example, one leading 
Burmese politician has never done any lobbying with the media. I can say 
that there is absolutely not even one Indian journalist or writer who is 
dedicated to writing about the Burmese cause for them." 


_______________ ECONOMY AND BUSINESS _______________
 
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS________________


The Nation: EDITORIAL: Razali's mission to Burma critical 

- Sep 30, 2000.

 
DATO Ismail Razali, UN special envoy to Burma, will visit the 
beleaguered country early next month. His trip comes at the most crucial 
time for Burma since the crackdown on democracy in 1988. Two major 
reasons give rise to optimism that there will be a breakthrough in the 
decade-long political impasse. Firstly, Razali represents the United 
Nations' ongoing effort to promote national reconciliation in Burma. 
Secondly, he is one of Malaysia's most famous veteran diplomats, and is 
close to Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad.  

Razali held extensive talks with Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan on 
Thursday about the situation on Burma. It was a good meeting because it 
was a rare opportunity for Thailand and Malaysia to sit down and discuss 
the crisis in Burma. Within the region, it has been an open secret that 
the two countries have different approaches towards Burma. 
 
It was Mahathir who succeeded in bringing the pariah state into Asean as 
a member in 1997. Thailand was to blame for a lack of strong leadership 
to counterbalance Mahathir's push for Burma's membership. Other Asean 
countries were overwhelmed by Malaysia's weight.  

This will not be the last consultation between the two countries. There 
will be a series of meetings after Razali's trip to ensure that his 
efforts produce results. The Thai-Malaysian effort also can be expanded 
in the near future to include other like-minded Asean countries in the 
effort to assert peer pressure on Burma. Asean finds it impossible to 
act as a group because gaining a consensus on this issue is extremely 
difficult. Vietnam, the current chair, is approaching Rangoon about the 
possibility of having an Asean troika inside the country. This followed 
UN secretary-general Kofi Annan's suggestion to Vietnam at UN 
headquarters in New York. So far, Burma is not happy about the idea.  

Annan has taken a special interest in the Burma crisis, and has now 
become personally involved. Therefore, Razali's trip can make or break 
the notorious Rangoon regime. That explains why Thailand, along with 
Western countries, has strongly backed Razali in searching for a way out 
of the current impasse. It is high time for Burma to show its Asean 
spirit. If the country has any, it must start a political dialogue with 
the opposition. For the past three years, Asean has suffered from 
Burma's intransigence.  

Beyond Asean, Japan can help. Razali, who has also held talks with 
Japanese leaders, is confident that Tokyo's economic leverage can be put 
to good use. So far, Japan has used only the "carrot" half of the 
"carrot and stick" approach. Japan has been most generous in providing 
humanitarian assistance to Burma, despite the termination of official 
aid. If Japan wants to help improve the situation in Burma, Tokyo must 
end its marshmallow methods. It must get tough and break out its stick. 
Otherwise, its aid will only compound the problem and turn the junta 
leaders more inward, hardening them into a refusal to cooperate.  

With the support of Malaysia and the UN, as well as core Asean 
countries, Razali carries with him the UN mandate and Mahathir's 
friendship. If his visit fails, Burma will certainly become the target 
for criticism and condemnation in a series of international meetings. 
This will include a review of labour conditions inside Burma at the 
International Labour Organisation.  


____________________________________________________


Bohmu Aung's address at his residence at a ceremony on August 31st to 
mark his 90th birthday.

[Excerpt]

 ........I am 90 today.  The other yebaws (comrades) are in their 70s and 
80s. So we should be doing what is worthwhile during this lifetime to 
reap rewards in the next existence. We were the founders of the tatmadaw 
and we formally pledged that we would loyally serve, defend and respect 
our country and people; that we would unhesitatingly, faithfully and 
unremittingly obey orders and defend our country even to the extent of 
sacrificing our lives. Those solemn vows must be kept. Amongst those 
present here today are many ex BIA and BDA tatmadaw comrades who 
fulfilled those vows.  Their example should be followed and sacrifices 
for one's country must be made.  Doing anything and everything according 
to one's whims and fancies will have a boomerang effect on the pledger.  
It is the same as 'kyan-su-mai' (meaning falling under a curse).......

