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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: Weekend of April 22-23, 2000
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
Weekend of April 22-23, 2000
Issue # 1515
This edition of The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com/stories/storyReader$342
NOTED IN PASSING:
"I noted that Premier Oil had said that they had been given the green
light by the Foreign Office. I was very angry at that...we made it
clear to Premier Oil that we would prefer it...if they ceased their
investment within Burma."
Robin Cook, Britain's Foreign Secretary (See UK: TRANSCRIPT OF
FOREIGN SECRETARY'S PRESS CONFERENCE AT THAM HIN REFUGEE CAMP)
*Inside Burma
DAILY CALIFORNIAN: TWO BERKELEY STUDENTS MEET WITH DEMOCRACY
DISSIDENT AUNG SAN SUU KYI
ASIAWEEK: MOVING FORWARD
BANGKOK POST: SINGAPOREANS TO DIE
SHAN: ANOTHER MILITIA UNIT FOR KHUN SA
SHAN: FORMER OFFICER: CHANCES OF KHUN SA'S RETURN TO HOMONG GETTING
THIN
ASIAWEEK: ON THE ROAD TO PEACE?
ASIAWEEK: ON THE ROAD TO RECOVERY?
XINHUA: MYANMAR INSUFFICIENT WITH EDIBLE OIL
KNU: BURMA ARMY'S STRATEGY TO INCREASE ITS ARMY FORCE
THE IRRAWADDY: THE ENEMY WITHIN
*International
NATION: FROM THE EDGE: ASEAN SPLIT ON ILO PENALTIES FOR BURMA
KYODO: BRITAIN HAS NO CARROTS, PROMISES MORE STICKS FOR MYANMAR
UK: TRANSCRIPT OF FOREIGN SECRETARY'S PRESS CONFERENCE AT THAM HIN
REFUGEE CAMP
XINHUA: FRANCE HAS NO PLAN ON ECONOMIC SANCTIONS AGAINST MYANMAR
BURMA COURIER: ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK HAS NO PLANS FOR BURMA
SCMP: UN HELPS REBELS FIND WAY BACK TO BORDER
*Opinion/Editorials
OP/ED: RESPONSE OF U HLA WIN TO CANADA GROUP FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
BANGKOK POST: LITTLE SUBSTANCE IN COOK'S BROTH
NATION: TIME FOR POLICY SHIFT ON BURMA AFTER 12 YEARS OF FAILURE
*Other
ANNC: BURMESE LANGUAGE VERSION OF PEOPLE'S TRIBUNAL WEBSITE
__________________ INSIDE BURMA ____________________
DAILY CALIFORNIAN: TWO BERKELEY STUDENTS MEET WITH DEMOCRACY
DISSIDENT AUNG SAN SUU KYI
[The Daily Cal is a student paper at the University of California,
Berkeley]
Special to Daily Cal
Two Berkeley Students Meet with Democracy Dissident Aung San Suu Kyi
YANGON, Myanmar
April 5, 2000
Teddy Miller- Correspondent
After posing as tourists to enter the country and disguising
themselves as native Burmese to avoid detection from government
intelligence agents, two UC Berkeley undergraduates gained access to
the main headquarters for the National League for Democracy in Burma.
They were able to interview democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi as well
as Vice Chairman of the league Ou Tin Oo.
Juniors Ian Umeda and Teddy Miller were in Burma as part of a eight
month trip they are undertaking while examining American influence in
Asia. A full summary of the interviews and their group''s other
articles can be viewed on their website www.nomadic5.com .
The interviews took place April 4 and 5. Notes and film from the
interviews had to be smuggled out of the country where the internet
is illegal. The State Law and Order Restoration Committee, a military
junta that assumed control of the country after canceling democratic
elections in 1990, rule Myanmar...
The use of child labor is common for road construction, citizens are
forced into the army , and the university system has been shut down
since 1996.
Poverty in Myanmar is rampant and any critique of the state is
punished severely.
Some local governments back in the states such as the cities of New
York and Los Angeles as well as the state of Massachusetts have
decided not to spend their tax dollars on corporations who do
business with Myanmar's repressive government. Corporations such as
UNOCAL, Proctor & Gamble, and Pepsi-CO have sued the local
governments contending that spending tax dollars on the international
level is a federal decision. The case is currently being reviewed by
the Supreme Court.
Suu Kyi praised the 1996 Massachusetts law, saying the federal
decision was not as important as the message sent out by American
taxpayers, "The psychological impact of the Massachusetts law is
truly important," commented Suu Kyi, "it lets the Burmese people know
that the people of Massachusetts and the other localities that passed
similar laws are sympathetic to the tremendous difficulties we are
experiencing."
Suu Kyi went on to say that the Burmese economy is in disarray and is
purposefully opaque because the government refuses to reveal its
mismanagement of the country. She says any money coming in from
international investors that could be used to counter growing poverty
is instead being siphoned away to undisclosed locations. She says
that most Burmese suffer from international investment as the
administration of their corrupt rulers is prolonged.
When asked if they had any messages to voters and students in the
United States, Vice Chairman Oo stated "I believe most Americans are
on our side. Even though the federal government is intervening to
upend anti-SLORC laws, it does not matter because the people realize
that companies based here are supporting an anti-democratic regime,
and they can boycott the companies themselves."
Groups such as the Free Burma Coalition and Global Exchange are
organizing to put international pressure on the Myanmar regime to
hand over power to the democratically elected government. College
campus boycotts at the University of North Carolina, Wisconsin and
Harvard among others forced those institutions to guarantee that
their products are not made with sweatshop labor. Sweatshops in Burma
were denounced as part of the successful grass roots campaign. High
profile firms like Tommy Hilfiger have since pulled their operations
out of Burma.
Still, Suu Kyi says there are other issues that American students
should be aware of,
"Right now is an important time for college students in Burma. Yangon
University, which was shut down by the government in 1996, is now
being converted into government administration buildings. [The SLORC]
obviously have no intention of reopening the University any time
soon."
Suu Kyi says the current situation is Burma is very difficult. She
estimates that there are between 1200-2000 political prisoners
incarcerated presently in Burma, and many more under "virtual house
arrest." Some members of parliament are allowed home only once a
fortnight and spend the rest of their time in government guest houses
having "discussions." She said the government is constantly harassing
the NLD. They cannot get a license to use a Xerox machine, nor can
they get their private license renewed. Their landlady is under
increasing government pressure to evict the League, which would leave
them without a home base or official existence.
In the middle of her decade of internal exile her husband passed away
last year. When asked about any personal adversity she has endured
she quickly deflected attention to her colleagues.
"Those unknown dissidents suffer the most. When they are imprisoned
they not only lose their freedom but also their health and sometimes
their lives
____________________________________________________
ASIAWEEK: MOVING FORWARD
April 22, 2000
The Red Cross is slaying sacred cows?and helping the oppressed
It was a hug with a message. The encounter, which took place at the
U.S. embassy in Yangon, came during the December visit of Senator
John Kerry. Embassy staff arranged for him to meet members of the
National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi - though she
herself did not attend. Also invited was Léon de Riedmatten, head of
the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Myanmar, which
had controversially resumed operations in the pariah state in 1998.
Recalls one participant: "The Americans, like Suu Kyi, had been
against the Red Cross returning, so they thought there'd be a clash
between this guy and the NLD." But as soon as Riedmatten entered, NLD
vice president and top Suu Kyi aide Tin Oo gave him a bear hug. "You
are the new hero of Burma," said Tin Oo, beaming. "What you do is so
good. Suu Kyi is so happy with your work." The Americans were
stunned.
Since then, with Suu Kyi herself voicing support for the ICRC's work
with political prisoners, ties between the Red Cross and the
Americans - and other anti-Yangon nations like Britain - have been
chummy. Riedmatten's pioneering work has not only helped detained
dissidents, but also cut through the posturing and obduracy that has
long stymied political and economic progress in Myanmar.
The issue of political detainees is particularly sensitive in the
military-ruled nation. Last November, junta leader Lt.-Gen. Khin
Nyunt told Asiaweek: "We do not put people into prison because of
their political beliefs." Yet Riedmatten has not only disproved the
claim, but also gained access to 1,550 political detainees. Under
him, the ICRC has been able to monitor their conditions, arrange mail
for them and even set up monthly visits by their families. And all
that amid open hostility from Suu Kyi and the NLD, leading Western
nations, and the international media.
Riedmatten, 48, cautions against too much optimism. While his work
has achieved much, he stresses: "It doesn't mean there will be an
amnesty next year or an opening to the international community."
