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Is the Burmese Army Disarming?



this is very confusion: FMASA AND NON VIOLENCE 
In the name of FMASA, the words "student army" do not refer to military
activities, or armed, violent actions.  The name was chosen simply
because
we are regrouping former members of the student army, who now wish to
carry
out their struggle for democracy in Burma by means of political
strategies.
Obviously, as former comrades, we still have a strong sense of esprit de
corps toward each other and there is very good understanding among us
because of all we have experienced together during our years of struggle
in
the jungle. "

the way i see it, either you ARE an army or you ARE NOT an army. And
that necessarily entails doing what armies do, fighting using the means
necessary to accomplish objectives. For example, to say a religious or
non violent group is "an army of worshipers", or "an army of believers"
or "an army of determined individuals" fortifies the fighting determined
resolute committment of the members of the group, with the will,
discipine and temperment of the "army" mentality, without the violent
methods. This is confusion, if you go in peace, go in peace, without the
militarization of the spirit, because you dont need it, and if you have
been trained in the past as soldiers, then fight as soldiers to regain
your country. Just imagine, when and ifever you have your country, free
and democratic, you will have an army, most assuredly, to protect
borders and to exert the autority of the state. so you will protect the
newly gained freedoms against threats internal and external. now you do
not have that freedom, and you have to achieve it, before you can
protect it, you must exert your freedom, you must express it. you chose
not to use arms to do this, to be non violent and political struggle.
because you swear off violence. 

i am afraid you do not understand that to protect your freedom in the
state of affairs today in burma, the use of arms to protect your freedom
is essential and necessary. not a day goes by not an hour goes by when
the people oppressed in burma would do well to fight back and defend
themselves. 

you are fighting a war. Daw Aung SAn Suu Kyi says that violence and
military way has not solved problems in Burma. She is determined to
regain her rightful political authority without the use of violence or
military means. She does not have any army. She can not call for a
military uprising. She cannot call for a military intervention or for an
armed insurrection.

But the fighters in the field have a responsibility to fight a military
conflict against the illegal state of Burmese Army and Burmese Generals. 

It is very noble for the spirit to pursue peace. But like you must
defend peace with arms, you must also achieve it and disarm the
transgressors of peace. And you do not see the Burmese Army or its
masters throwing down their weapons. 

Don't be fools. It doesnt take much to imagine the future. Imagine if
Suu Kyi is not there anymore? Then what, who is the great leader to
replace her? There is no one. And the generals know that. Everyone knows
that. So what do the generals think. Oh, well, you see, nothing but
instability and confusion among the ethnic minority groups, so much
confusion, no one can do anything, so terrible, so bad, but we need
army. And then just imagine, as in Columbia, the US decides to HELP the
generals in their Drug Eradication Efforts? So they send troops to help
the generals install their democratic system, play the democratic game,
with corruption....Political regimes change. Who is going to be in the
White House next year at this time? And where does Free Burma have
strong solid support? In the UN? In the ILO? In Europe. Look at France,
Britain, Germany, Japan, China. The Security Council is stacked against
Free Burma. And the Republicans want the White House real bad. They will
do anything and everything to get it. Watergate is kids play compared to
what they do and are capable of doing.

So please, dont kid yourselves out there in the field. Ten years of
passivity is wonderful. And look at what you got for it. 

And the generals know this. 

Do you?

