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The message "Who is U Maung Maung" put out by Htun Aung Gyaw, covers much 
of the same ground as the article below from "The New Light of Myanmar" 
which, AT U MAUNG MAUNG'S ENCOURAGEMENT, I put on the Burma 
conferences/listservs on 10 June 1999.

Another point to note is that the most detailed and damning condemnation of 
the SLORC/SPDC's policy and practice of forced labour has come from the 
International Labour Organisation (ILO), particularly its Commission of 
Inquiry into forced labour in Burma, whose report was published in July 
1998 (web reference below). U Maung Maung played a major part in the 
process that led up to the Commission of Inquiry. In "The New Light of 
Myanmar" and in statements to the ILO, the SLORC/SPDC has attempted to 
discredit him and the FTUB.

On 27 March 2000, the ILO Governing Body decided to refer the question of 
forced labour in Burma to the next ILO General Conference (30 May-15 June 
2000). The SPDC put in a lot of work at the ILO to oppose this Decision 
(text below) and at the 2000 session of the Commission on Human Rights, its 
main lobby activity was an attempt (via Japan) to remove the paragraph on 
the ILO Decision from the Commission resolution on the Human Rights 
Situation in Myanmar (it succeeded in removing the description of, but not 
the reference to, the ILO Decision).

Going by the lobbying efforts it is making, particularly among Asian 
governments, the Burmese military seems to be very anxious about what will 
happen at the forthcoming ILO Conference. It would no doubt be very happy 
if U Maung Maung and the FTUB were discredited, and will no doubt make 
disparaging remarks about him in its statements to the ILO. However, the 
status of U Maung Maung and FTUB is unlikely to influence what will happen 
at the Conference, which will base its deliberations on the report of the 
ILO Commission of Inquiry (plus updates), very little of whose information 
came from the FTUB.

The Commission of Inquiry was composed of two former Chief Justices (of 
India and Barbados) and a prominent Australian lawyer, and supported by a 
team of experts from the ILO Secretariat. It invited written submissions 
and received about 10,000 pages from government and UN sources, and from 
international and local NGOs. It then held hearings in Geneva under a 
quasi-judicial procedure, at which it heard expert witnesses and direct 
victims of forced labour. Having been refused entry to Burma, the 
Commission then carried out a field mission to Bangladesh, India and 
Thailand, conducting 246 interviews. The activities of the Commission of 
Inquiry into forced labour in Burma are widely regarded as exemplary, both 
for its meticulous judicial procedure as well as its thoroughness and the 
sheer volume of its documentation.

David Arnott (Burma Peace Foundation)


The text of the report, plus the updates, can be found on the ILO website: 

The report itself is on:


The current documents are on:


and the Decision of 27 March on:


This is the text of the 27 March Decision:

277th Session

Governing Body Geneva, March 2000

Measures, including action under article 33 of
the Constitution of the International Labour
Organization, to secure compliance by the
Government of Myanmar with the recommendations
of the Commission of Inquiry established to
examine the observance of the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29)


In order to facilitate the discussion on this item, the Officers of the 
Governing Body requested the Office to prepare the text of a self-contained 
resolution that could be addressed to the Conference within the framework 
of the point for decision proposed in paragraph 21(b) of document GB.277/6, 
as follows:

The Governing Body of the ILO,
Recalling the discussions held at the 273rd, 274th and 276th Sessions of 
the Governing Body on the implementation of the recommendations of the 
Commission of Inquiry established under article 26 of the Constitution of 
the ILO to examine the observance by Myanmar of the Forced Labour 
Convention, 1930 (No. 29),

Noting that the Government of Myanmar has so far not complied with the 
recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry, despite the disapproval that 
the gravity of the Government's failure to act must inspire in everyone's 
conscience and the imperative need to put an end to this situation by every 
appropriate means as soon as possible,

Noting the provisions of article 33 of the Constitution of the ILO;

Recommends to the International Labour Conference, meeting at its 88th 
Session (May-June 2000), that it adopt measures including some or all of 
the following:

(a) to decide that the question of the implementation of the Commission of 
Inquiry's recommendations and of the application of Convention No. 29 by 
Myanmar should be discussed at future sessions of the International Labour 
Conference, at a sitting of the Committee on the Application of 
Standards  specially set aside for the purpose, so long as this Member has 
not been shown to have fulfilled its obligations.