Riedmatten notes that much remains to be done - especially on forced
porterage of villagers and prisoners by the army. The International
Labor Organization (ILO) is threatening action against Myanmar for
these abuses. Its latest report alleges that many citizens have been
herded into labor camps to do strenuous manual work with little or no
pay and poor food. Yet Foreign Minister Win Aung told Asiaweek last
week: "We have no forced labor in Myanmar, no forced porterage, no
child labor." He claims the charges are "a Western scheme to apply
political pressure."
More and more, though, the West is wondering whether hectoring
threats by foreign governments, the ILO and the U.N. Human Rights
Commission are the best way to effect positive change in Myanmar.
Certainly, the success of Riedmatten's more conciliatory approach -
which is increasingly adopted by Australia, Japan, South Korea and
ASEAN countries - suggests otherwise. Still, the going won't be easy,
as the Swiss Red Cross man told Senior Correspondent Roger Mitton
recently in Yangon. Excerpts from their talk:
Why did the ICRC return to Myanmar?
After ten years, the Red Cross withdrew in 1995 because it could not
get access to prisons and the field. Two years later, [Yangon] said
they would like to talk to us. That led to two teams going back in
1998 to assess the situation. I came in January last year. I told the
authorities the ICRC wanted to have access to all places of detention
and to disputed areas in the field. They said okay about the field,
but for prisons there were some difficulties. The ICRC has four
conditions. One is to see all prisoners and all premises. Two is to
register anyone who wants to register with us. Three is to be able to
talk in private with any detainee. Four is to have repeat visits.
Would they agree?
The third condition, to talk in private, was the main obstacle. Their
reason was always the same: We cannot leave you alone with these
criminals because if something happens we are responsible. I said, I
won't object if you stay far away and watch us - as long as we choose
the place and you cannot hear what we talk about. Later, the home
affairs minister said he agreed with our proposal.
You found a way to negotiate without compromising your principles?
I told them we must be pragmatic. What we want to do is against your
prison regulations. So we'll [just] do things. If something goes
wrong, you can always stop because you are not bound by any formal
agreement. They appreciated the idea. Also I told them - I will tell
you everything. I have nothing to hide. [After the visits began,] I
said I wanted to go to a place where there is at least one security
detainee [political prisoner]. The minister was silent. So I left.
Later, they called me and said okay, you can go to Bago where there
are about 15 security detainees - people in jail for political
reasons. So we went and talked to them. Then I was convinced we could
work properly.
You were accused of working with the military regime.There were all
these critics from the NLD. At first, Suu Kyi said that she could
have convinced us we should not negotiate with the government because
we would get nowhere. But look at what we have achieved. We have been
to 25 jails now. We have repeated eight visits. We have been to three
so-called guesthouses where there are these [elected NLD] MPs. We've
been to two labor camps. We have seen roughly 30,000 inmates,
including 1,550 security detainees. Most of our recommendations are
followed. A turning point was when we decided to finance monthly
visits by detainees' families.
Do other countries in Asia allow you to do similar work?
No. We don't visit prisons in China, Laos, Vietnam or Thailand. So
what we are allowed here is really something.
Are you allowed into insurgent areas?
Yes, but it was very hard convincing the highest authorities. When we
go to these places we deal with the people on the ground. It could be
the Wa or the Karen National Union. We don't have good guys and bad
guys. If we go there, it doesn't mean we think the KNU is behaving
better than the regime toward civilians. The KNU violates the same
rules. The way it behaves with villagers is more or less the same.
Maybe the analysts in Bangkok just don't want to see this.
Have you spoken with Suu Kyi?
No, she understands it's better that we are not in direct contact.
She sends one of her people to see me once a month. This was a big
issue with the government. They accused me of working with the NLD. I
said, as long as [the NLD] are free to do things here why shouldn't
they visit me? I'm very happy about that.
The Americans and the British aren't happy with you.
Last year, I told their ambassadors: Look, we can do this and that.
And I'm convinced we will do much more. Whether you like it or not is
something else. But when Suu Kyi changed her mind, they had to change
too.
What about the labor camps?
They are places where they take prisoners for certain work - breaking
stones, road construction, highways, dams, livestock, mines. It's
very hard in these camps. But when you have so few financial
resources - and maybe this is one of the bad effects of the embargo -
you will use the cheapest manpower.
Does your work signal a breakthrough in dealing with Yangon?
Who knows? The ICRC may be a less risky way to start something. When
the authorities react to all the media accusations, especially from
Bangkok, nobody believes them. But by having some international
organization here, it could balance that.
What do you recommend to those seeking improvements in Myanmar?
We have shown that on one of the most sensitive issues, something is
possible. Suggest things. If you insist they should do this and that -
you paralyze them. You must be pragmatic. Tell them it's up to you
to decide. It's your responsibility, not mine. Give them the benefit
of the doubt. They are normal people, not worse than us. It is the
system that made them as they are. We also have to change our way of
approaching them.
ASIAWEEK (April 22, 2000)
____________________________________________________
BANGKOK POST: SINGAPOREANS TO DIE
Rangoon - Two Singaporeans have been sentenced to death for
trafficking heroin, a Burmese-language weekly journal reported
yesterday. Ng Chong Beng, 31, and Soh Ban Chuan, 26, were arrested at
Rangoon international airport on Oct 28 last year as they were about
to board a Thai Airways flight to Bangkok. Officials said at the time
that 5kg of heroin was concealed on Ng's body. Ng and Soh were tried
in Rangoon on March 23 and given the death sentence upon conviction
on charges of violating the narcotic and psychotropic substances law,
which carries a maximum penalty of death for the export and import of
narcotic drugs, Hmugin reported. - AP
Bangkok Post (April 22, 2000)
____________________________________________________
SHAN: ANOTHER MILITIA UNIT FOR KHUN SA
23 April 2000
No: 4 - 8
The ailing Khun Sa has been allowed by Rangoon to set up yet another
militia unit in eastern Shan State, reported S.H.A.N.'s correspondent
from the border.
Since mid-March, Pan Maung a.k.a. Chen Kuan-tai, a close aide of Khun
Sa's chief-of-staff, Falang a.k.a. Chang Hsu-chuan, arrived in
Tachilek, opposite Maesai, Chiangrai Province, from Rangoon with his
family. His
assignment was to organize a new militia unit in Paliao Kenglarb area
along the Mekhong opposite northern Laos, they said.
700 acres in the area had recently been confiscated by the local
authorities and handed over to Pan Maung. As a result, many farmers
had lost their lands, they said.
Pan Maung, who claimed to be a nephew of Sao Hsowan, a late
resistance fighter who was known for his extraordinary valor, has
been the managing
director of Chang Hsu-chuan's San Shwe Company with its head office
at the building that used to be the Nawaday cinema hall in Rangoon.
He is reported to have set up Sein San Shwe Service, a subsidiary
firm to San Shwe.
"Since his arrival, Pan Maung has been busy meeting old MTA-
colleagues to persuade them to serve as recruiting officers for the
militia unit," one said.
The unit, after establishment, would come under the command of
Zarmhurng a.k.a Chang Weikang, Khun Sa's second son who had already
made Tachilek his home since the Mong Tai Army's surrender in 1996.
Other units under the nominal command of Khun Sa but believed to be
run by his chief-of-staff are Loimaw-Wanparng (commanded by Bo Mon)
and Mongha-Monghaeng (commanded by Ma Kuowen) in the north and
Homong under Mahaja. "All are known to be long time loyal followers
of Khun Sa," said a source.
The Homong militia is the group's latest acquisition.
"Rangoon is aiming to counter both the Shan resistance and the
ceasefire groups including the Was with militias that had proven to
serve the junta's cause," commended a ceasefire group commander, who
added that a part from Khun Sa's counter-insurgency units, there are
also two others, reported to be well equipped and well-armed,
commanded by Duwa Jaygawng in Hpawngseng and by a Chinese in
Longhtang near Hsenwi. Both of them were reported to have followed
Senior Gen. Than Shwe since he was a battalion commander there.
"All of them are given Laissez faire in drugs," he said.
Shan Herald Agency for News.
____________________________________________________
SHAN: FORMER OFFICER: CHANCES OF KHUN SA'S RETURN TO HOMONG GETTING
THIN
22 April 2000
No: 4 - 7
SHAN: FORMER OFFICER: CHANCES OF KHUN SA'S RETURN TO HOMONG GETTING
THIN
A former officer from druglord Khun Sa's once famed Mong Tai Army
recently spoke to S.H.A.N. that the prospects of Khun Sa being
allowed to return to his old headquarters, Homong, were getting poor
as his health continued deteriorating.
