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[theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: Ap
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Subject: [theburmanetnews] BurmaNet News: April 17, 2000
______________ THE BURMANET NEWS ______________
An on-line newspaper covering Burma
______________ www.burmanet.org _______________
April 14, 2000
Issue # 1510
This edition of The BurmaNet News is viewable online at:
http://theburmanetnews.editthispage.com/stories/storyReader$322
*Inside Burma
AFP: MYANMAR BLASTS OPPOSITION "SABOTEURS" OVER ALLEGED BOMB PLOT :
REPORT
THE NATION: INNOCENT VICTIMS OF SENSELESS THAI-BURMESE BORDER BATTLES
AHRC: "EVEN ANIMALS ARE STARVING"
AP: NORMALLY SOMBER CITY IN FRENZY OVER WATER FESTIVAL
*International
AP: MYANMAR FM DEFENDS HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD
THE TIMES (LONDON) : BACKPACKER WHOSE TRAIL LED TO TORTURE
THE TIMES (London): ROW AS US TAKES UP CASE OF BRITON JAILED IN BURMA
KYODO: JAPAN NAMES NEW BURMA ENVOY
MIZZIMA: RS. 95 LAKHS SANCTIONED FOR MOREH TOWN DEVELOPMENT
*Opinion/Editorials
THE IRRAWADDY: BEHIND CLOSED DOORS
THE STATESMAN NEWSPAPER (New Delhi): MYANMAR TRAGEDY- NEED TO BREAK
THE IMPASSE
___________________ INSIDE BURMA ______________________
AFP: MYANMAR BLASTS OPPOSITION "SABOTEURS" OVER ALLEGED BOMB PLOT :
REPORT
YANGON, April 17 (AFP) - Myanmar military intelligence arrested
three "saboteurs" planning to bomb Yangon and instigate riots
throughout the country over the weekend, state-controlled media
reported Monday.
Military intelligence nabbed three "saboteurs" whose mission
was "to disrupt Myanmar New Year by exploding a mine in downtown
Yangon and, failing this, to cause another explosion in the capital
city ... in May," the regime-controlled New Light of Myanmar said.
The three also planned to "instigate riots in various parts of the
country," the paper said.
According to the paper, authorities detained Soc Thi Ha, Aung Thi
Ha and Maing Lin Aung, who allegedly belong to the opposition group
People's Power 21, entering the country from Thailand with nearly
two pounds of explosives and two electric detonators.
The report could not be independently confirmed and there was no
comment from either the PP-21 or the NLD.
The New Light of Myanmar frequently reports that opposition
parties are threatening Myanmar's stability and brands these groups
traitors to the country.
The People's Power 21 (PP-21) is believed to be primarily made up
of men and women who broke away from the main opposition group, Aung
San Suu Kyi's
National League for Democracy (NLD).
Myanmar's junta has resisted all attempts to force it to hand
power to the
NLD, which won an huge election victory in 1990.
The junta is accused of a catalogue of human rights abuses and of
carrying out a campaign of intimidation and detentions against the
opposition.
"The administration of justice continues to operate under the
effective control of a military regime where the exercise of the
basic freedoms of expression, association, assembly and movement are
criminalised under the law itself," a recent report by the United
Nations Commission on Human Rights said.
According to the state press, authorities had explosed an earlier
plot to bomb Yangon on January 4, Myanmar Independence Day, shortly
before the explosive device was due to be detonated.
_______________________________________________________
THE NATION: INNOCENT VICTIMS OF SENSELESS THAI-BURMESE BORDER BATTLES
April 15, 2000.
THA SONG YANG, Tak - It is 8 o'clock one summer morning, and the sun
slowly emerges from behind the dry mountain range that straddles the
Thai-Burmese border, signalling that life in this conflict-plagued
land must go on for another unpredictable day.
But for Cha Lo Chai, 20, it does not matter whether it is night or
day.
Cha Lo Chai is one of the thousands of displaced Karens who fled the
latest round of fighting between Burmese troops and the Karen
National Union (KNU) into Thailand early this month. The KNU is the
biggest thorn in the side of the Rangoon military government as it is
the largest ethnic minority force that still refuses to lay down its
arms.
The burning heat of the far-flung province of Tak does not seem to
bother this young man dressed in tattered clothes who keeps looking
aimlessly at the mountains on the another side of the Moei River, a
natural boundary between Thailand and Burma, his eyes brimming with
tears.
Less than a kilometre away from where he is standing lie the
innumerable charred stakes and ashes which once formed the crowded
town of Mae La Po Hta, his birthplace and his life.