(b) to recommend to the Organization's constituents as a 
whole  governments, employers and workers  that they: (i) review, in the 
light of the conclusions of the Commission of Inquiry, the relations that 
they may have with the member State concerned and take appropriate measures 
to ensure that the said Member cannot take advantage of such relations to 
perpetuate or extend the system of forced or compulsory labour referred to 
by the Commission of Inquiry, and to contribute as far as possible to the 
implementation of its recommendations; and (ii) report back in due course 
and at appropriate intervals to the Governing Body.

(c) as regards international organizations, to invite the Director-General: 
(i) to inform the international organizations referred to in article 12, 
paragraph 1, of the Constitution of the Member's failure to comply; (ii) to 
call on the relevant bodies of these organizations to reconsider, within 
their terms of reference and in the light of the conclusions of the 
Commission of Inquiry, any cooperation they may be engaged in with the 
Member concerned and, if appropriate, to cease as soon as possible any 
activity that could have the effect of directly or indirectly abetting the 
practice of forced or compulsory labour.

(d) regarding the United Nations specifically, to invite the 
Director-General to request the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) to 
place an item on the agenda of its July 2000 session concerning the failure 
of Myanmar to implement the recommendations contained in the report of the 
Commission of Inquiry and seeking the adoption of recommendations directed 
by ECOSOC or by the General Assembly, or by both, to governments and to 
other specialized agencies and including requests similar to those proposed 
in paragraphs (b) and (c) above.

(e) to invite the Director-General to submit to the Governing Body, in the 
appropriate manner and at suitable intervals, a periodic report on the 
outcome of the measures set out in paragraphs (c) and (d) above, and to 
inform the international organizations concerned of any developments in the 
implementation by Myanmar of the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry.

Geneva, 27 March 2000.


Below is the NLM article of 1 & 2 June 1999, as posted to the Burma 
conferences on 10 June 1999:

(U Maung Maung has encouraged me to post this to the nets -- DA)


Myo Thit Tun

The New Light of Myanmar, Tuesday 1 June, 1999.

The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions: ICFTU based in
Brussels, Belgium, has submitted a 15-page report to the International
Labour Organization (ILO) of the United Nations.

The essence of the report is its allegation that over 800,000 people in
Myanmar were made to contribute voluntary labour.  According to a news
release of ICFTU on 7-5-99, it is obvious the report was compiled based on 
the information fed by the so-called Federation of Trade Union of Burma 
(FTUB) of expatriate terrorist gang.

This is not an opinion; it is an admission officially released by them.  In 
branding the Federation of Trade Union of Burma (FTUB) as an expatriate 
terrorist gang, there is firm evidence.

In fact,
It is the group made up of fugitives who stepped on the pastures of
Manerplaw, former headquarters of the KNU, and established the so-called
parallel government or a pocket group.  The group's chairman is said to be 
expatriate Sein Win but he is just like a "king" in chess.  The person who 
plays the pivotal role as "queen" is popularly known as Maung Maung with 
his name Pyithit Nyunt Wai.  In full, his name is Maung Maung @ Pyithit 
Nyunt Wai, a fugitive.  He is the son of NLD remnant and Central Executive 
Committee member U Nyunt Wai.

Pyithit Nyunt Wai got a BSc (Geology) degree in 1977.  He got a job the 
same year at Myanma Gems Enterprise.  He attended a gemmology course in 
Germany from 9-6-86 to 30-11-86.

During that time Pyithit Nyunt Wai was inflicted with the disease of
thinking highly of foreign countries.  In 1988, he took part in movements.

His participation was not because of his political belief.  At that time
there occurred shortage and loss of jewellery at the Diplomatic Stores sale 
centre of the Myanmar Gems Enterprise.  Those concerned found out that 
Pyithit Nyunt Wai was involved in the case.  Under the circumstances, he 
jumped on the bandwagon because of his personal grudge.

Hence, those concerned opened the case No (Pa) 1468/ 88 at Kyauktada 
Township Police Station against Pyithit Nyunt Wai under section 6 (1) of 
the Public Property Protection Law.  Not daring to face the law, Pyithit 
Nyunt Wai ran away to Thailand on 13-12-88.  That is why he had been 
branded as a fugitive.

Fugitive and outlaws then became runaways.  In a bid to earn a living in an 
easy way and secure aniche abroad they have been engaged in all kinds of 
nation-destroying acts by going against the motherland and the ruling
government.  They formed various associations under various names with just 
two or three as members.

