FEER: BURMA - Cultural Revolution

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FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW

NOVEMBER 18, 1999

BURMA - Cultural Revolution

By Bertil Lintner in Chiang Mai

Burma's military government is stepping up internal efforts to cement =
its hold on power. But while overseas political pundits focus on the =
year-end merry-go-round reshuffling of ministers and local commanders, a =
far more important and potentially sinister process is taking place as =
the authorities seek to consolidate what they hope will be a permanent =
grip on the country and its many ethnic minorities.

The process has been under way since the junta's 1989 move to change the =
coun=ADtry's name to Myanmar. But now there are signs that it's renewing =
its efforts. On October 27, in an address reported nation=ADwide in the =
state-run media, Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, Burma's chief of intelligence, =
urged people to be on guard against interference and manipulation by =
neo-colonialist pow=ADers. He also told his audience at a =
per=ADforming-arts contest to resist "alien cul=ADtural infiltration." =
The emphasis, he said, should be on "Myanmar culture."

Since the government came to power in 1988 more than 20 museums have =
been built across the country to educate the public about the central =
role that the mili=ADtary purportedly has played throughout centuries of =
Burmese history. School text-books are continuously rewritten to serve =
the same purpose. As forTV soap operas, the main theme is nearly always =
the same: In 19th-century Burma, every one of the country's many ethnic =
groups unite under the leadership of a militaristic king to oppose the =
onslaught of "the colonialists."

The junta's cultural campaign continues in areas where the non-Burman =
minority peoples live; these have been given new Burmese-sounding names. =
In the north of the country, a military-sponsored archeo=ADlogical =
mission is even looking for fossils that might prove that the human race =
actually originated in Burma.

Gustaaf Houtman, a Dutch scholar of the country, calls this develdpment =
"the Myanmafication of Burma," which he describes as a move away from =
the original idea of a federation-agreed by Burma's founding father Aung =
San and leaders of the ethnic minorities at the time of independence =
from Britain in the late 1940s. "They're replacing the legacy of Aung =
San -unity in diversity- with a new idea of national unity based on =
'Myanma? culture and archaeology," he says.

The generals insist Myanmar is the correct name for the country because =
it includes both Burmans and minorities. But that argument is causing =
confusion in scholarly circles. An official history of the Burmese =
nationalist movement, published as recently as 1976, states that =
"Myanmar" meant only the old kingdom of Mandalay, while "Burma" is "the =
country where different nationalities reside." Con=ADsequently, Aung San =
and his comrades called their movement Dohbama Asiayone "Our Burma =
Association" and not Doh=ADmyanmar Asiayone.

Now the ruling military claims the opposite is true. "The contradictions =
reflect the inescapable fact that there is no term that covers both the =
Burmans and the minority peoples, as no such entity existed before the =
arrival of the British," says Ham Yawnghwe, the son of Burma's first =
president, Sao Shwe Thaike. The generals' concept of Myanmar, he adds, =
"is totally false and based on their rewritten history."

Even more offensive, Yawnghwe says, are the name changes in the minority =
areas, especially in Shan state. Pang Tara, Kengtung, Lai-Hka, Hsenwi =
and Hsipaw-place names that have a meaning in Shan-have been renamed =
Pindaya, Kyaington, Laycha, Theinli and Thibaw, which sound Burmese but =
have no mean=ADing in any language. "This is exactly why I objected to =
Myanmar instead of Burma," Yawnghwe says. "This is sheer cultural =
ignorance."

But whether "Myanmafication" is the result of cultural myopia or not, is =
it working? Regime critics in exile certainly speak out about the =
policy-but inside Burma, most people keep quiet, or just sneer when =
Burmese TV shows yet another drama series based on an imaginary =
his=ADtory. "But you'll find very few people who would say 'Burma' =
instead of 'Myanmar,"' says a Burmese living in Rangoon. "Gradually, out =
of fear or whatever, people are accepting at least the name changes." =
That is no mean feat-and, in the long run, certainly more important for =
the military's grip on power than, say, who is going to be the next =
minister of sport.

The rewriting of history, which is carried out under the aegis of a =
military-appointed commission, has also met with stiff criticism from =
ethnic Burmans. U Thaung, who founded the Kyamon daily newspaper in 1957 =
and later was forced into exile in the United States, points out that =
the military exploits of the Burmese kings are highlighted in new =
his=ADtory books and soaps, but it is conveniently forgotten that =
Burma's most illustrious 19th-century monarch, King Mindon, =
intro=ADdoced the first press-freedom law in Asia. "'He even said 'If I =
do wrong, write about me" Says U Thuang. "This was a great mandate for =
the editors." In today's Burma, by contrast, critics are routinely =
rounded up and given very long prison sentences. =20