dawn star







Ken and Visakha Kawasaki wrote:
> 
> FORMER MEMBERS' ASSOCIATION OF STUDENT ARMY (FMASA)
> 
> POSITION PAPER FROM THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, with excerpts from the
> FMASA Constitution
> 
> STUDENTS' ROLE IN BURMESE POLITICAL MOVEMENT
> The political movement of Burma for her independence and subsequent
> political movements from 1948 to 1988, have included strong opposition to
> illegal, illegitimate Burmese governments, and in every case, those
> struggles were spearheaded by the students of Burma.
> >From the coup in 1962 which brought about rule by the Burmese military
> junta, the country began its tragic decline.  Military misrule in Burma has
> been calamitous.  Evils inflicted by the military have caused terrible
> suffering and great burdens.  Although the country is naturally prosperous,
> with plenty of natural resources and great fertility, the military reduced
> Burma to Least Developed Country in just a couple of decades.
> 
> 8-8-88 PRO-DEMOCRACY UPRISING OF BURMA
> 
> In the years following the 1962 military take over, the situation in Burma
> was like a powder keg.  Finally, on 8 August 1988, the country erupted, as
> spontaneous pro-democracy uprisings swept the country with massive,
> peaceful protests and strikes.
> Brutally suppressing the nation-wide uprising, the military staged a coup
> d'etat, renamed itself SLORC, appropriated all state power, and began to
> persecute all who had been active in the 8888 uprising.
> 
> BURMESE JUNTA'S TERROR AND THE POLITICAL DISSIDENTS' DEMOCRACY MOVEMENTS
> 
> After SLORC's violent crackdown in 1988, many Burmese dissidents sought to
> escape the military's persecution by fleeing to the country's borders, to
> areas under the control of various ethnic minority resistence groups.
> 
> With SLORC determined to hold power, the internal political movement lead
> by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has suffered severe repression, with arrests,
> forced resignations, detentions, house arrests, torture, and even deaths in
> detention.
> However, according to the principle that opposition will live as long as
> oppression, the struggles of the pro-democracy movement continue resolutely.
> 
> Because there has been no progress toward solution of the Burmese political
> crisis and nothing but a hardening of its tyrannical position on the part
> of the military rulers, civil wars have continued for over half a century.
> 
> Because the Burmese junta is an illegitimate, not an elected government,
> they behave like terrorists toward the people of Burma, committing such
> human rights violations as arbitrary killings, rapes, unjust appropriation
> of property, forced labour,  forced relocation, racial cleansing, and
> genocide.
> 
> Although these have become more widely known since 1988, the people of
> Burma have been subjected to blatant human rights abuses since 1962.  On a
> global scale, the Burmese junta ranks as one of the world's worst human
> rights violators.  In addition to outright abuses, which admittedly do not
> affect every citizen directly, by its inept and thoroughly corrupt
> mismanagement of the country, the Burmese junta has led the country
> backwards, reducing ordinary citizens to paupery, closing the schools and
> universities to deny the country's youth a future, and effectively draining
> the country of its educated, its healthcare workers, and other
> professionals who seek to survive and practice their skills elsewhere.
> 
> THE ROLE OF STUDENT ARMY
> 
> We, as members of the pro-democratic movement, had no choice but to form
> ourselves into an armed force to oppose the military junta oppressing our
> country in 1988, and we allied ourselves with ethnic minority organizations
> in the border areas of the country.
> In the border areas, the revolutionary organizations lacked sufficient
> fundamental necessities to carry on their struggle.  As the liberated areas
> were overrun in repeated dry-season offensives, we came to realize the
> increased impracticality of armed struggle to bring about positive changes
> in Burma.
> 
> FORMATION OF THE FORMER MEMBERS' ASSOCIATION OF STUDENT ARMY (FMASA)
> 
> After we students withdrew from armed struggle, we entered Thailand and
> sought protection from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
> (UNHCR).  Our numbers grew rapidly, especially in Thailand, but
> subsequently we have become spread all over the world, as third countries
> have accepted us for resettlement.  We wish to continue our noble struggle
> for democracy and human rights in our homeland, consistent with our
> experiences and our commitment to non-violence.  To further that end we
> have worked to reorganize ourselves outside of the borderline.
> 
> As a result of these developments, a new organization, Former Members'
> Association of Student Army (FMASA),  was formed on 15 April 1999.
> 
> FMASA'S CONSTITUTION