The picture of the raging fire that engulfed his house is still fresh
in his mind. The whole town, he recalls, was torched to the ground
when the Burmese Army, accompanied by its ally the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army(DKBA), descended from the hills which in the past
served as a natural fortress for this Karen community. Rangoon had
branded this town a KNU military outpost that needed to be crushed.
There were no casualties, however. The place was deserted when
Rangoon's men arrived. Cha Lo Chai said the villagers had received a
warning to take everything they could and cross into Thailand or risk
being persecuted.
The escape began before the break of dawn in chill weather. Cha Lo
Chai, slinging a large rattan basket from his forehead, waded the
shallow waters of the Moei along with his parents and two little
sisters to Ban Nong Bua on Thai soil.
It was nothing new for this young man and the other residents of Mae
La Po Hta. Two months ago they had to flee into Thailand after they
heard that the Burmese army was coming. But that time luck was still
on their side since the enemy did not show up and the whole town
could resume its normal life.
But that is history, and all that Cha Lo Chai and the other villagers
can do is look back from afar with sharp memories. After sleeping
without shelter for a few nights, they are relocated by the Thai
border officials to a safer area deeper inside Thai territory to
avoid the risk of cross-border raids.
These people knew well when they first set foot on Thai soil that
their chances of going back were close to nil. "Although last time we
could go back, this time it seems we shall have to leave our homes
for ever," laments Cha Lo Chai, forcing a smile.
"We have no homes any longer, and we will never again grow our rice,"
he whispers sadly. He explains that every single villager desires to
go back, although they know deep in their hearts it is beyond their
reach. "We are scared. Our fields are probably full of mines".
He is not alone, and this incident is not the first of its kind.
Ethnic minorities and political dissidents from Burma have flooded
into the Kingdom for decades. It is estimated that there are about a
hundred thousand of them sheltering in a string of temporary camps
along the border.
Looking into the eyes of this young Karen, one sees reflected only
the despair of millions of refugees scattered to almost every corner
of the planet. The ordeal that each has gone through is like one of
the many letters that together spell a never-ending tale of
inhumanity.
It is sad to have to admit that Homo sapiens, the most intelligent of
all animals and blessed with the most sophisticated brain, has failed
throughout its entire history to solve conflicts peacefully and
wisely. Violence and war are often resorted to. Might as right has
always been the name of the game. And whenever fighting breaks out
for whatever cause or ideology, its real victim is neither the
seemingly patriotic generals nor the charismatic politicians but
innocent people who have to watch their livelihood crumble before
their very eyes.
The future of Cha Lo Chai and the other people of Mae La Po Hta is
anything but certain. The only thing they can do is live from day to
day. It is uncertain whether the Thai authorities will classify them
as "people fleeing fighting with well-found fear of persecution" and
put them into one of the already crammed temporary shelters.
True, they now have all the basic necessities: shelter, blankets,
food and medicines provided by the Thai government, the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and various non-governmental
organisations, but for these people, unwanted by both Thailand and
Burma, what is the point of living without a future? The only thing
they pray for is peace.
Peace, however, is easier invoked than made, and the prospect is
still dim after the latest round of negotiations between Rangoon and
the KNU collapsed in acrimony with each side accusing the other of
insincerity and superficially advocating peace.
At this rate they will continue locked in a game of internecine war,
and the innocent men, women and children will be dispensable pawns
for the rest of their lives. The onus of preventing that is on
everyone who has a stake in Burma, whether at home or abroad.
But first and foremost it is up to every Burmese - Karens, Burmans,
Shans, Arakanese, Kachins, Chins, Mons etc, regardless of race and
creed - to bring genuine peace to this land of war so that millions
like Cha Lo Chai can for the first time sleep without fear and look
to the future with hope.
BY VORAPUN SRIVORANART
The Nation
_______________________________________________________
AHRC: "EVEN ANIMALS ARE STARVING"
Asian Human Rights Commission
AHRC - Human Rights Solidarity - April 2000 Volume 10 No. 4
(Ed. Notes: Articles in the October and December 1999 editions of
Human Rights Solidarity also highlighted the People's Tribunal on Food
Scarcity and Militarization in Burma. See also the Asian Legal
Resource Centre's written submission to the UN Commission on Human
Rights, based upon the Tribunal's report, in this edition.)