 .......... Tatmadaw members of today have to take a formal oath. It is 
the same as 'kyan-kyein-de'. The tatmadaw will endure if the oath is 
observed. Otherwise it will disintegrate. As founders and members of the 
BDA and BIA who took the oath, my comrades (Thakin Chit Maung and 
others) and I, even in our old age, steadfastly continue to be concerned 
for the country and the political state we are experiencing today.  We 
are not looking for benefits for ourselves.  We have to keep the oath, 
the vows we have taken so that we do not fall under a curse. Some who 
are in power and have authority may regard us disdainfully because of 
our age. Nonetheless we maintain that it is absolutely essential for an 
amicable settlement to be reached with those who have been elected by 
the people. ------- 

------It was this tatmadaw that appointed an election commission and 
called the elections.  Now, it is this same tatmadaw that will not to 
this day honor the results of the elections. The party that won the 
elections is demanding that since a democratic election was held, power 
must be transferred to them to govern.  For this they are accused.  They 
are called "power-hungry, power-mad".  Who caused this power-madness?  
They started it.  If they wanted to hold on to power, why did they hold 
elections to begin with?  The fact that elections were held proves that 
they wanted democracy. In ignoring the elected representatives, their 
own spittle has fallen on their faces. When one looks up to the sky and 
spits where does the spittle fall?  On the face of the spitter.  Instead 
of considering their own actions they condemn those who want to follow 
through with the democratic system. They call them "power-mongers who 
rely on foreigners".  This makes us very sad. The military is referred 
to as "tatmadaw" by all ethnic groups of the country. Affixing the 
letters "daw' to words lends dignity like  "ya-han-daw", "pho-thu-daw" 
and "bwa-daw"   It will be disgraceful if instead of saying "tatmadaw", 
the term "military" is used.

----------- Having taken the oath which I have referred to already, are 
they performing the obligations of respecting and defending the country 
and the people? Everyone knows that they are not.  The whole world 
knows. Daw Suu Kyi did not inadvertently call the elections, nor did the 
other political parties.  It was this tatmadaw, the present dictators 
that made it happen. Now, instead of abiding by the results, they are 
looking the other way as if it did not happen, as if it had nothing to 
do with them. The truth is that they created the elections.  It has 
everything to do with them. The Malaysian who is a representative of the 
United Nations told Daw Suu Kyi that the State Council and the Elections 
Commission should be sued. Why? Because it was the Elections Commission 
that was empowered to conduct the elections and in keeping with the 
democratic system, it should instruct the current government (the 
current power holders) to transfer power to the winning party who must 
form govern.

Even if our country has no constitution (which they are saying), an 
interim government should be formed with available people and a 
constitution must be written. Then a proper government can be formed 
according to that constitution. They say that there are no rules for 
holding elections. What about the elections they called?  What rules 
were there?  They are ignoring the results because there were no rules!

At the time when Bogyoke Aung San and Atlee entered into a written 
agreement about our independence, we were asked to form a constituent 
assembly and write a constitution. Under the British there were 91 
administrative units and one representative each. For the formation of 
this constituent assembly two representatives each was required. U Kyaw 
Min and I represented West Thayet District . That was how we formed an 
interim government and wrote the constitution. Because the country was 
riddled with numerous insurgent groups it was not possible to have 
another election for over two years. The interim government and the 
AFPFL (Anti Fascist People's Freedom League)  party .took charge.------ 

The excuse given by them is that a legal government cannot be formed 
because there is no constitution..  Then why did they call the 
elections?  It was with the consent of the British government that the 
elections for the constituent assembly was held and the constitution was 
drawn up with their approval while the country was governed by an 
interim government.  The same process must be followed now.  An interim 
government should first be formed and then the constitution must be 
written.

---------- One moves around in Rangoon because there are no restrictions 
for the Rangoon area. But when we are told we cannot go to this or that 
part in Rangoon we are at a loss to understand what is what. They are 
not doing what should be done and are doing what should not be done. 
What is it that they should be doing?  When faced with a crisis it is 
usual for the tatmadaw to take over the reigns of government 
temporarily. But when the crisis ends, state power must be returned to 
the people. Government must be by the people. We had three goals - 
independence, unity of the nationalities, and democracy.  Today we find 
the country is independent but is there unity?  NO. Because of the 
breakdown in this sphere the demonstrations of 1988 and such like events 
are taking place. After all that happened, why did the tatmadaw call 
elections?

General Saw Maung declared that they would return to their barracks 
after the elections.  Up to this day they have not returned to their 
barracks. Why?  Are the barracks not there?  No those barracks are 
there.  Possibly it is because they do not want to return!  If one wants 
to work effectively for the country the way to do it is by leaving the 
army, forming a political party, contesting in elections and working to 
win. This is not what is happening.  The country is besieged with 
problems on all fronts. Now the whole world is condemning them on 
account of the episode relating to Daw Su Kyi. Who and why is this 
happening. Because the tatmadaw which has the duty to defend and uphold 
the honor and integrity of the people and the country has failed. Why 
condemn the tatmadaw?  Where has this tatmadaw taken power? It has taken 
power in Burma. How shameful for Burma!  Burma is the country that the 
whole world looks down on.  As a country we suffer a lot. The tatmadaw 
also suffers. It is something to be ashamed of. This Bogyoke Than Shwe 
and all the A-kji A-ke (big bosses) should think about this.