"Although Gen Khin Nyunt did say to us that he would be permitted to
visit Homong, we are seeing no progress towards that end as days go
by," the ex-commander said.
A former attendant, who visits Khun Sa occasionally, also
agreed. "There is nothing for him here anymore. His 5 houses, 3 in
Homong and 2 in Mongmai (south of Homong), had been emptied by his
minor wives who took every piece
of valuable furniture away to their new homes in Chiangmai, Chiangrai
and Tachilek. It would also cost a lot even to bring back one of them
into shape," she said. "All of them are enclosed by tall grass and
bushes, being
left uncared for all these yours."
His health is also worsening, according to her. "He has to be
spoonfed. If he tries to help himself, he ends by spilling everything
over his clothes. His mouth keeps going awry making his speeches
unintelligible. He also has
trouble remembering who and what. He also needs somebody to handle
him either to get up or to lie down."
She added that Khun Sa's physicians are whispering it would be a
miracle if he could manage to last the year.
The idea of going back to Homong was his own, insisted both. "Even if
I got nabbed by the US drug agents, my life in the American jail
would fare even better than here in Rangoon, not unlike Noriega," he
was reported to have written to one of his former aides in Thailand.
However, that was one eventuality that Rangoon did not want,
according to the officer. "At first (Gen) Khin Nyunt thought news of
Khun Sa's return would attract tourism to Homong. The Burmese also
seemed to believe his presence in Homong might help keep former
officers and men from joining Yawdserk's Shan State Army units (that
are known to be active in his former 'Free Territory of Shan State')."
However, he said, when they considered they would still need him
to 'guide' Bomon and Ma Kuo-wen (his former commanders who are
militia chiefs in the north) in combatting Yawderk's forces up there
and also to harass the two Shan ceasefire groups (Shan State Army
North and Shan State Army Central a.k.a. Shan State National Army),
they decidedly change their minds."
The officer also thought any successful abduction made by either the
US or Thai commandoes might result in immense 'loss of face' which he
did not believe the junta would be able to bear.
S.H.A.N. reported in March about Gen. Khin Nyunt promising a "home-
coming" visit of Khun Sa to Homong.
__________________
ASIAWEEK: ON THE ROAD TO PEACE?
April 21, 2000
Despite suggestions that they were non-starters, peace talks between
the Karen National Union and the Myanmar military regime have taken
place, according to both government and independent sources. An
initial but inconclusive round happened in February in Kayin state,
followed by subsequent discussions in March. The KNU is the last
insurgent army openly fighting the Yangon regime. Is peace at hand?
Representing the government is the influential Col. Kyaw Thein, a
member of junta-strategist Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt's inner coterie - so
you might think a deal is in the offing. But while the remnants of
the KNU might be ready to settle their decades-old battle for an
ethnic homeland, the bigger question is: Do the Myanmar and Thai
military establishments want to lose such a lucrative enemy?
Myanmar's military eats up 41% of the national budget and the Thai
army will look positively under-employed if it doesn't have a Karen-
induced refugee crisis along the Myanmar border to deal with. Talks
may have begun, but don't expect a resolution soon.
____________________________________________________
ASIAWEEK: ON THE ROAD TO RECOVERY?
April 21, 2000
Wei Xue-gang, one of the key figures in the Golden Triangle's booming
drugs trade, may be suffering from either cancer or AIDS, Thai
intelligence sources who closely monitor United Wa State Army (UWSA)
activities told Asiaweek. Wei, in his early 50s, commands the UWSA's
southern forces which control the narcotics traffic along the Thai-
Myanmar border. He was recently spotted in the Myanmar border town of
Tachilek where he has apparently been receiving medical treatment.
While there, he refused to meet with business associates, according
to the Thai intelligence officers. Wei's illness puts another
question mark over the future of the UWSA, which is allegedly heavily
involved in methamphetamine and heroin production - permitted under a
cease-fire agreement with the Yangon junta. The ongoing relocation of
up to 70,000 ethnic Wa and Chinese villagers from the UWSA's northern
areas to the Thai border is causing major strains within the group.
Last month, overall boss Pao Yu-chang was the target of a failed
assassination attempt while visiting Tachilek. Rifts within the UWSA
are pitting northerners against southerners and Wa nationalists
against the leadership, which has turned the party into the world's
largest illegal drug-trafficking organization.
__________________________________________________
XINHUA: MYANMAR INSUFFICIENT WITH EDIBLE OIL
Monday, April 17, 2000 9:33 PM EST
YANGON (April 18) XINHUA - Myanmar's domestic production of edible
oil is not meeting its demand and the country still has to import a
large amount of such oil from abroad, according to the latest figures
released by the country's Central Statistical Organization.
Myanmar imported a total of 89.5 million U.S. dollars worth of edible
oil in 1999, a 26.63 percent drop compared with 1998.
Myanmar annually cultivates over 650,000 hectares of oil crops, of
which over 450,000 hectares are covered by groundnut, while over
200,000 hectares by sunflower.
To gradually reduce the import of edible oil, Myanmar has leased out
large plots of vacant and virgin lands to private entrepreneurs and
provided the oil crop growers with agricultural loans and advance
payment for the purchase of the crops.
____________________________________________________
KNU: BURMA ARMY'S STRATEGY TO INCREASE ITS ARMY FORCE
KNU Mergui-Tavoy District Information Department
April 21, 2000
06/00
Tenasserim Division, Burma: Burma army's Office of Ministry of
Defense (Infantry) "Ka Ka Kyee" has released an order to recruit arm
forces, to all Military Division HQ, Operation Commanding HQ, under
it's command in the 1st of April, 2000.
The released order is as follow,
1.. Any military personal who had applied for his earn-leave (15-30
days) and allowed, must able to recruit a new member along with him
when he return from his leave.
b.. Any military personal who apply for resignation from the army
must be a personal who has recruited 5 new members in his service
period. If he had not finished recruiting 5 new members yet he will
be allowed only when he had finished recruited 5 new members.
c.. Any personal within the armed forces (Tamadaw) who had
recruited the highest number of new members will be rewarded "Ability
of Military Organizer" award.
d.. Any family in townships, town-quarters and villages which have
a family member who are serving for civil service, military service,
and police service will be issued an exemption letter to free from
serving as military porter.
The order came after Burma Army's Office of Ministry of Defense
(Infantry) has ordered its arm forces: Infantry, Air force, Navy, and
all Operation Commanding HQ, on Burma arm forced day March 27, 2000
to increase its arm force salary from the beginning of April 1, 2000.
____________________________________________________
THE IRRAWADDY: THE ENEMY WITHIN
Vol.8 No.3, March 2000
COVER STORY
Aung Zaw examines the inner workings of the Tatmadaw as it
strengthens its hold on power.
Htwe Myint talked about the need for democracy. It was 1988. When his
friends from Rangoon University decided to march down the streets of
the Burmese capital to protest against the military government, Htwe
Myint joined them without hesitation.
When the Tatmadaw, or Burmese Armed Forces, staged a coup in late
1988, Htwe Myint and his friends disappeared. Some fled to the jungle
to join insurgent groups. Others remained in the city and ended up in
Burma''s notorious prisons.
What about Htwe Myint?
After five years, Htwe Myint returned to Rangoon from Maymyo, where
he had just completed army officer training at the Defense Services
Academy [DSA]. He was now called Bo Htwe Myint. Bo in Burmese means
lieutenant.
At a reunion dinner in Rangoon, Htwe Myint lectured his friends about
the need for national solidarity and the Tatmadaw''s duty to serve
the Union of Myanmar. But Htwe Myint obviously pitied some of his
friends who had been arrested and tortured by the Tatmadaw''s
Military Intelligence Services (MIS).
""It''s not us (the army). It''s the MIS dogs,"" Htwe Myint
declared. ""Our duty is to protect our people and defend the
country,"" he thundered.
Not surprisingly, the dinner was unusually brief. The friends quietly
parted ways.
""Traitor!"" screamed one of Htwe Myint''s friends after returning
home from dinner.
Who? Htwe Myint?
Identifying the ""traitors"" in Burma is a difficult task. For
Burmese dissidents and activists, the traitor is the Tatmadaw, which
has made many promises but never honored them. For the Tatmadaw, the
traitors are those who oppose its absolute rule, including many
within the military itself.
""The Tatmadaw is unpopular among people and people despise the
Tatmadaw,"" said former brigadier general Aung Gyi during a trip to
the United States in 1998. Aung Gyi, who was once considered Ne
Win''s likely successor, was a prominent critic of the Ne Win regime
during the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. But perhaps paradoxically, he
has remained a staunch defender of the Tatmadaw''s honor and
maintains close but relatively low-key contact with the aging
dictator to this day.