Last year, concerned by reports of growing hunger within Burma
(Myanmar), the Asian Human Rights Commission convened the People's
Tribunal on Food Scarcity and Militarization in Burma. Comprising
three eminent leaders of Asia's human rights movement, the Tribunal's
scope was to determine both whether or not food shortages exist in
Burma and whether a causal nexus stands between this phenomenon and
the policies and practices of the military government in that
country. The Tribunal's report, Voice of the Hungry Nation, was
released the following October.
The Tribunal found that 'food scarcity is indeed a nationwide
phenomenon' and furthermore 'while other factors such as natural
disaster or mere incompetence may contribute to or exacerbate
scarcity... none can override the state's role in denying the right to
food.'
Lack of Change
The period since has been characterized by a lack of change in Burma.
As the military remains intractable and basic economic rights are
further eroded, sadly the Tribunal's analysis remains pertinent.
Contrary to statements by members of the ruling council that 'the
nation is gaining success in implementing the economic plan, hoping
to achieve more progress than the estimated economic development
rate,' independent assessments suggest otherwise. In its annual human
rights report, the US State Department explicitly linked Burma's
economic decline to military governance:
'Economic growth [in Burma] has slowed since the mid-1990's... in
response to a worsening foreign exchange shortage, extensive overt and
covert state involvement in economic activity, state monopolization of
leading exports, a bloated bureaucracy, arbitrary and opaque
governance, institutionalized corruption, poor human and physical
infrastructure, and disproportionately large military spending at the
expense of social development spending and stable prices.'
A World Bank advisor put it briefly: 'Clearly a major issue is the
balance between military expenditures and social and infrastructure
expenditures. Published budget figures show that per capita spending
on the military is 9 times that of health services and twice that of
education services, and the trend has been worsening.' The same
advisor observed that according to World Bank data, 30% of children
under ten years old suffer long-term malnourishment, a fact he
referred to as Myanmar's 'silent emergency'.
Aggressive Policies
Apart from ongoing reductions of expenditure on social services, the
government pursuit of aggressive agricultural expansion policies and
compulsory paddy purchase programmes continues unabated. Speaking on
this point, the regime's Vice-Chairman noted, 'Arrangements are in
progress in extending cultivation of paddy which is the nation's main
crop... [to] ensure adequate food for the nation till the population
reaches 100 million mark and to export the surplus produce.'
Ostensibly then, government policies are designed to ensure food
security. In reality, they are focused on production targets aimed at
building the economic base of a growing military infrastructure
without regard for equitable collection and distribution of food
stocks. Prevailing regional conditions are rarely taken into account
when demands are placed on rural populations, mostly for paddy.
Farmers unable to meet obligations to the government face the threat
of land-confiscation.
Those desperate to fulfill obligations are forced to buy paddy at
prevailing market rates to give in lieu of their own poor harvests.
All consumers feel the impact, because the overall rice price is
inflated as a result. A confidential source pointed to another
possible reason for steady inflation:
'Almost every giant businessman is... in debt, so to help them
(because they are pro-government, searching their own interests) the
government gives them loans and other facilities to plant paddy in
deep water. Those paddy fields are situated in the delta area, maybe
they are in saline water. When I asked about the results to one
scholar, he said the paddy has grown up but the seeds are empty. So
the giant businessmen collect and buy paddy from other areas to show
they have succeeded. And our staple food, rice, is riding a rocket...'
Oppressive internal security measures effectively stifle most public
dissent, yet occasional unrest becomes known to independent agencies
such as the Democratic Voice of Burma (Norway):
'About 300 farmers held a peaceful demonstration on February 5 in
front of the Kyaunggon Township Peace and Development Council Office.
The farmers were reportedly demonstrating because their paddy had been
seized by township authorities for failure to sell the prescribed
amount to the government procurement agency. They were among those
whose fields were affected by heavy rains during the monsoon season
last year.
'Anti-riot units composed of the police and members of the Fire
Brigade and Red Cross arrived at the scene and the township
authorities urged the farmers to disperse, saying that the staging of
such a public gathering to present their problem could affect the
township's law and order situation. Township officials promised to
hold talks with representatives of the farmers.'
Rural Hardship
Inevitably, remote rural areas suffer greatest hardship. While prices
of essential goods rise in urban areas, the inflation rate is three
to four times that again in rural villages. Reports of forced labor
practices from all across the country emanate largely from rural
areas. A field worker writing for Burma Issues remarked that in
general 'during the rains when the people should be concentrating on
their farming work, they can't because they have to labour for the
Burma army... Sometimes after good rains, when they are ready to hoe
the ground and plant seed, they are called to go serve as porters [on
army operations] and so their work doesn't progress.' For subsistence
labourers especially, a few days lost income can mean the difference
between survival and starvation.