Established in that fashion, FTUB got contact with non-governmental
organizations in the world under the arrangement of some international
secret organizations.  From such conditions, its utmost to have an access 
to other internalzations including the United Nations in a most lowly 
way.  Old contacts of the runaways helped.

The principal aim of the fugitives and outlaws gangs under various names is 
to bring down the ruling government in Myanmar.  Hence, they sought the 
help of some NG0s of the West bloc and resorted to all means to topple the 
ruling government.  The attempts included terrorist acts which the 
international community disapproves.

They began to commit acts such as attempts to tarnish the image of the
State, to cause destruction to the life and property of the innocent 
people, as well as crooked and sly terrorist acts to assassinate the 
leading personalities of the nation and to blow up foreign embassies.

Fugitive Pyithit Nyunt Wai, who has held the secretary post of FIUB,
colluded with fugitive Sein Win of NCGUB.  He made contacts with the United 
States and some international labour unions with claims to carry out labour 
affairs in Myanmar.  With its base in Bangkok, Thailand, he began to 
perpetrate destructive acts starting from mid-1995.

Maung Maung @ Pyithit Nyunt Wai, son of the National League for Democracy 
representative-elect from Toungoo Township Constituency-2,
ran away to Thailand and lived at Watana Mansion at 209, 45th Lane of 
Intamara Road, Wheikham Ward in Bangkok.

Bearing a grudge over his being dismissed from Myanma Gems Enterprise and 
action having been taken action against him, he did so in revenge and to 
cover up his lowly acts and misdemeanour.  He tried to give an excuse that 
such acts of his had been due to the then political situation.

Daw Aye Myo Naing, wife of Pyithit Nyunt Wai, continues to, be employed at 
Myanma Gems Enterprise as head of division.  She is being given full rights 
of a staff although her husband has been engaged in anti-movement
activities.  Her promotion has also been considered and taken care of
according to procedures.

This point is insignificant but refutes the allegations of Pyithit Nyunt
Wai's FTUB that workers are losing their rights.  Daw Aye Myo Naing will 
not be promoted to the position of the head of division if the personnel
concerned have ill will towards her because she has not divorced with
Pyithit Nyunt Wai yet.  This points out the trickery and duplicity of
Pyithit Nyunt Wai and his accomplices.

Whatever may be the case, personnel of the United States Labour Department, 
those of ILO, and those of international organizations concerned with 
labour affairs compiling facts about labour affairs in Myanmar should 
thoroughly study the basic facts about Maung Maung @ Pyithit Nyunt Wai, who 
has been spreading falsehood in the world using the name of FTUB, and the 
acts of NLD inside Myanmar, which has been mischievous and 
slanderous.  What is certain is that they will encounter a shameful 
position if they continue to issue reports, declarations and resolutions 
believing the falsehood of fugitives, terrorists and liars.

Pyithit Nyunt Wai opened office on Silom Road, RannawaWardin Bangkok.  He 
carried out sabotage with the help of Asian American Free Labour Institute 
(AFFLI).  A study of such acts will show that FTUB thus formed is a 
terrorist group that concentrates on sabotage.  From an unlawful 
organization FTUB transformed itself into one that has been violating 
international laws.  Its acts in this connection will be presented 
precisely with the aid of evidence.


Myo Thit Tun

The New Light of Myanmar, Wednesday, 2 June, 1999

Absconder Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai met Myo Aung Thant through contacts of friend 
Myint Aung (a) Pyaung Gyi, who was living at 120/359 Rajaparapot  Road, 
Bara Thai Ward, Bangkok.  Myo Aung Thant was a wanderer who had no 
permanent or proper job.

Anti-government activities which could earn money in an easy and swift way 
had become Myo Aung Than's job.  He was organised by Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai in 
this way.

After organizing Myo Aung Thant, Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai joined with another
absconder Sein Win in Washington and gathered hardcores in the nation to
launch destructive acts including instigation of internal unrest, brinGing 
about the fall of Tatmadaw government and outbreak of the workers disturbances.

Myo Aung Thant while in Bangkok together with Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai collected 
news on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi weekend public harangues by phone and 
distributed them in Washington and Bangkok.

He (Myo Aung Thant) then stayed in Yangon, gathered news on NLD's 
movements, food, clothing and shelter difficulties, foreign investment and 
student activities and rumours and sent them to Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai. 
Moreover, Myo Aung Thant visited Bangkok many times and met with various 
anti-government organizations.