Analysts were at a loss to explain Aung Gyi''s frankness about
popular opinion concerning the Tatmadaw, but few would dispute his
assessment. Twelve years after the nationwide uprising against
military rule, the Tatmadaw is still widely despised for its role in
crushing the pro-democracy movement, killing thousands of peaceful,
unarmed demonstrators, including monks and students.
In ethnic minority areas, the Tatmadaw represents nothing less than
the source of all their misery and suffering.
""When villagers see a green uniform, they run and hide,"" said Shan
activist Nam Khe Sam, now based in Thailand.
Amnesty International and other human rights watchdog organizations
have released numerous accounts of the Tatmadaw''s abuses of the most
basic rights of people throughout Burma.
The glory and dignity of the Tatmadaw, the creation of independence
hero Gen Aung San, is gone. Aung San enjoined the Tatmadaw
to ""protect our people and safeguard democracy."" But today''s
generals no longer seem to hear these words, which were enshrined in
Burma''s first post-independence constitution.
STEMMING DISSENT
Today, the unity and morale of the armed forces are in question.
Faced with internal and external pressures, analysts say Tatmadaw
leaders have tremendous challenges to contend with. But some retired
army officers say that the MIS, which has been in the ascendant since
Ne Win seized power in 1962, maintains a tight grip over the country.
""The MIS is very powerful and army leaders have to follow and obey
their instructions. I think that even my friend Maung Aye cannot go
against the MIS,"" said former army captain Khin Maung Nyunt in a
recent interview at his home in Thailand, where he now lives in
exile.
Khin Maung Nyunt was once close to Gen Maung Aye, the current
Tatmadaw Chief-of-Staff and number two in the ruling State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC). Both belonged to the first graduating
class of the DSA in Maymyo, often described as Burma''s West Point.
But Khin Maung Nyunt later resigned from the army and joined the
resistance movement against the Ne Win dictatorship.
Khin Maung Nyunt believes that real power in Burma is wielded not by
the likes of Gen Than Shwe, chairman of the SPDC, or Gen Maung Aye,
but by the MIS, headed by Lt Gen Khin Nyunt. As Secretary One of the
SPDC, Khin Nyunt is widely acknowledged to be the most powerful
figure in the ruling military council.
""Maung Aye will never challenge Khin Nyunt. He cannot resist the
power of the MIS,"" insists Khin Maung Nyunt.
But persistent rumors of tensions between the two leading figures
have often given rise to speculation that Maung Aye may indeed mount
a challenge to Khin Nyunt''s authority someday. While some opponents
of the regime believe that this may be their best hope for breaking
the military''s hold on power, it is clear that Maung Aye''s brand of
leadership would hardly represent an improvement over the present
situation. Maung Aye is known as a no-nonsense professional soldier
with a penchant for giving speeches about the need to
annihilate ""destructive elements,"" meaning the junta''s democratic
opposition.
In any case, the chances of finding an opening in the Tatmadaw''s
armor appear to be slim at the moment. As one veteran journalist in
Rangoon summed up: ""They know they need each other and they cannot
afford to divide.""
It may be more accurate to say that the other top generals in the
SPDC know they cannot afford to lose Khin Nyunt.
""The SPDC survives because of the MIS,"" said one Asian diplomat in
Rangoon. ""Khin Nyunt is invaluable to the SPDC.""
Known as a workaholic, the feared intelligence chief is also a master
strategist in the game of survival. He owes his prominence within the
regime in large part to his ability to defer full-blown battles
indefinitely, even as he allows tensions to simmer. In this, he
resembles the old master of conflict manipulation himself, Ne Win,
who regularly intervened in ""power-sharing conflicts"" among his
subordinates while occasionally carrying out purges whenever
discontent threatened to destabilize his hold on power.
A massive purge in 1997, in which many senior leaders were either
sacked or forced to retire, is a notable example of how Khin Nyunt
neutralizes potential challenges to his hold over the inner circle.
In one fell swoop, he removed a number of rivals previously
considered untouchable, including Maung Aye''s close friends Lt Gen
Htun Kyi and Gen Maung Maung, also members of the DSA''s first batch
of graduates. In fact, both former regional commanders had been given
cabinet posts in the early 1990s as an early step towards eroding
their power base. As one veteran journalist in Rangoon put it, ""For
regional commanders, getting a cabinet post is like being sent to the
graveyard.""
These days, however, compromise and collective leadership, not
purges, serve to keep the SPDC''s house in order. ""They (junta
leaders) might not compromise with Aung San Suu Kyi, but they will
always compromise with their fellow generals when conflicts arise,""
remarked one Rangoon-based observer.
In the past ten years, the generals have created new cabinet and army
posts, such as Minister of Military Affairs and the position of
Secretary Three, to promote and appease regional commanders and
rising stars. Meanwhile, Gen Than Shwe, who was supposed to retire in
1995, still holds the position of SPDC Chairman. According to an
inside source, ""A new law says that if a general wants to stay in
his position, he can, as long as his health allows."" But when
generals do finally decide to retire, their successors are already in
place to take over, with regional commanders lined up to fill the top
posts once Than Shwe, Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt officially step down.
HOPELESSNESS IN THE RANKS
While the top generals may be satisfied that their interests are
adequately taken care of, ordinary soldiers must wonder if their
lives will ever improve.
Morale is at an all-time low in the Tatmadaw today. Many forcibly
recruited young soldiers are sent straight to the frontlines after
receiving perfunctory training. Wages for enlisted men are barely
adequate for survival.
In recent years, border-based activists and aid workers in Thailand
and India have seen an increase in the number of deserters fleeing
their battalions.
""I don''t know who Aung San Suu Kyi is,"" said one young deserter
who fled to the Thai border last year. There is an almost complete
blackout in the army about ""the Lady"" and her party, the National
League for Democracy. Perhaps the generals learned a lesson from the
1990 general elections results, which showed broad support for the
opposition in predominantly military areas.
In 1988, a former senior army officer told a foreign broadcasting
station that the pro-democracy movement had the backing of 60 percent
of the Tatmadaw. Hundreds of soldiers participated in the uprising
directly, while others showed their support by refusing to shoot
unarmed demonstrators.
All of this has been taken as evidence that not all soldiers are bad,
as many ex-army officers have long insisted. Khin Maung Nyunt
believes that many in the military would agree with him when he
says, ""The Tatmadaw''s duty is not to rule the country."" He adds,
however, that fear and the soldier''s instinct for obeying authority
prevent them from expressing their real feelings.
MILITARY EXPANSION SINCE 1988
""A small, weak and disunited Tatmadaw has emerged as a large, strong
and united one,"" writes Maung Aung Myoe in a recent study published
by the Strategic and Defense Studies Center of the Australian
National University.
Since 1988, the size of the army has more than doubled, from an
estimated 186,000 personnel twelve years ago to over 400,000 now. The
navy and air force have also been upgraded, although they remain
relatively minor parts of the SPDC''s war machine.
The Tatmadaw continues to consume the lion''s share of the country''s
annual budget. Statistics show that defense spending accounts for 30-
40 percent of the budget, while education and healthcare receive 10-
15 percent between them.
In the early 1990s, Burma bought US$ 1.2 billion worth of arms and
ammunition, including jet fighters and naval vessels, from China.
More than 10 other countries, including Poland, Pakistan, Singapore,
Russia, Israel and Portugal, have also sold arms and provided
training to Tatmadaw.
According to Jane''s Defense Weekly, the Tatmadaw is also stocking up
on smaller arms. Jane''s reported that a new arms factory set up with
the assistance of Singaporean brokers and Israeli consultants has
been producing locally designed assault rifles and light machine guns
to replace the Tatmadaw''s outdated armory.
In fact, Burma has been developing its own arms since the 1950s, but
it is believed to have substantially added to its weapons-making
capabilities since 1988 with the construction of new weapons and
ammunition factories in Rangoon, Pegu and Pyi.
It is not unusual for any armed forces to build its own arms
factories, says military analyst Robert Karnoil, ""But you can
question why they are building such a large army.""
Burma now has the second largest armed forces in Southeast Asia, and
the Tatmadaw may soon become number one if Vietnam goes ahead with
plans to downsize its military.
With no external threats presently facing the country, and the number
of insurgencies within Burma''s borders steadily dwindling, it is
hard to see this build-up as anything other than a defense against
the possibility of another outbreak of popular hostility against
military rule such as the one that occurred in 1988.