Villagers in border areas where the army pursues counter-insurgency
operations experience extreme suffering. According to an interview by
the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People, villagers there
'Always have to live on alert... When we were in our hut the [Burma
army] soldiers encircled us, aimed their guns at us and told us not to
move. We dared not run. Some soldiers came into the hut, took all of
our belongings and dismantled our rice store... We had 30 baskets of
paddy but [they] destroyed some and took the rest away. Now we have
nothing left to eat.'
The Tribunal heard of many such cases in great depth last year. It
also heard of 'relocation camps', where the military compels
villagers to reside. However as most of these sites offer no
opportunities for
residents to earn a living, many sneak back to their home areas in the
hope of being able to survive by secretly eking out a living. The Shan
Human Rights Foundation claims that some suffer death as a result:
'On 17.1.00, 4 displaced farmers who were returning from their farm
were shot dead on the way... These farmers were originally located
from Sa Haang village in Ho Yaan tract, which had been forcibly
relocated to the outskirts of Kun-hing town in mid 1996... Because
food was very scarce in the relocation site and there was no work
available in town and no land to farm near the town, Loong Nya Mi had
led some of his relatives to clear a plot of land about 2 miles from
their former village...
'After about 10 days, they came back to the town. But before they
reached the town... they were stopped by a column of 55-60 [Burma
army] troops who accused them of having returned from providing rice
for [rebel] Shan soldiers... Commander Than Oo then ordered his
troops to shoot dead the 4 villagers...'
To many observers, the cessation of civil war seems the obvious
solution not only to atrocious human rights violations such as this,
but also to conditions of hunger in these areas. While a necessary
step, it will not in itself achieve this end. That conditions of
hunger will continue in these areas subsequent to the end of
hostilities is a truism for those who know, live and work there.
Again, from a field worker writing for Burma Issues: 'Unfortunately,
the problems of hunger will not end once the civil war is finished.
The land has been depleted by double cropping programs and the use of
chemical fertilizers. Furthermore, there is a whole generation that
was born in, and will marry and have children in, the refugee camps.
These people will spend much of their life dependent on the NGOs...
and won't have the skills to grow their own food...'
Conclusions
In these days after the annual harvest of the wet-season paddy crop,
rice is at its most plentiful in Burma. Yet people remain hungry.
While government intransigence digs deeper, wounds fester. The long-
term deterioration of food security in Burma identified by the
People's Tribunal in 1999 continues. The structural and militarist
realities that have created food shortages remain firmly imbedded in
Burmese society.
As the People's Tribunal prepares to present its findings to this
year's UN Commission on Human Rights hearings, the international
community is
obliged to heed the Tribunal's call that an international commission
be appointed with a view to examining this issue. Denial of food on a
large scale is a crime against humanity. In spite of lip service that
the Burmese government pays to principles of food for all, its
continued lack of cooperation with outside agencies and attempts to
thwart independent assessments of conditions within the country beg
to be challenged by third parties. The 'silent emergency' must be
heard.
The full text of the Tribunal report is available on-line, at the
Tribunal web site: http://www.hrschool.org/tribunal. The title quote
of this article is from a December 1999 statement by the National
League for Democracy (Rangoon) on agricultural conditions in central
Burma.
_______________________________________________________
AP: NORMALLY SOMBER CITY IN FRENZY OVER WATER FESTIVAL
2000-04-15
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) It's the closest thing to anarchy seen
under Myanmar's strict military dictatorship _ the three days each
year when people celebrate the run-up to the traditional New Year,
Thingyan.
Yangon, normally a somber city, lets its hair down as the young
and not-so-young engage in the kind of merrymaking that at any
other time would earn them a trip to the local police station.
Counting down the days to New Year on Sunday, there is abundant
public drunkenness and a wild frenzy of dancing to the kind of pop
music that leads parents everywhere to predict the end of
civilization.
Water also plays a major role in the fun, in a variation _if
not perversion of tradition in Myanmar, also called Burma.
Thingyan is also known as the Water Festival, and traditionally
people celebrated by sprinkling scented water from a silver bowl or
gently splashing each other.
Underlining the sober side of the holiday, the elderly would
usually spend their time at Buddhist monasteries, meditating and
giving donations.
But as times changed, so did the style of celebrating Thingyan.
Sprinkling or splashing has been replaced by soaking and
drenching.