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=20

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<DIV align=3Djustify><STRONG>FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW</STRONG></DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify>&nbsp;</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify>NOVEMBER 18, 1999</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify>&nbsp;</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><STRONG>BURMA</STRONG><STRONG> - Cultural=20
Revolution</STRONG></DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>By Bertil Lintner in Chiang Mai</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>Burma's military government is stepping up =
internal=20
efforts to cement its hold on power. But while overseas political =
pundits focus=20
on the year-end merry-go-round reshuffling of ministers and local =
commanders, a=20
far more important and potentially sinister process is taking place as =
the=20
authorities seek to consolidate what they hope will be a permanent grip =
on the=20
country and its many ethnic minorities.</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>The process has been under way since the =
junta's 1989=20
move to change the coun&shy;try's name to Myanmar. But now there are =
signs that=20
it's renewing its efforts. On October 27, in an address reported =
nation&shy;wide=20
in the state-run media, Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, Burma's chief of =
intelligence,=20
urged people to be on guard against interference and manipulation by=20
neo-colonialist pow&shy;ers. He also told his audience at a =
per&shy;forming-arts=20
contest to resist "alien cul&shy;tural infiltration." The emphasis, he =
said,=20
should be on "Myanmar culture."</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>Since the government came to power in 1988 more =
than 20=20
museums have been built across the country to educate the public about =
the=20
central role that the mili&shy;tary purportedly has played throughout =
centuries=20
of Burmese history. School text-books are continuously rewritten to =
serve the=20
same purpose. As forTV soap operas, the main theme is nearly always the =
same: In=20
19th-century Burma, every one of the country's many ethnic groups unite =
under=20
the leadership of a militaristic king to oppose the onslaught of "the=20
colonialists."</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>The junta's cultural campaign continues in =
areas where=20
the non-Burman minority peoples live; these have been given new =
Burmese-sounding=20
names. In the north of the country, a military-sponsored =
archeo&shy;logical=20
mission is even looking for fossils that might prove that the human race =

actually originated in Burma.</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>Gustaaf Houtman, a Dutch scholar of the =
country, calls=20
this develdpment "the Myanmafication of Burma," which he describes as a =
move=20
away from the original idea of a federation-agreed by Burma's founding =
father=20
Aung San and leaders of the ethnic minorities at the time of =
independence from=20
Britain in the late 1940s. "They're replacing the legacy of Aung San =
-unity in=20
diversity- with a new idea of national unity based on 'Myanma? culture =
and=20
archaeology," he says.</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>The generals insist Myanmar is the correct name =
for the=20
country because it includes both Burmans and minorities. But that =
argument is=20
causing confusion in scholarly circles. An official history of the =
Burmese=20
nationalist movement, published as recently as 1976, states that =
"Myanmar" meant=20
only the old kingdom of Mandalay, while "Burma" is "the country where =
different=20
nationalities reside." Con&shy;sequently, Aung San and his comrades =
called their=20
movement Dohbama Asiayone "Our Burma Association" and not =
Doh&shy;myanmar=20
Asiayone.</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>Now the ruling military claims the opposite is =
true. "The=20
contradictions reflect the inescapable fact that there is no term that =
covers=20
both the Burmans and the minority peoples, as no such entity existed =
before the=20
arrival of the British," says Ham Yawnghwe, the son of Burma's first =
president,=20
Sao Shwe Thaike. The generals' concept of Myanmar, he adds, "is totally =
false=20
and based on their rewritten history."</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>Even more offensive, Yawnghwe says, are the =
name changes=20
in the minority areas, especially in Shan state. Pang Tara, Kengtung, =
Lai-Hka,=20
Hsenwi and Hsipaw-place names that have a meaning in Shan-have been =
renamed=20
Pindaya, Kyaington, Laycha, Theinli and Thibaw, which sound Burmese but =
have no=20
mean&shy;ing in any language. "This is exactly why I objected to Myanmar =
instead=20
of Burma," Yawnghwe says. "This is sheer cultural ignorance."</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>But whether "Myanmafication" is the result of =
cultural=20
myopia or not, is it working? Regime critics in exile certainly speak =
out about=20
the policy-but inside Burma, most people keep quiet, or just sneer when =
Burmese=20
TV shows yet another drama series based on an imaginary his&shy;tory. =
"But=20
you'll find very few people who would say 'Burma' instead of 'Myanmar,"' =
says a=20
Burmese living in Rangoon. "Gradually, out of fear or whatever, people =
are=20
accepting at least the name changes." That is no mean feat-and, in the =
long run,=20
certainly more important for the military's grip on power than, say, who =
is=20
going to be the next minister of sport.</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>The rewriting of history, which is carried out =
under the=20
aegis of a military-appointed commission, has also met with stiff =
criticism from=20
ethnic Burmans. U Thaung, who founded the Kyamon daily newspaper in 1957 =
and=20
later was forced into exile in the United States, points out that the =
military=20
exploits of the Burmese kings are highlighted in new his&shy;tory books =
and=20
soaps, but it is conveniently forgotten that Burma's most illustrious=20
19th-century monarch, King Mindon, intro&shy;doced the first =
press-freedom law=20
in Asia. "'He even said 'If I do wrong, write about me" Says U Thuang. =
"This was=20
a great mandate for the editors." In today's Burma, by contrast, critics =
are=20
routinely rounded up&nbsp;and given very long prison sentences.&nbsp; =
</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify>&nbsp;</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify>
<HR>
</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify>&nbsp;</DIV>
<DIV align=3Djustify><BR>&nbsp;</DIV></FONT></BODY></HTML>

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