While Myo Aung Thant was staying in Bangkok, Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai made
co-ordination with absconder Sein Win to use satellite phone in sending
information from Yangon as telephone or fax could lack security and have

Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai asked for satellite phone from the absconder Sein Win in 
Washington and tried to dispatch it to Yangoon with the help of Tom 
Kanathat Chantrsiri, an employee from Fire and Rescue Service (Thailand).

Soe Paing of absconder Sein Win's group conveyed the satellite phone
together with him from Washington to Bangkok. Soe Paing taught Myo Aung
Thant the methods in using the phone at Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai's house.

Afterwards, Myo Aung Thant using the satellite phone despatched to Yangon 
under Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai's arrangements started contacting Pyi Thit Nyunt 
Wai in Bangkok on l9 November 1996 at 9 am.  He reported news on organizing 
hardcores in Yangon to launch destructive acts, collecting of information, 
installation of the phone and communication conditions.

Information relayed by Myo Aung Thant included activities of NLD youths and 
members of township NLDs, rumours that were floating among the service 
personnel, and the situation of tourist arrivals.

Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai gave Myo Aung Thant directions to make regular contacts 
with him, to pay attention to security, to gather hardcores among the blue 
collar and white collar workers, to make instigations to cause student 
unrest and to provide assistance if there occurred any student unrest.

If we study the orders given to Myo Aung Thant by absconders Sein Win and 
Pyi thit Nyunt Wai in Bangkok through the satellite phone, it can be seen 
that FTUB was conducting political disturbances which did not concern its name.

-- contacts on 5 December 1996 -- to make arrangements for holding a 
meeting, between Daw Suu Kyi and two representatives of American Workers 
Union; to contact John J Sweeny and Bill Jordan who will be staying at 
Aurora Inn.

-- contacts on 7 December 1996 -- to send a report on the situation of
low-income earners and the finical difficulties of retired persons; to
obtain and despatch a concocted personal letter containing grievances and 
complaints on the high cost of living from a retired government officer of 
director rank.

-- contacts on 17 December 1996 -- to send a list of the fax numbers of all 
the ministries; to establish contact with  Nge Ma Ma Than (daughter of U 
Aung Than) through Aye Aye Mar (Myo Aung Thant's wife), after a connection 
has been made to contact Daw Suu Kyi through her. When universities and 
colleges are reopened, agitative letters are to distributed to cause 
disturbances simultaneously within the country.

-- contacts on 17 December 1996 -- to hold a commemorative ceremony on the 
anniversary of Daw Kyi's demise under the name of Non-Governmental Energy 

-- contacts on 2 January 1997-- to obtain contact by phone with Daw Suu Kyi 
by mentioning NGE.

-- contacts on 5 January 1997-- to reconnoitre the Bago Control Tower for 
the purpose of bombing it.

-- contacts on  9 January 1997-- to publicize the case of the minutes of 
the meeting written in Naing Aung's (code name Pyone, Cho's) hand.

-- contacts on 16 January 1997 -- to help and give coordination to a woman 
named Liza who was expected to come to Myanmar and stay at the Traders 
Hotel for the purpose of studying workers affairs in Myanmar; John Osolnick 
came instead of Liza and delivered cash in dollars and some articles to Daw 
Suu Kyi. Myint Swe and wife met Osolnick and made some deals and reached 
agreement to maintain regular contact with Myint Swe.

-- contacts on 28 January 1997 -- to tour Pyay and Aunglan to campaign and 
recruit new members for the Workers Union Federation.

-- contacts on 16 February 1997 -- to come to Bangkok where a meeting will 
be held if a sufficient number of people are present; to lay down a course 
of action to agitate and incite the international forces to stage mass 
protests demonstrations.

-- contacts on 9 March 1997 -- to video tape Daw Suu Kyi in Kayin 
traditional dress for organizational propose.

--contacts on 18 April 1997 -- arrangements said to be under way for a 
satphone for Mandalay; another phone will be sent; prior arrangements must 
be made for the conveyance of the Sat-phone to Mandalay.

-- contacts on 30 May 1997 -- a meeting has been scheduled to be held on 
Rangon, Thailand, which you are required to attend without fail.

Under Pyi Thit Nyunt Wais' directions,  Myo Aung Thant left Yangon with a 
legal  visa to go to Ranong on 2 June 1997.