Instead of tossing water with silver bowls, revelers today use
garden hoses or fire hoses, and some uncouth people even hurl ice
packs or balloons filled with ice water.
The rowdiest water-throwing takes place at Goodliffe Street and New
University Avenue in northern Yangon, where police stand by
helplessly as traffic snarls and stops.
It is a center of celebration because it has the greatest number
of stages erected by corporate sponsors to hold dancers and
musicians.
But revelers bring the party everywhere.
In open trucks or cars with their doors and tops removed, rowdy
youngsters drive around town, shouting taunts and throwing water at
the people they pass.
Many people believe the holiday spirit of goodwill has vanished
as Thingyan has became the year's most rowdy festival.
For their own reasons, the authorities also are unhappy with the
transformation.
Such wildness is anathema to a regime which constantly denounces
anarchy, and is all the worse for its suggestions of foreign
decadence.
Several days before this year's festival, the government warned
revelers to preserve ``national culture,'' avoid ``decadent''
culture and not to say things detrimental to national unity and
stability.
Confiscated clothing regarded as ``un-Burmese,'' including
colored wigs, foreign flags and masks, were set ablaze in a bonfire
that authorities hoped would make the point.
Predictably, it didn't stop celebrants.
In a sight about as surprising as snowfall would be in downtown
Yangon, girls in tight jeans, short skirts and blue-and-red-dyed
hair and boys in earrings and strange haircuts, wrapped up in
American flags or wearing masks, engage in water fights and dance
to the blaring pop music from the stages in a manner most
definitely ``un-Burmese.''
Even before the shock wears off, however, the wildness will be
exposed as transitory and tradition will prevail.
For on Sunday, New Year's Day, the streets will be quiet and the
temples filled as people young and old earn religious merit with
such actions as offering alms to Buddhist monks and releasing
cattle, fish and caged birds to symbolic freedom.
___________________ INTERNATIONAL _____________________
AP: MYANMAR FM DEFENDS HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD
2000-04-14
HAVANA (AP) Myanmar's foreign minister defended his country's
human rights record Friday and said sanctions and other efforts to
isolate the Southeast Asian nation could jeopardize what he called
its slow march towards democracy.
``We want to be a democratic nation. I want my children and
grandchildren to live peacefully and under democratic government,''
U Win Aung told reporters on the final day of the Group of 77
summit of developing nations in Havana.
The threat of unrest from still-armed factions has slowed a
transition from Myanmar's military regime _ which has ruled since
1962 _ to democratic rule, he said.
``The military is the only institution left that is
disciplined'' after years of instability, Win Aung said. As to
reports of widespread human rights violations, he said, ``That's
the one thing in which we have been poor in our public relations.''
Myanmar, also known as Burma, has faced repeated censure from
the United Nations for rights abuses and for refusing to recognize
the 1990 general election victory of the party headed by Aung San
Suu Kyi, winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize.
Aung Win said that a newly appointed U.N. representative to
Myanmar, Razali Ismael, would be welcome to visit opposition
figures _ including Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest for six
years before her release in 1995.
``We will cooperate'' with Razali, Win Aung said.
He denied reports that Suu Kyi's movements and political
activities remain heavily restricted, saying she was free to go to
her opposition party office.
``Aung San Suu Kyi is a free woman in our country,'' he
insisted.
The U.N. General Assembly and Human Rights Commission have asked
U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to try to end Myanmar's isolation
by opening a dialogue with government and opposition leaders.
A General Assembly resolution adopted in December urges
Myanmar's government to stop human rights violations, restore
democracy, open a dialogue with Suu Kyi and other political leaders
and release political prisoners.
``We are in the transformation stage,'' insisted Win Aung, who
said sanctions against Myanmar, such as a U.S. government ban on
new investment by American companies, could upset promised change.
``Trying to isolate us in a corner only makes it harder.''
_______________________________________________________
THE TIMES (LONDON) : BACKPACKER WHOSE TRAIL LED TO TORTURE
April 15, 2000, Saturday
Tim Reid
JAMES MAWDSLEY was backpacking in New Zealand four years ago when he
met a group of refugees from Burma. Their account of their
experiences of rape and repression under its military junta began his
involvement in the country's politics.
A devout Roman Catholic, he had dropped out of Bristol University,
bored with his mathematics and physics studies. He was arrested twice
on early visits to Burma and at the second time, in 1998, was
tortured for 15 hours. He had been caught handing out stickers and
playing pro-democracy songs on a tape recorder. Sentenced to five
years, he served 99 days in solitary confinement before being
deported. His last family reunion was in July, when he was best man
at the wedding of his brother, Jeremy, at Devizes, Wiltshire. He
announced that he was returning to Burma and was driven to Heathrow
by his father, David, who is divorced from his mother.