They refer to themselves as the akji ake (persons in authority).  The 
word 'ke' has bad connotations. It is noxious. When a fellow or a woman 
or an old man's behavior is not acceptable, we say "kaung galay taw taw 
ke de",  "kaung-ma-lay taw taw ke de", "a phogyi taw taw ke de". We 
should discard that term "a-kji a-ke" and replace it with "the country's 
leaders".  Of course they like the term "akji ake" and it is an apt 
description of their behaviour.

We are motivated because we desire harmony in the country. We have 
written over and over again for the tatmadaw and the NLD to seek a 
settlement and every time we write they summon us and scold us harshly. 
On the first occasion there were 23 of us.  One thakin was sick so he 
could not go with us. Colonel Tin Hlaing, the present Home Minister 
addressed us as A-ba and said that we could be arrested for submitting 
the letter. Our response was that the letter was written out of our 
desire for a  reconciliation between themselves. We asked about the 
provision of law for our arrest and he replied that there was none.  So 
we said that we were prepared to be arrested.  That we were members of 
the thakin party and not afraid to go to jail and for his information 
told him that our slogan used to be "Big Jail -  expand,  expand.".  Our 
subsequent letters resulted in them calling and meeting us. On the third 
occasion we were asked what we wanted to see happen.  Our reply was that 
for the sake of reconciliation parliament should be convened, an interim 
government formed where the constitution which they were writing, and 
the constitution that Daw Su had written be discussed together or 
separately.  Then when a  proper constitution emerges, call elections 
and hand over the government to those so elected.

-------- Earlier they said they would hold no discussions if Daw Su is 
included. Then Daw Su gave in and said discussions could be held without 
her and any subject would be approved just as along as a discussion took 
place.  Still nothing happened.  From day to day the old, old story is 
repeated about the modern colonial expansionists axe handles etc.

Disregarding whatever is said by elders or the youth, whatever is 
written in newspapers, they keep making the same accusation. No meeting 
and discussion has taken place.  There is no consideration for the 
country.  The tatmadaw should truly face the existing facts and the 
country. Its duty is to defend the country from foreign invasion. There 
should always be a bond between the people, the tatmadaw and the 
country. This does not exist now. According to them the National 
Convention is meant to produce unity. The National Convention is 
composed of successful election candidates. Daw Su's party has 85% while 
the others had just 15%.  So when the NLD walked out there was no one 
left. The whole world knows these facts. In the end they are plucking 
off the NLD as if they were ready for picking. 
Their newspapers write that the resignations are voluntary. No one 
believes this. Not in the whole world.  Resignations are forced. 
Resignation is not the voluntary part. There is a voluntary desire to be 
free from persecution. Will the tatmadaw's prestige be enhanced because 
of these activities?  Never. The gap between the people and the tatmadaw 
will widen and we, the founders, fear that it will become the hated 
tatmadaw. Most of their activities are antagonistic to the people. We 
want to tell them not to act like adversaries of the people. The whole 
world is advocating that they work towards reconciliation with Daw Suu 
Kyi. General Khin Nyunt proclaimed that he regarded her as his little 
sister. These words are admirable.  It was her father Bogyoke Aung San 
who nurtured. the tatmadaw  Fighting with Bogyoke Aung San's daughter is 
like siblings fighting. Why must brother and sister fight.  You must 
agree.  If brother is naughty, sister must be longsuffering and vice 
versa.  The duty to help each other not to be bad is obligatory on both 
sides.  The tatmadaw and Daw Suu both have their duties and tasks.  Both 
have the same father and when they are fighting, what must we, the 
people of the country do. The people are in big trouble.  When will 
their problems be solved.  They are waiting for this reconciliation to 
happen. And it is not happening. Why? Because they are watching intently 
at the quail's backside to see when the tail feather tail will grow.