Meanwhile, Thailand''s neighbors have been watching this massive
expansion warily. Last year, Thai senior army leader Gen Mongkol
Ampornpisit warned Thai soldiers to be vigilant. ""Though posing no
threat now, Burma could change in the future. While most countries
are downsizing their armed forces, Burma keeps expanding its military
capability,"" the general said in an address to some 200 officers at
Thailand''s National Defense College.
Last year, the SPDC''s spokesman, Lt Col Hla Min, who belongs to the
MIS faction, said that the Tatmadaw had stopped its expansion. But
later it was reported that the regime had plans to establish an
extensive military satellite communications network as part of a
modernization drive. Sources said communications between the War
Office and the front lines have greatly improved as a result of this
latest investment. More importantly, the MIS has upgraded its
listening posts in Rangoon and expanded its intelligence-gathering
network in neighboring countries, including Thailand.
In a recently announced supplementary budget to cover this year''s
deficit, the junta revealed that more money had been pegged for
defense spending. Analysts in Rangoon suggest that spending on
intelligence units is unlimited and increasing annually, but official
figures on how much of the defense budget goes to the MIS have never
been released.
BUILDING A BUSINESS EMPIRE
As the Tatmadaw grows in size and strength, so does the business
empire of Burma''s top military leaders.
Since 1990, Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings (UMEH), a Tatmadaw-
owned corporation, has become the largest firm in Burma, with
complete control over foreign investment.
All top leaders are involved in business dealings. Than Shwe and his
family run a chain of donut shops and a soft-drink company. Khin
Nyunt, considered to be relatively clean, has nonetheless amassed a
sufficient amount of capital to enable him and his family to invest
heavily in a wide range of hotel, construction and publishing
ventures.
Maung Aye is considered to be the wealthiest of Burma''s leading
generals. He is closely connected with U Kyaw Win, who runs Myanmar
May Flower Bank, one of the biggest banks in Burma. Many of Maung
Aye''s business associates are from Shan State, where he served as
commander of the Tatmadaw''s Eastern Division for many years before
being called back to Rangoon.
Keeping a cap on rampant corruption is none other than Khin Nyunt.
The MIS is known to keep close tabs on the business dealings of
regional commanders and others in positions of influence. Everyone
knows that they are under constant surveillance, but this does not
always serve as a deterrent to shady deals, especially when the
perpetrators are confident of political protection. Ko Lay, a retired
army officer and notoriously corrupt mayor of Rangoon, was saved from
the chopping block in 1997 by his close relationship with hard-liner
Lt Gen Tin Oo, Secretary Two of the SPDC.
While this may be seen as evidence of the limits of MIS hegemony
within the SPDC, it appears for the time being that Khin Nyunt''s
position remains all but unassailable. But critics insist that the
powerful general cannot expect to keep the forces of discontent at
bay forever.
""THERE WILL BE A TIME""
Whether or not the SPDC chooses to respond to calls for dialogue with
the democratically elected opposition, events-possibly originating
from within the military will eventually force their hand once again,
as they did in 1988, say observers.
""They (the military) will reach the point where they have to decide
for the country (and stop) following the MIS directives,"" warned
Khin Maung Nyunt. ""There will be a time.""
""The regime must have enough patience to work with democratic
elements and forces to work out a durable solution to the national
crisis,"" he added.
The former captain said that Tatmadaw leaders should not be left out
of the national reconciliation process. ""We must include the
military but they must not be in decision- making positions.""
As reasonable as this sounds, however, in the context of present-day
Burma, these words from an old soldier would undoubtedly be condemned
as treachery.
__________________ INTERNATIONAL ___________________
NATION: FROM THE EDGE: ASEAN SPLIT ON ILO PENALTIES FOR BURMA
April 22, 2000
The Burmese junta will suffer more humiliation and international
sanctions. In June, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) will
debate and decide on the penalties it will impose on the regime for
failing to end the practice of forced or compulsory labour.
In an action unprecedented in the ILO's 80year history, the
Organisation's Governing Body decided on March 27 to open a Burma
motion at its annual conference in June. Among others items, the
gathering will appeal to its 174 member states to review their
relationship with the Burmese regime and to take appropriate measures
to ensure that the regime complies with recommendations made by the
ILO's Commission of Inquiry.
In August 1998, the Commission of Inquiry, appointed by the ILO,
published a report of over 6,000 pages, condemning the military
rulers in Rangoon for "widespread and systematic" use of forced and
compulsory labour in Burma. It also demanded that the regime to end
the practices.
The Governing Body ruled in March this year that Rangoon had not yet
complied with the Commission's recommendations. Thus it invoked for
the first time Article 33 of the ILO Constitution, which calls on
itself to recommend to ILO members any "such action as it may deem
wise and expedient to secure compliance therewith."
As Article 33 does not spell out the exact forms of penalties, the
Governing Body will have to come up with recommendations to the
conference. Although Burmese political activists and international
trade unions would have liked tough punishment, the measures "cannot
entail either expulsion from the Organisation or suspension of a
Member's voting rights". Still, the Governing Body can bring Burma's
compliance failure to the attention of the UN Security Council.
During the Governing Body's meeting, several Burmese victims of
forced labour ? including those of ethnic minority groups ? travelled
to Geneva to give testimony about their plight. They also joined
representatives of labour unions and Burmese dissident groups in
lobbying governments, employers and workers to support tough actions
against the regime.
The failure of Burma's ruling State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) to end the exaction of forced and compulsory labour has become
a subject of discussions at various UN forums. Earlier this month,
much to SPDC's opposition, the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva
passed a resolution noting the widespread use of forced labour and
the ILO decision to take action against the regime. The European
Union has recently extended for another six months a visa ban on
Burmese rulers and their family members.
Western labour activists, who have been involved in filing complaints
of forced labour in Burma to the ILO, believe the June conference
will pass a strong penalty resolution against the Burmese military
rulers. But some Asian and ILO officials told The Nation in separate
interviews that it's still too early to say what measures will be
taken.
According to a senior Thai government official, the SPDC and its
Asian supporters, including Japan and some Asean countries, could
argue against punishing Rangoon. They might also try to lobby the ILO
conference to give Burma more time to introduce reforms to its labour
standards and practice.
"A lot of threats have been flying in the past few months," said the
official. "As it's nearly two months before the ILO actually decides
on measures against Burma, the regime might, in the meantime, try to
improve its labour practices to appease the unhappy [ILO] Western
members and labour activists."
"The Burmese junta is quite well known for its habit of waiting to
the very last minute before it gives in to international pressure,"
the official added.
As for Asean, the ILO conference in June will be another tough test
of its unity and support for the regime. Since Burma joined Asean in
1997, the grouping has found itself pitched reluctantly between its
Western allies and the Burmese pariah state.
In the past year, several Asean countries, including Indonesia, the
Philippines and Thailand, have grown tired of defending the regime's
poor human rights record. They are also upset by the SPDC's
intransigence to introduce even the slightest political reforms and
to open a dialogue with democratic politicians.
Last June, Asean ? except for Brunei which is not an ILO member and
Laos which was not present ? joined three other countries in voting
against the passage of the first ILO resolution which condemned Burma
for the poor labour practices. Interestingly, Asean employers' and
workers' delegates took a different position and voted in support of
the resolution which received 333 votes in favour, 27 against, and 47
abstentions. Each of the 174 country members have four votes ? two
for the government, one each for employers and workers.
As Burmese officials begins to lobby Asean members to oppose ILO
penalty resolution, Asean countries are having to seriously rethink
how to approach the matter.
"Although countries like Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam will
certainly side with the regime, this time it's highly likely that
we'll have a split in Asean," the Thai official warned. "Thailand
might abstain from voting for the resolution. But abstention is
already a good message to the Burmese regime."
By Yindee Lertcharoenchok
The Nation (April 22, 2000)
__________________________________________________
KYODO: BRITAIN HAS NO CARROTS, PROMISES MORE STICKS FOR MYANMAR
Kyodo News Service
BAN THAM HIN, Thailand, April 20 (Kyodo) - By: Supalak Ganjanakhundee
Britain will continue to seek measures to force Myanmar's ruling
junta to accept political reform, British Foreign Secretary Robin
Cook said Thursday while
visiting a camp for refugees from Myanmar in Thailand.
The British government has made a clear condemnation of Myanmar for
the ways the junta uses military force to suppress democracy groups,
presses the Karen minority and others into forced labor and forces
people to be displaced, he said.
Cook was speaking at Ban Tham Hin, a camp for Karen refugees who fled
from war between the Myanmar junta and the rebel Karen National Union
(KNU). The camp is about 200 kilometers west of Bangkok, 15 km from
the border.