"James is a very determined, honest, decent young man," Mr Mawdsley
said. "Once I realised he wasn't going to be dissuaded, I went with
him and supported him all along."
On August 31, three days later, James was caught distributing pro-
democracy leaflets in the northeast Burma town of Tachilek. At his
trial on September 1, he was convicted of illegal entry and sedition.
Mr Mawdsley went on a week's hunger strike in December over the
treatment of fellow prisoners and on a 20-day hunger strike last
month over the regime's refusal to provide him with a transcript of
his trial.
_______________________________________________________
THE SUNDAY TIMES (London): ROW AS US TAKES UP CASE OF BRITON JAILED
IN BURMA
April 15 2000
BY TIM REID
THE fate of James Mawdsley, the British pro-democracy activist
serving a 17-year jail sentence in Burma, has caused a diplomatic row
between
Britain and America after the US State Department's unexpected
intervention to try to gain his release.
The move came after dissatisfaction from Mr Mawdsley's parents over
the response of the Foreign Office to their son's plight. He has been
in solitary confinement in Kengtung prison, 400 miles northeast of the
capital, Rangoon, since September after being jailed for distributing
leaflets.
Mr Mawdsley's mother, Diana, was telephoned at home by Patrick Murphy,
of the US State Department's Burma desk, earlier this month. He wanted
permission for American intervention in the matter, which she was
delighted to give. Until that point, she said, she had felt anger at
the confused approach by the Foreign Office in London. Mr Murphy told
her that Washington intended to appeal directly to Rangoon for James's
deportation on "humanitarian grounds". The US State Department had
been alerted by Frank Wolf, a Republican congressman and prominent
human rights campaigner.
When the Foreign Office was told of the development, however, there
was a meeting between the US and British ambassadors in Rangoon,
where the Americans were effectively warned off the case. A Foreign
Office
spokesman said last night: "It is not clear what role the United
States can or intends to play in this matter. James Mawdsley is a
joint British and Australian citizen. He is not American.
"We have been visiting him on a regular basis. We have been looking
after him. We have been keeping the family informed."
But David Mawdsley, James's father, said last night: "I think the
Foreign Office have ignored James because he is embarrassing for
them.
"Robin Cook talks about 'enlightened self interest' in Foreign Office
policy. But I'm afraid it is still all about making profit from the
oil supplies in Burma. We're never told the whole truth."
Mrs Mawdsley said: "The involvement of the US State Department brought
things to a head. It made the Foreign Office think. Until then, the
Americans had been getting some strange information from the Foreign
Office that James did not want to be released.
"Of course that is not the case. He is happy to be released, as long
as he does not compromise his position."
She said that since the American involvement, she has had a meeting
with Baroness Scotland, the Foreign Office minister, which "cleared
the air". Mrs Mawdsley said: "It was obvious her briefings had not
been accurate. She had not even realised that James had been
requesting an appeal since January."
She was keen to add, however, that Foreign Office officials "on the
ground" in Rangoon had worked enormously hard to improve her son's
conditions and supplies in jail.
A spokesman for Jubilee, the human rights group which has been leading
support for Mr Mawdsley since he was jailed, said: "We met Baroness
Scotland a few weeks ago and it was clear not enough was being done
then
for James. We welcome any offers of assistance to get James out now."
_______________________________________________________
KYODO: JAPAN NAMES NEW BURMA ENVOY
Kyodo News Service, Tokyo, in English 0013 gmt 14 Apr 00
Text of report in English by Japanese news agency Kyodo
Tokyo, 14th April: Shigeru Tsumori, 60, was appointed as Japan's
ambassador to Myanmar Burma on Friday 14th April , moving from his
current post as ambassador to Kuwait, the Foreign Ministry said.
The cabinet endorsed the appointment, scheduled to become official
Saturday, at a morning meeting.
Tsumori has served in various senior Foreign Ministry posts,
including consul-
general in Berlin, deputy director general of the European and
Oceanian Affairs Bureau, and director of the Regional Policy Division
at the Asian Affairs Bureau.
He started his bureaucratic career by joining the Justice Ministry in
1962 and moving to the Foreign Ministry in 1964.