On 4 June -1997, Pyi Tit Nyunt Wai, Myo Aung Thant, Khin Kyaw, demolition 
expert Than Lwin, and the representative of ABSDF Aye Maung held a meeting 
in Room 513 of Jansom Thara Hotel in Ranong.

At this meeting a decision was passed to instigate Worker unrest in Yangon 
but in so doing, to make it appear to be free of NLD involvement and to try 
to avoid the use of the words Daw Suu Kyi and NLD. Decisions were also made 
to attempt assassination of State leaders, to target the Chinese and 
Indonesian embassies for bombing and to blow up the transformers and cut 
the telephones in downtown Yangon.

Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai bought an electric rice cooker in which the explosive
materials were to be packed and carried. On 5 June 1997, Myo Aung Thant
obtained eight sticks of C3 plastic, 10 blasting caps (detonators), two 
tins of acrylic lacquer, two tins of industrial lacquer, two tins of 
aluminium powder, one coil of five feet 10 inches long fuse wire, and 
another coil two feet one inch long.

He then carefully packed the plastic explosives and blasting caps in the
hollow under the bottom of the rice cooker and made arrangements to convey 
them to Yangon via Kawthoung.  Myo Aung Thant together with Pyi Thit Nyunt 
Wai, Than Lwin and Aye Maung returned to Bangkok.  Then on 13 June 1997, he 
returned to Yangon from Bangkok.

The same day security personnel were able to apprehend Myo Aung Thant
together with his accomplices. The explosives and other material evidence 
and documents were also seized in Kawthoung in time. Had not the 
authorities seized conspirators and their the equipment in the FTUB would 
celebrate a victory on the targets sufferings of the innocent people.

(Translation TMT)


Myo Thit Tun

The New Light of Myanmar, 3 June, 1999.

 From activities of absconders Sein Win and Maung Maung (a) Pyi Thit Nyunt 
Wai of the Federation of Trade Union-Burma (FTUB) which had already been 
mentioned in the previous parts, it can be clearly seen that though they 
were working under the name FTUB, in reality they never represented the 
workers of  Myanmar; instead they were ones who wished to disturb and 
destroy the interests of Myanmar and peaceful and stable life of the people 
with terrorist acts.

FTUB they were using to sound big in earning their living was an
association which does not even have five members.  The status of the ones 
they were referring to as internal hardcore were not the real blue or white 
collar workers of the work sites or departments, but just ones dismissed 
from their jobs due to breaching of laws, principles and rules and 
regulations and their moral misconduct.

To put it in a nutshell, it can be seen that the terrorist group under the 
name of FTUB was raising and using the ones with personal grudge and those 
who did not get on well with their surrounding as they had faced various 
punishments as its hardc6re and using advanced equipment to commit 
destructive acts synchronously.

Moreover, FTUB which got sufficient cash assistance from NGOs in Western
nations had also used persons, who were appropriate as middlemen to realize 
its nation-destroying conspiracies and the goal, -- to enable National 
League for Democracy to grab power -- for long-term evil designs.

In addition to FTUB's provision of cash assistance through middlemen to NLD 
headquarters in Myanmar without making direct contacts with the NLD, the 
organization was also making perpetrations to destroy peace and stability 
of the nation to cause internal unrest and fear among the people.

The Western nations could not bear to stay idle and look on the ASEAN
nations and countries of the East Asia and Pacific region developing in
unity. There were making perpetrations with various means to interfere in 
and meddle in the affairs of nations of the regions one by one in accord 
with their domination strategies.  Thus, the West bloc targeted Myanmar 
which was a strategically important nation of the region, continuously 
helping and using its henchmen.  FTUB was included as a stooge.

Eagerly supporting and assisting the destructive acts of absconders Sein
Win and Maung Maung (a) Pyi Thit Nyunt Wai under the name of FTUB by the
alien organizations and individuals would never do any good to Myanmar and 
other ASEAN nations, but was leading to political and economic disorder in 
the region. Through (sic) they were not trade partners of Myanmar, 
treacherous acts of some of the trade partners of some ASEAN nations to 
present the sword by the handle to the robber were not the acts to take 
action against Myanmar but to inflict injury on the ASEAN to gain an upper 
hand on the association.