Cook was in Thailand on Wednesday and Thursday to discuss several
topics with Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan, including the situation
in Myanmar and Thailand's huge refugee problem.
London strongly advocates hardline measures to force the Myanmar
junta to behave and managed last week to get the European Union (EU)
to adopt three steps against the junta, he said.
The EU will not allow Myanmar to use equipment from EU, will publish
a list of members of the Myanmar government who are banned from
traveling to the EU and will freeze any financial assets in the EU of
members of the government banned from the EU.
''I will continue to explore any other responsible ways we can take
(further) action,'' Cook told reporters.
Thailand, which has a policy of ''flexible engagement'' with Myanmar,
has ''no worries'' about how the junta may react to the British
foreign secretary criticizing Myanmar while in Thailand.
''This is our sovereignty and we want the British government to see
reality (at the refugee camp) and seek ways to solve the problem.
(The refugees) are
not only a problem for Thailand but also for the international
community,'' Sukhumbhand Paribatra, the deputy Thai foreign minister
who accompanied Cook
to the camp, said.
Myanmar issued a statement Tuesday slamming British foreign policy
and accused Britain, during its colonial rule of Burma, as being the
root cause of all Myanmar's current difficulties.
The generals renamed Burma after taking power several years ago.
Ban Tham Hin already holds 7,903 refugees, mostly Karens, and has no
plans to receive more, according to the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees, but a new group of about 1,400 refugees has been forced
into Thailand after a KNU
faction's stronghold fell to the junta earlier this year.
There are already about 100,000 refugees from Myanmar living in
numerous camps in the Thai border area, most of them from ethnic
minorities, including Karen, Karenni, Mon and Shan, that were forced
out of Myanmar by the generals.
Thailand has imposed a policy of ''voluntary repatriation'' on the
displaced because there is little chance for them to settle in the
third countries, Sukhumbhand said.
But it seems clear that until minorities feel safe in Myanmar,
Thailand will continue to be inundated.
____________________________________________________
UK: TRANSCRIPT OF FOREIGN SECRETARY'S PRESS CONFERENCE AT THAM HIN
REFUGEE CAMP
Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Press Department, THURSDAY 20 APRIL
2000
EDITED TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE GIVEN BY THE FOREIGN SECRETARY,
ROBIN COOK, THAM HIN REFUGEE CAMP, THAI/BURMA BORDER, THURSDAY 20
APRIL 2000
I have just been on a full tour of the camp. Can I first of all say
that I am deeply moved first of all by the great human spirit that we
have seen here of people trying to carry out a normal life and
provide a normal life for their children in very difficult
circumstances. The
commitment of the parents and of the teachers to provide an education
for their children is obviously strong and is very inspiring. I am
also very much appreciative of the efforts of so many who have worked
to make a success of this camp. I would particularly mention the NGOs
such as
the BBC and also Medicins sans Frontieres who received me at the
hospital.
I want also record Britain's appreciation and respect for the
cooperation that has been shown towards the displaced persons by the
government of Thailand. Several times going round the camp we came
across examples of ways, for instance through the local hospital
service, that the government is seeking to assist with the displaced
persons and we warmly welcome their courageous decision to involve
the UNHCR in the registration and the monitoring of the displaced
persons.
But the other thing that moves me, having been round the camp, is
that any government should have behaved so brutally as to drive out
such friendly, gentle people as those that I have seen this morning.
They are
shy people and they have not been very overwhelming in wishing to
address me or to lecture me. I know from talking to them in the camp
that it will take time, longer than this visit, to win their
confidence and hear from them. But I have heard and seen enough to
know that the
people who are here only came here because they were fleeing from
brutality, from military action which has burned their villages,
destroyed their farms, forced them to walk as some of them said for
days, occasionally weeks, through mountains carrying the only
possessions with which they have survived to get here to a place of
safety.
I have given a promise to those I have met today that I will not
forget what I have seen, I will not forget the plight in which they
find themselves. Britain, under the present Government, has been
clear in its condemnation of the government of Burma for the way in
which it has used
military rule in the border provinces, has used forced labour on the
Karen people and on others and has forced so many to be displaced
both within Burma and outside Burma. I am pleased that we managed to
persuade our colleagues in the European Union to join us in that
criticism last
week and I can assure those who I met today that I will leave this
camp clear that our criticisms are justified and determined to pursue
those criticisms in the international community until we secure the
change of regime which will enable these people to go back to their
villages and give their children a future in a free Burma.
QUESTION:
What sort of comment do you expect from the Burmese government about
your visit to this camp?
FOREIGN SECRETARY:
That is for them to decide and I am not going to predict what the
government of Burma may do. I only look forward to the time when we
may be able to work together as partners with a different government
in Burma, a government which represents the people, is accountable to
it and opens its borders to take back those who have been forced to
flee. My criticisms are of the regime in Burma, they are not of the
Burmese people, we want to work with them as friends.
QUESTION:
What is the likelihood of Britain, in the near or middle term,
imposing unilateral sanctions on Burma, for example something like
America's ban on new investments?
FOREIGN SECRETARY:
Apart from Premier Oil, we actually have very little investment now
in Burma; there have been some very small amounts of new investment
from Britain over the last three years of this Government. That
partly reflects the extent to which the regime in Burma has totally
mismanaged the economy and in which there are not sound and stable
opportunities for investment in Burma as well as reflecting the fact
that the British Government do not care to be dealing with a military
regime that oppresses its people.
In the case of Premier Oil, I noted that Premier Oil had said that
they had been given the green light by the Foreign Office. I was very
angry at that, we invited Premier Oil in to see us, we made it clear
to Premier Oil that we would prefer it, consistent with their own
contractual obligations, if they ceased their investment within
Burma. As a government, we do not provide any government assistance,
support or encouragement to investment in Burma and we seek to
discourage tourism
with Burma. We also encourage our European colleagues to join us in
that position.
QUESTION:
Do you have any more measures other than condemnation to push Burma
into reforms?
FOREIGN SECRETARY:
We have adopted a number of measures and indeed when the European
Union met last week we agreed on three steps to strengthen Europe's
position against Burma: first of all, not to sell any equipment that
might be used to support the repression inside Burma; secondly, to
publish the list of those on the visa ban, members of the government
of Burma, who are not allowed to travel to Europe; and thirdly, to
take steps to freeze any financial assets in Europe of members of the
regime who are on that visa ban, not, I stress, financial penalties
against the people of Burma or the economy of Burma but targeted on
the personal financial assets of the members of the regime. We will
continue to explore any other responsible way in which we can take
action.
We also pursue our concerns through all available international
bodies and I am very pleased that the International Labour
Organisation has now made clear its criticism of the practice of
forced labour inside Burma.
That was very much with strong British support and leadership in the
debate.
____________________________________________________
XINHUA: FRANCE HAS NO PLAN ON ECONOMIC SANCTIONS AGAINST MYANMAR
Wednesday, April 12, 2000 10:07 AM EST
PARIS (April 12) XINHUA - France said on Wednesday that it will not
impose economic sanctions against Myanmar or order the withdrawal of
the oil group TotalFina from the country.
The European Union (EU) decided on Monday to prolong and add new
measures to the sanctions against Myanmar, which were imposed in
1996, because of what it called "violation of human rights" by the
military government there.
The French Foreign Ministry said on Wednesday that the EU sanctions
do not comprise economic sanctions.
Earlier this week, French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine said in
Brussels that the EU should adopt "an intelligent and targeted policy
in the field of sanctions."
"The severity toward Myanmar should not ban us from making contacts
and having dialogue which are always useful," Agence France-presse
quoted him as saying.
According to British newspapers Times and Financial Times published
on Wednesday, the British government will ask the Premier Oil, the
biggest British investor in Myanmar, to pull out of Myanmar.
____________________________________________________
BURMA COURIER: ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK HAS NO PLANS FOR BURMA
Based on ADB report and release, UN Wire story: April 20, 2000
MANILA (Apr 20) -- Asian poverty programs received 40% of the 66
loans the Asian Development Bank approved last year, totaling nearly
$5 billion, according to a report released by the ADB this week.
China received the largest share of lending and technical assistance
with loans and grants totalling more than $1.2 billion in 1999.
Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Sri Lanka,
Papua New Guinea, Cambodia and Philippines also received major ADB
financial assistance.
But Burma, one of the poorest countries in Asia, did not benefit from
ADB programs directed to poverty reduction in 1999. In fact, since
the last loan granted to the country in 1986, no programming missions
have been carried out in Burma. The ADB says that loans and technical
assistance are not currently projected over the three-year period
ending Dec 31, 2002.