_______________________________________________________
MIZZIMA: RS. 95 LAKHS SANCTIONED FOR MOREH TOWN DEVELOPMENT
Imphal, April 15, 2000
Mizzima News Group
The central government in New Delhi has sanctioned Rupees 95 lakhs
(US $ 2.2 lakhs) for the development of Moreh to become a major
trading centre in the Indo-Burma border trade. Mr. Bwi Jamani, an
official from the Commerce and Industry Ministry of the Manipur
Government, said that Moreh is currently lacking necessary
infrastructure while its counterpart Tamu town in Burma is fully
equipped for the border trade.
\"Ministry of Commerce of the central government has recently
sanctioned Rs. 95 lakhs for the development of Moreh town", said Mr.
Bwi Jamani in a telephone interview.
Moreh, the last border town of Manipur State, was once the centre of
thriving border business as even the contraband goods including
high-quality heroin were illegally brought across the border from
Burma. People used to flock to the town for foreign-made goods.
However, things were changed when Burmese authorities decided to open
a marketing complex at Namphalong in Tamu town in 1997.
Now, Moreh is in a deserted look as the business has shifted to
Namphalong Market in the other side of the border. Traders and
shoppers from other parts of India go to Namphalong market, a few
meters away from Moreh, for the goods ranging from plastic bowls to
China-made pocket radios.
Since the operationalisation of Indo-Burma border trade in 1995, it
has been a consistent demand from the traders community that the
development of Moreh is an urgent need for smooth functioning of the
border trade. Tamu-Moreh is the main route of the Indo-Burma border
trade.
The central government has now decided to establish "Trade Centres" at
Imphal and Moreh for providing necessary facilities to the traders and
entrepreneurs. The development of Moreh Town includes construction of
show room-cum-sales counters, opening of export/import information
Cell and providing telecommunication facilities like telephone,
STD/ISD, Telex, Fax, Computer Centers, etc. for the benefits of the
traders. Although there are now more than 500 telephone subscribers,
telecommunication system in Moreh is a total failure.
____________OPINION/EDITORIALS_____________
THE IRRAWADDY: BEHIND CLOSED DOORS
Vol.8 No.3, March 2000
EDITORIAL
On March 5-6, diplomats and officials from 14 countries met with
Burma experts and representatives of the United Nations and the World
Bank in Seoul, South Korea to discuss the possibility of new
initiatives to end Burma's political impasse. This "brainstorming
session" ended, predictably, with no fresh ideas and no indication
that Asian and Western nations had come any closer to a consensus on
how to deal with the situation inside Burma. But far from being yet
another diplomatic non-event,
"Chilston II", the follow-up to a similar meeting that took place in
Chilston, England nearly two years ago, may mark a significant shift
in the direction of international
efforts to resolve the Burmese stalemate.
While the debate over sanctions versus engagement apparently ended
with both sides agreeing to disagree on how to deal with the Burmese
regime, the "Asian" camp, which favors strengthening political and
economic ties with the junta, has become
markedly more assertive in the absence of any grand plan from
the "Western" faction.
At the first Chilston meeting, Western countries demanding political
reform as a pre- condition to the normalization of ties proposed
a "carrot and stick" plan which offered
one billion dollars in aid to Burma in exchange for political
dialogue between the regime and the democratic opposition. The junta
rejected the conditional offer as an insult, however, and it soon
became apparent that there was no plan B.
In an effort to fill the vacuum left by the failed aid offer, Asian
countries (including, in this context, Australia) have moved forward
with smaller unilateral initiatives to
cooperate more closely with the regime. Japan, once Burma's major aid
donor, has been supporting a host of "grassroots" projects, possibly
with an eye to resuming full-scale assistance. As the de facto leader
of the Asian camp, Japan may take bolder
steps to extend its influence in Burma if it believes that the US
will not strenuously object. Japan is said to be watching the US
presidential election campaign closely for any signs that a new
administration might change Washington's "hard-line" approach
towards Rangoon.
Perhaps an even greater vacuum at the Seoul meeting was that created
by the absence of China, now the Burmese regime's major economic and
political backer. While the generals in Rangoon berated fellow Asean
members Thailand, Malaysia and the
Philippines for their decision to attend the gathering in Seoul, they
had no worries about Beijing, which does not regard the junta's
handling of its political opponents as problematic. Concern about
China's growing influence in Burma is believed to be one reason
behind Tokyo's sense of urgency about the need to more actively
engage the regime, and it may even persuade the US to reconsider its
present stance, although there has been no suggestion of this to date.