-------- That feather will never grow. It will remain as it is. There 
are masses that will starve, others will be bereft.  We need to write to 
General Than Shwe and his group of tatmadaw leaders again. Otherwise if 
the breastbone rift between the tatmadaw and the people cannot meet it 
will widen.  The people may be in the majority and the tatmadaw the 
minority.  The time has come to consider who will win if there is a 
clash. The minority have weapons, what about the majority?  What have 
they?  They have mouths. There are differences in the majority group 
with weapons. Some want reconciliation while others don't. Those who 
want reconciliation will take the side of the people.  Then what 
happens?.  Civil war.  We do not want this to happen.  Why?  If the 
tatmadaw disintegrates, the country will be ruined.  It will be easy for 
a foreign power to over-run the country.  We never want this to happen.  
We want to see a bond between the people and the tatmadaw. Then only 
will the country have security.

As elders, it is absolutely necessary for us to write to them. In doing 
so we are not making demands.  We are making requests. Ironically we 
have to beg respectfully. This is the state we are reduced to.

These respectfully worded petitions have not had positive results.  
Because it is our duty as politicians we write.  Just as they have 
duties to perform, we have ours.

These politicians are stems from the tatmadaw. So why cannot mutual 
understanding and reconciliation be achieved. It should be done. No, 
that is not happening. Now we remain waiting for the quail's tail 
feather to grow. 

-end-





_____________________ OTHER  ______________________


All Burma Students' Democratic Front: Reorganization Statement

First Central Committee Meeting (Fifth Conference)


1.      The Central Committee meeting of the All Burma Students' 
Democratic Front was successfully held from September 19 to 27, 2000 on 
the Thai-Burma border. A total of 49 members which include ABSDF central 
Committee members, alternate committee members, commanders from 
different regiments and units as well as observers attended. The 
political dead-lock in Burma, international pressure and current status 
of the movement were discussed. The central committee discussed and 
collectively decided on the role of ABSDF and its future plans.  2.      
The central committee strongly condemned the repressions of the military 
regime on the freedom of movement of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the 
National League for Democracy (NLD) and strongly demands that the 
military regime cease the repression on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the 
NLD. In order to solve the basic problems of the country, ABSDF urges 
the junta to hold tripartite dialogue (composed of military, NLD and 
ethnic national forces). ABSDF is determined to obtain internal and 
international support for the NLD and Committee Representing the 
People's Parliament (CRPP). ABSDF strives to achieve the aims of the NLD 
and CRPP. 

3.      After discussing the current political situation and future 
activities, central committee members decided to form separate political 
forces whose strategies are solely political activities. ABSDF remains 
in unity with ethnic forces in the Resistance War in Burma. These 
changes in structure will be decided in the coming ABSDF conference 
representing the grassroots of the ABSDF. Members of the central 
committee who will take part in the political activities to form 
separate political forces have resigned from the Central Committee of 
the ABSDF. The new leadership for the ABSDF was elected during the 
meeting. In order to obtain a smooth and stable transition, Central 
Committee of ABSDF for the transitional period was elected 
democratically as follows. 

4.      The newly elected Central Committee of the ABSDF 
Sai Myint Thu                           - Chairperson 
Than Khe                                - Vice-Chairperson -       
Kyaw Ko                         - General Secretary -       
Myo Win                                 - Secretary 1 -      
 Hla Htay                                - Secretary 2  -       
Sonny Mahinder                          - Central Executive Committee 
member -       
Thein Sun                               - Central Executive Committee 
member -       
Salai Yaw Aung                          - Central Committee member -     
  
Min Min                                 - Central Committee member -     
  
Khin Maung Swe                  - Central Committee member -       
Khin Kyaw                               - Central Committee member -     
  
Myat Thu                                - Central Committee member -     
  
Maung Maung Gyi                 - Central Committee member -       
Tun Tun Aung                    - Central Committee member -       
Zaw Ko Naing                    - Central Committee member -       
Kyaw Thu Ryein                  - Central Committee member    

5.      In order to obtain stable and smooth transitional period, the 
advisory board for ABSDF was formed to support the new central 
committee. The Advisory Board was formed with the following former 
leaders of ABSDF.   
           a.      Dr. Naing Aung 
                b.      Moe Thee Zon
                c.      Aung Thu Nyein
                d.      Kyaw Kyaw
                e.      Htay Aung
                f.      Win Naing Oo 
                g.      Aung Naing
                h.      Khin Maung Win 

  6.      ABSDF Central Committee also decided to actively participate 
in the Illicit Drug Eradication Program as Burma's drug problems is 
endangering the world and human society as a whole.  7.      ABSDF 
central committee is committed to fight together with the patriotic 
forces both inside and outside the country as well as allied ethnic 
forces until democracy has been achieved. ABSDF urges the people of 
Burma to take part as much as possible in the Democratic 

Movement of Burma. 
Central Committee
All Burma Students' Democratic Front
September 27, 2000





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