In line with the recently released World Bank assessment of the
social and economic circumstances of the country, the ADB report
paints a bleak picture of Burma's economic situation, although it is
important to note that most of the stats in the report are a year out
of date. Still the trends are significant.
Growth in agriculture and its related sectors of livestock, fisheries
and forestry, which together account for over 42% of Burma's GDP
slowed to just 2.8 % in the 98-9 fiscal year from 5.0% in 96-7 and
3.7% in 97-8, the report says. Real growth in the industrial sector
(including manufacturing, energy, mining) which amounts to only about
17% of GDP declined from 10.7% in 96-7 to 6.6% in 98-9.
Among other significant stats are inflation figures that have
averaged out at annualized rates of 32.7% since 1996-7; in 98-9 the
inflation rate approached 49%. Much of the inflation is caused, "by
financing Government deficits through Central Bank credits". Bank
deposit and loan rates are currently fixed by the Central Bank at 12%
and 17% respectively.
State economic enterprises (SEEs) which gobble up 40% of the
government's recorded budget, are "generally inefficient", the ADB
report says. SEEs under the heavy industries ministries have a
utilization rate of only around 30-40%. The rate is higher for the
light industry public sector companies at around 75%.
"Another example of inefficient SEE management is the rice sector
subsidy for state employees. The subsidized price is estimated to be
only about 15% of the Government procurement price paid to
producers." This large and growing subsidy, the ADB says, "seems
unsustainable".
While the state sector employs just 10% of the total labour force,
disproportionate subsidies to SEEs have "contributed to
inefficiencies in economic management and undermined incentives in
the private sector". As long as this imbalance is sustained and tight
controls remain, the report says, the "pent-up energies" of the
private sector will be unreleased and the potential for the Burma's
economy "to grow at a high rate" will remain unrealized.
The Asian Development Bank is scheduled to hold its annual meeting in
Chiang Mai from May 6 - 8. Look for some public airing of the Bank's
failure to fund projects on the junta's wish list.
------------------------------
Check out this compact four-page report www.adb.org Select 'Country
Assistance Plans' and follow the link to 'Myanmar'.
____________________________________________________
SCMP: UN HELPS REBELS FIND WAY BACK TO BORDER
South China Morning Post
Friday, April 21, 2000
BURMA
KAY JOHNSON in Phnom Penh
The strange case of two members of a little-known Burmese resistance
movement who tried to procure arms in Cambodia appeared to have been
resolved yesterday.
Convicted of illegally entering Cambodia, the two self-styled rebels
were later released and are due to be returned to their base in
Thailand - with help from the United Nations.
After their trial, the UN human rights office in Phnom Penh agreed to
help the men cross the border into Thailand. "We will provide
assistance for them," said rights office head Rita Reddy.
The two men, who claimed to be officers in an ethnic Mon resistance
group, said they would be executed if returned to Rangoon.
Mot Sayhamsamai, 45, and Kao Saknuochai, 26, were caught in the
northwestern province of Battambang in January.
Authorities said the pair had contacted the Cambodian military asking
for help in their fight against the junta that rules Burma.
The men, who had no passports, appeared yesterday in a Cambodian
military court. They were released after being sentenced to the time
they had already served.
During the trial, the men were identified as belonging to the
Rehmanya Restoration Army, which had fought to re-establish an
ancient Mon state in eastern Burma.
Among the items in their possession when arrested was a seal with the
group's name and logo.
A lawyer for the pair confirmed they had come to Cambodia seeking
military aid, though they were never charged with smuggling.
The Rehmanya army about two years ago signed a peace agreement with
the ruling junta and it was not clear whether the two men represented
a splinter group.
Presiding Judge Nou Chantha said the rebels' behaviour threatened
to "damage relations" with Burma, a fellow member of the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations, but Phnom Penh appeared in no hurry to
send them to Rangoon.
Lawyer Put Theavy appealed to the UN to help return the men to their
base on the Thai-Burmese border. "If these two are sent back to
Burma, they will be hanged," he said.
By late afternoon, the UN human rights office had agreed to assist
the two in making their way to the Thai-Cambodia border town of
Poipet. Their lawyer said family members would be waiting with money
and the men's passports when they arrived there.
The Burmese Embassy so far has not opposed the rebels' return to
Thailand. An embassy official contacted yesterday appeared to know
little about the case.
Rebel groups on the Thai-Burmese border have become a hot issue since
members of God's Army, an ethnic Karen group, seized staff and
patients of a hospital in Thailand and held them hostage. The 10
rebels were killed by Thai soldiers who stormed the building.
Bangkok has since been less tolerant of the rebel groups who used to
hide freely in refugee camps on the border.
Cambodia, which has stockpiles of arms left over from decades of
civil war, has in the past been accused of selling arms to Tamil
Tiger rebels in Sri Lanka.
_________________OPINION/EDITORIALS_________________
OP/ED: RESPONSE OF U HLA WIN TO CANADA GROUP FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA
April 23, 2000
I am Hla Wynn, one of the members you listed (with wrong spelling)
who met Ambassador U Nyunt Tin in Toronto on April 15. Before getting
set forth, I like to stress I am speaking for MYSELF and not on
behalf of others who were
there at the meeting. This response is purely speaking from my mind
and exercising my Democratic rights, and not from pressure of any one
or any organization whatsoever. Usually I do not pay attention to
general news and email messages, but when my name and my wife were
mentioned, it became my business. I have lived in Canada long enough
(20+ years), to know little bit about Democracy.
Democracy is the freedom to give speech, think, or write, as long as
it does not affect others' personal or private lives. I have my
rights to go, meet, talk whoever I wish, on my own time, and consider
it nobody's business. This
is a free country, which I love to live and abide by the law of the
land.
You can publicize the news as group of Burmese from Toronto, but
mentioning names, is the VIOLATION OF PRIVACY and also INSULTING to
the family members.
For that, whoever who did not think twice, before writing is
responsible and I hold accountability for their action. You owe
apology to that effect. I regard all the people present as very
respectable and those who knows what they are doing. I will do so
again if opportunity comes up. As well, I regard, the host and his
wife as my big brother and sister, a family friends, and have known
them for 10+ years.
As of today, I do not belong to any political party of Burma (pro or
anti government) and will remain that way. I do however, pay high
respect to Aung San Su Kyi for her sacrifice and struggle for
Democracy. Her belief and principles for non-violence and struggle
for Democracy peacefully is known world wide and we should respect
that. In your message, not to forget BLOOD HISTORY, implies, for more
killings and atrocities? how many? where do we stop? which Aung San
Su Kyi will be ashamed of to read. If, one day you become the leader
of our beloved Burma, I have a gravely concerned for the people who
already suffered enough. I believe, opening communication, raised
concerns, keep talking, find resolution in a civilized manner is the
only way you can earn true respect from your followers.
I have met Ambassador U Nyunt Tin for the first time ever in my
life. I listened, heard that for the first time high ranking official
is saying that he accepts criticism from anyone, and I respect that.
We should take this as an advantage to open dialogue more, so our
concerns can be heard loud and clear.
I hope I have set my record straight and clearly stated where I stand.
Hla Wynn
____________________________________________________
BANGKOK POST: LITTLE SUBSTANCE IN COOK'S BROTH
No one expected Britain's Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, to take any
Burmese refugees away with him, but a firm pledge to relieve Thailand
of a specific number within a definite time frame would have been
welcome. Instead, he used his visit to dramatise Britain's opposition
to Rangoon and only in vague terms promised to support Thailand's
assistance for the 100,000 refugees encamped along the border.
Mr Cook propounded Britain's message while touring the Ban Tham Hin
temporary shelter area in Ratchaburi on Thursday. In no uncertain
terms, he said Britain would keep up pressure against the military
junta in Rangoon until the generals bring the necessary changes for
the refugees to return. Given Britain's well-known hardline stance
against Rangoon, and its prominent role in the recent decision by the
European Union to bolster sanctions against the junta, Mr Cook's
strong language against the military regime pulled no surprises.
Mr Cook also used his presence at the camp for mainly Karen refugees
to commend the work of non-governmental organisations that have
provided the main lifeline for people fleeing oppression in Burma
over the past 12 years.
But neither the push for reforms in Burma nor support for NGO work in
border camps justify Britain's apparent half-heartedness on the
matter of taking Burmese exiles from another holding centre in
Ratchaburi, at Maneeloy. Instead of sending out its own people to
interview candidates at Maneeloy as Australia and the United States
have done, Britain is leaving the matter of screening to the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, in what indicates lack of
interest in pursuing the process.