In short, it seems likely that realpolitik will continue to eclipse
more active support for the Burmese opposition, which has been
conspicuously silent on the proceedings in Seoul. Meanwhile, Burma's
mounting social and economic crises may increasingly
lead to calls to put the country's political problems on the back
burner. Already, even countries whose conception of "engagement" has
thus far been largely confined to promoting the dubious (and self-
serving) virtues of expanded trade contacts have begun to speak
regularly of the need to provide humanitarian assistance to the
people of Burma.
All of this begs the question of how the National League for
Democracy, the overwhelming victor of elections held nearly ten years
ago, would respond to a significant erosion of support for its call
to isolate the ruling junta. While Britain and
the United States are not likely to alter their democracy-first
stance in the foreseeable future, other countries, notably Germany,
France and Portugal, have been more conciliatory towards the regime.
Portugal, which currently holds the European
Union's presidency, has been pushing to allow Burmese officials to
attend an upcoming EU-Asean meeting in Lisbon. Similarly,
international bodies such as the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) and the World Bank have gone ahead with projects inside
Burma that have been criticized for legitimizing the
generals' rule.
It is also significant that South Korea and Indonesia, whose leaders
have expressed strong personal sympathy for the democratic cause in
Burma, have not taken a correspondingly strong stance against the
ruling State Peace and Development
Council. Jakarta did not even send a delegation to Seoul, apparently
in response to the SPDC's demands that it stay away.
It is intriguing to imagine what advice Indonesian President
Abdurrahman Wahid, who during a recent state visit to Burma expressed
a desire to meet with NLD leader
Aung San Suu Kyi, might have offered to his sister in the struggle
for Asian democracy if they had had a chance to speak. No doubt
Wahid, who has plenty of experience dealing with overweening
generals, and whose presidency to date has been
characterized by a decidedly unpredictable style of leadership, would
have offered some highly original counsel.
With support for sanctions in doubt, Wahid might have recommended
that the NLD make a pre-emptive strike: withdraw the call for
sanctions, and watch the regime scramble to think up excuses for
refusing to speak with the opposition. If the SPDC failed to make a
comparable concession, the result, ironically, could be a broader
consensus in favor of tough action against the regime, as it becomes
glaringly apparent that the generals are solely responsible for the
country's political impasse. Far from being tantamount to throwing in
the towel, Wahid might argue, such a move could be seen as throwing
down a gauntlet that the regime could not refuse to pick up.
While this scenario may seem preposterous, it could very well be the
sort of drastic measure that some will call on the NLD to take as
pressure on the democratic opposition increases in the coming months.
How the NLD responds to this challenge will no doubt be influenced to
a great extent by who it sees as its real friends in the
international community. But with even Britain and the United States,
the two most outspoken champions of the Burmese democracy cause,
investing heavily in junta-controlled oil projects that are second
only to the drug trade in propping up the SPDC, this isn't going to
be easy.
_______________________________________________________
THE STATESMAN NEWSPAPER (New Delhi): MYANMAR TRAGEDY- NEED TO BREAK
THE IMPASSE
Editorial, The Statesman Newspaper, New Delhi
April 13, 2000
Ahead of the session of the Human Rights Commission in Geneva, the
Myanmarese military junta has received a rap on the knuckles for
widespread use of forced labour and for doing nothing to arrest the
nation's rapidly declining social indicators including spreading
malnutrition. Two damning studies on Myanmar, one done by the
International Labour Organization on flagrant violation of workers'
rights and the other by the World Bank on the junta's failed economic
policies, give a good insight into gross abuse of power to further
tighten the vice-like grip on the Myanmarese people. The ILO report
makes frightful reading; countless people have apparently been herded
into labour camps for building infrastructure. Most of them are
subjected to the worst kind of servitude with little or no pay or
food.
An undisclosed number have perished. Repeated appeals by the ILO to
the
Yangoon junta to stop violating human rights have gone unheeded. The
ILO's governing body has called for action against the junta. Will it
work? The answer is no, if past experience is any guide. Self-interest
is all. The junta is thus able to keep sanctions at bay.
International paralysis has encouraged the junta. Recently on armed
forces day, the generals publicly threatened to eliminate Suu Kyi.
Since
1988 they have been trying to marginalise her and her National League
for Democracy. Only a few months ago the junta compelled more than
1,000
of her party members to "resign" their membership. The goal is to
isolate Suu Kyi, because she is a powerful symbol both for the
Myanmarese people and the international community. But symbols do not
have a very long shelf-life. The generals make bold to strike at her,
something they have not dared to do so far. What will it take to
awaken
the world from its slumber?
________________
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