The situation was confusing whether Myanmar expatriates who formed the
organization called FTUB were cheating the labour organizations such as
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU).  American
Federation of Labour and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO),
Asian American Free Labour Institute (AAFLI) and International Transport
Worker's Federation (ITF), which were not only giving place to the 
FTUB  but also assisting and encouraging it to launch destructive and  acts 
and terrorist acts, to gain profits or whether these international labour 
organization were cheating the Myanmar expatriates of FTUB to gain profits.

The report of ICFTU, which was an organization giving support to the
perpetrations of the persons who were managing and arranging terrorist acts 
after their lives had changed to expatriates from absconders and who were 
continuing their conspiracies while approaching the International Labour 
Organization (ILO) of the Economic and Social Council of the United 
Nations, was just a fabrication.

FTUB of the expatriates and other organizations under the name of Labour
Foundations were singing the same song together with the internal NLD group 
on the section 7 (1) and the section 8 (1) of the 1907 towns law and the 
1908 village law which permitted local authorities to summon the people to 
serve the public duties; in reality this law was not enacted by the 
Tatmadaw government.

It was enacted the British which had exploited the riches of Myanmar in the 
past.  In other words, it can be called the law that was systematically 
promulgated by the British in covering its practising of forced labour on 
Myanmar people in extending its colonial administrative system in Myanmar.
It was not the law enacted to serve the interests of Myanmar people.

At present, the Ministry of Home Affairs has already issued directions
prohibiting the practising of the sections of the law.  As Myanmar is a
party to some of the core Conventions under the international Labour
Organization, she is striving to build a society where the rights of
labour, the rights of women and the rights of children were given all the 
encouragement and promotion that they rightly deserved.

In recent years. the world has seen many rapid and fundamental changes that 
impact on all corners of the globe.  The process of globalization is 
already a reality, bringing with it not only new prospects but also new 
It therefore becomes incumbent that each region and each country must try 
to develop its full potential if it is not to be marginalized.

Since a sound infrastructure is essential for economic development, our
government has placed special emphasis on this sector.  Hence, a sustained 
effort to improve the infrastructure of our economy by building roads, 
bridges, rail network, dams and reservoirs have been undertaken.  Realizing 
the benefits to the communities from these projects, people have 
voluntarily contributed labour so that they can be completed sooner.  It is 
the national pride and trait of the Myanmar people which cannot be 
understood by the human rights observers of the West.

Due to the traditions of collectively participating in the religious,
social, community and social affairs, the country was famous in the history 
as the powerful nation since from the First Myanmar Empire.

Thus, the people come with drums and ozis to happily and actively
participate in the tasks such as building of roads, embanking. of dykes,
paddy harvesting and sanitation.  The government have already built the 
main structures such as reservoirs and roads.  The task to build a canal to 
feed water to one's own field or to build roads connecting their villages 
is the duty of the the regional people. Officials have to provide 
supervision to ensure that there is system in the work.  This cannot be 
called the forced labour.  In reality, it is the collective efforts that 
lead to the progress of their regions.  It is not only harmonious endeavour 
of the people for national advancement bait also a Myanmar character which 
is in accord with the Myanmar saying "A task which cannot be implemented 
with the strength of an single person can be accomplished with the force of 
ten thousand people". From the economic point of view, the task will bear 
benefits in proportional to the extent of investment.

 From scientific point of view, it can be said that actions and reactions 
are equal and opposite.  In other words, the people are participating 
practically to fulfil the requirements of the people's social lives.

The fact that Myanmar is giving priority to showing regard in clarifying 
and responding to the accusations which come out due to ignoring of the
objective conditions or misunderstanding is because it gives due respect to 
the dignity of the respective organizations.

The Convention of the ILO is required to be in accord with the own wish and 
decisions of the member nations.  Forceful methods should be applied in 
including a nation in the Convention, instead implementations should be 
based on the progress of the respective nation. The Convention and the 
supplementary work procedures should not become a burden to the member 
nations or a double scrutinization.

Actions of the respective member nations should be based on the already
existing procedures.  This is the attitude of the united ASEAN nations.

FTUB which is approaching and presenting false information to ILO is not an 
organization representing a sovereign nation; and FTUB which was formed not 
under any organizational rules and regulations of a nation is an 
organization only in name and which is committing various destructive acts.

Accepting the terrorist group's false information and fabrications and
giving special attention and extending social recognition to it is like a 
Myanmar saying "Wrongly hanging jingle bells for love of the monkey." It is 
bearable to nobody's ear.

(Translation: TMT)