Comprising mainly young students, some suspected to be linked to the
seizure of the Burmese embassy last October, Maneeloy's 1,700 people
are a different caseload from the border population, and the Thai
government wants them resettled in third countries.
So far, the US has taken most of the 262 who have been resettled over
the past seven months, with Australia and Canada admitting lesser
numbers.
As one of the world's strongest economies, Britain can certainly
afford to take a number. As a leading voice for change in Burma,
having initiated the informal brainstorming on Burma at Chilston Park
in October 1998, it can hardly drop out of participation in a
humanitarian approach to solving the problem.
Among other things, resettling exiles from Maneeloy would involve
giving young people a future, a point Mr Cook stressed at Ban Tham
Hin. The courses that the centre offers in English, and mathematics,
and training in vocational skills equip the exiles with basic
abilities that should help them adjust to new beginnings.
Mr Cook's expressed understanding for the difficulties Thailand faces
in carrying the refugee load, and pledge to help were comforting. So
was his vow to keep his promise to assist the education of displaced
children at Ban Tham Hin. But a specific response to Thailand's call
for third countries to relieve it of the caseload at Maneeloy would
show real burden sharing.
A new study on Vietnamese refugees who have resettled in the US might
have bolstered advocates of reform in countries of origin. Twenty-
five years after the communist takeover of Vietnam, California State
University at Fullerton professors have found that 90 percent of the
418 Vietnamese residents surveyed in Orange County would return to
live in their homeland if it became a "free and democratic country".
A number of Burmese interviewed at Ban Tham Hin expressed similar
views, but this does not detract from the importance of keeping open
the option of resettlement for those whose lives would be at risk if
they were to return, and of friendly countries helping out.
Bangkok Post (April 22, 2000)
____________________________________________________
NATION: TIME FOR POLICY SHIFT ON BURMA AFTER 12 YEARS OF FAILURE
April 22, 2000
Exclusive relations with the Burmese military junta and an arms
length attitude toward the country's opposition groups do not serve
Thailand's long term interests, writes Khin Maung Win.
Thailand is a neighbour of Burma. In that, it has no choice. However,
Thailand can choose how to act in its neighbourhood. Up to now, Thai
governments have tried to be a "good friend" with Burma and to gain
appreciation from Burma's military junta, the State Peace and
Development Council.
The Thai government knows its sovereignty is under threat, but still
tries to convince the SPDC that Thailand wants to be good neighbour
with Burma by avoiding confrontation. In the latest development, the
junta ordered its troops who took over God's Army's Kamaplaw camp to
set up strongholds on all strategic hills. The aim is to get the
upper hand in control of the border areas.
In 12 years of military rule in Burma, there have been no fewer than
12 border incursions by troops from Burma. Several juntasponsored
campaigns against Thailand have taken place inside Burma.
Publications made with the SPDC's authorisation often denounce
Thailand and its government.
In a 1999 speech persuading youth to join the army, the commander of
the SPDC's Eastern Military Command stated, "Those who want to fight
Thailand join the army."
The Burmese government illegally withdraws business contracts granted
to Thai businesses as a mean of pressure, and yet the Thai government
always tries to solve such unilateral aggressive actions by
compromise. The government recently issued an instruction restricting
26 import items from Thailand. Burma has closed and reopened, several
times, the Friendship Bridge on the Moei river, a major border trade
route that was built by Thai government.
The junta takes these actions whenever it is necessary to pressure
the Thai government. Under the SPDC's administration, stable economic
ties with Burma will remain merely a dream for Thais.
In an attempt to please China and some Western nations who are
suffering from drugs produced from opium in Burma, the Burmese
government has relocated thousands of Wa ethnic people from the
Chinese border to the Thai border. However, the amphetamines that are
giving Thailand a major problem are not produced from opium, but from
chemicals available inside Burma. It is very doubtful that the junta
will eliminate the production of amphetamines or cooperate with the
Thai government on this issue, because money obtained from the
amphetaminebusiness constitutes part of SPDC's foreign exchange.
Thai government expectations of cooperation from SPDC in repatriating
Burmese refugees under the supervision of the United Nations will
never become a reality. This is because the SPDC refuses to recognise
refugee problems that result from Burma's ongoing civil war. The
junta often regards these refugees as supporters of insurgency groups
and attempts to hide its violations against these people.
Without a change in the Burmese government's attitude towards its
citizens and political problems, whatever programme proposed under
international involvement will not get implemented in the way
expected. There have been many incidents where refugee camps have
been attacked by SPDCsponsored militias known as the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army. Such attacks may be aimed not only to destabilise the
refugee camps, but also to undermine Thailand's ability to protect
refugees.
It is obvious that the Thai government's soft policy towards the
Burmese military junta cannot restrict its neighbour's hostile
actions. It is now time for the Thais to consider whether their
attempts at persuading Burma to be a good neighbour are feasible.
The present Democrat led coalition government in Thailand seems
unhappy with the Burmese responses. Observers have seen frustration
expressed by Thai policymakers concerning their neighbour. The Thai
government appears to accord great priority to reformulating a policy
towards Burma that will enable the two countries to be good
neighbours and enjoy mutual benefits in the longrun.
At this time, in reviewing its Burma policy, the government must
consider various matters. Recreating a good relationship with Burma's
ethnic groups ? whose states make up the 2,400kmlong borderline with
Thailand ? is one issue to be considered. Some armed ethnic
organisations indicate they are not gaining any benefit from the Thai
policy towards Burma. Some even claim that they were forced to enter
ceasefire negotiations or agreements with SPDC during the 1990s under
the Thai policy of "changing war zones to economic zones" that was
initiated in the late 1980s. These groups are victims of past Thai
policy towards Burma.
Thai policy towards Burmese students, who are considered the future
brains of the country, lacks a longterm vision. While some Burmese
students who settled in Western nations have even completed their
PhDs, students remaining in Thailand are not granted the basic right
to education. If the Thai government had a policy with a longterm
vision, these students should have been allowed to study in Thailand
during the numerous years the SPDC has kept Burma's universities
closed. If Burmese students were able to continue temporary education
in Thailand ? for which the West would provide full scholarship
support ? this young generation could properly consider how to
strengthen peaceful coexistence and cooperation with Thailand. If the
Thai government had adopted a more lenient policy following the
exodus of Burmese students who escaped the 1998 massacre inside their
country, Thailand would now be enjoying the fruits of its policy.
Due to various reasons, the Thai government neither tries to share
views with Burmese opposition groups nor recognise the legitimate
people's representatives elected by the 1990 general elections. The
Thai government may still consider dealing with Burmese opposition
groups as an illegal business.
There are many examples of other governments dealing with
legitimatelyelected Burmese representatives, demonstrating that such
contact leads to a positive relationship with the future leaders of
the country.
The Thai government may think that Burmese opposition groups are weak
and lack the capacity to replace Burma's military junta and to
rebuild the country. Such an analysis should not be used as an excuse
to deal only with the military junta. The junta is only one of the
players in Burma politics, and not even a legitimate one at that.
Thailand, as a leading democracy in this region, can help a lot to
strengthen democracy movements. It should do so in Burma's case.
Burmese opposition groups are denied a chance to express their
programmes for the reconstruction of future Burma and the
strengthening of peaceful coexistence and cooperation with Thailand.
The Thai government not only closes the doors for Burmese opposition
groups, but also discounts the opinion of NGOs working on Burma.
This leaves the Thai government having to formulate policy towards
Burma based on reports from its intelligence units. In recent months,
these units have been criticised as ineffective. Experiences of the
past are enough for the Thai government to realise whether their
favouritism toward the military junta has produced any results. It
has now been 12 years that Thai governments have followed an
unworkable policy.
A review of the ThaiBurma relationship and formulation of new policy
is an urgent need. Neither the junta nor Burmese democratic
opposition groups are in a position to take initiatives in this
regard. This presents the government with an opportunity to determine
the future relationship between the two countries. The Thai
government's use of this opportunity will have a large effect on
whether the future will see both countries living in peaceful
coexistence and cooperation.
Khin Maung Win is an executive committee member of the Burma Lawyers'
Council.
The Nation (April 22, 2000)
______________________ OTHER _________________________
ANNC: BURMESE LANGUAGE VERSION OF PEOPLE'S TRIBUNAL WEBSITE
The Asian Human Rights Commission's People's Tribunal
has launched a Burmese language version of its website at:
http://www.hrschool.org/tribunal/burmese/introduction.htm
________________
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