> 
> FMASA's constitution was adopted at a conference held in April 1999.
> 
> Chapter (1) clause (1) The Organization
> 
> Article 1
> The name of the organization is Former Members' Association of Student Army
> (FMASA)
> 
> Article 2
> FMASA is an independent organization, not subordinate to any political
> party or political organization.
> 
> Article 3
> FMASA members are former comrades who were involved in the students' armed
> struggle on behalf of the Student Army, (ABSDF's armed force) which was
> formed after the 8-8-88 pro-democracy uprising.
> 
> Article 4
> FMASA is a non-violent organization which resolutely upholds the goals of
> the students of Burma, who have struggled courageously throughout the
> history of Burma's political movements.  We are committed to continuing the
> campaign for democracy in Burma.
> 
> Chapter (2) clause (1) Aims and Objectives
> Article 14
> FMASA's aims and objectives are as follows:
> 
> a) To totally uproot military tyranny from Burma
> b) To achieve democracy and human rights in the country
> c) To maintain national solidarity
> 
> Clause (2) Principles
> Article 15
> FMASA's principles are as follows:
> 
> a) To struggle to overcome the military dictatorship
> b) To encourage and protect the internal political movements
> c) Never to compromise with Burmese military junta
> 
> Clause (4) Work procedures
> Article 17
> According to its principles, FMASA has laid down following work schedule:
> 
> a) To organize the scattered former members of the student army as a
> solidarity force and to maintain good communication.
> b) To struggle for Burmese with various informed political strategies and
> to more effectively utilize our newly organized forces.
> c) To better effectively cooperate with those groups and individuals,
> inside Burma and overseas, who share our goals of a democratic, free Burma.
> 
> FMASA AND NON VIOLENCE
> In the name of FMASA, the words "student army" do not refer to military
> activities, or armed, violent actions.  The name was chosen simply because
> we are regrouping former members of the student army, who now wish to carry
> out their struggle for democracy in Burma by means of political strategies.
> Obviously, as former comrades, we still have a strong sense of esprit de
> corps toward each other and there is very good understanding among us
> because of all we have experienced together during our years of struggle in
> the jungle.
> 
> Members of FMASA are carrying out their duties and obligations in
> conformity with the FMASA constitution.  FMASA is a non-violent group and
> we are collectively and individually committed to non-violent political
> struggle.
> 
> THE CURRENT SITUATION IN BURMA
> 
> The Burmese military junta, the SPDC, continues its counter-democracy
> efforts by denying its overwhelming loss in the 1990 general election, by
> increased persecution of NLD members, especially MP s, by using the armed
> forces and intelligence forces to bully the country into fearful, desperate
> submission, by actively hindering the CRPP ( The Committee Representing the
> People's Parliament) with various, unlawful methods.
> 
> Despite extreme financial difficulties, the Burmese military junta's budget
> contains greater than ever expenditures for the military.  Burma's current
> deficit has seriously widened to over 75.3 billion kyats, from a 1988
> deficit of 6.3 billion kyats.
> 
> While some democratic countries have acted to halt business dealing with
> the military junta, relatively few in the international community are aware
> that the people of Burma are being oppressed by the vicious ruling junta.
> The people of Burma hope for the international community's support in their
> struggle for democracy and a civilian government responsive to their needs.
>  The Burmese people firmly that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is their true leader
> and that the CRPP is their rightful government.
> 
> FMASA'S CURRENT WORK PROCEDURES
> 
> We believe that until the Burmese junta is replaced by a democratically
> chosen civilian government the following critical domestic problems cannot
> be solved: the SPDC's violations of human rights, the ongoing civil war,
> mistrust among the country's various ethnic groups, the economic crisis,
> severe social problems such as drug abuse, extreme poverty and
> malnutrition, the lack of educational opportunities, the AIDS crisis, and
> many others.  Of course, Burma's poor relations with her neighbors and
> serious regional problems are also connected to the misrule by the Burmese
> military.
> 
> We also believe that support from democratic countries and the
> international community will expedite Burma's return to democracy.  As soon
> as that is achieved, we expect the country to become more stable and a much
> better neighbor.  When Burma returns to democratic, civilian rule, the
> world will see an end to destabilizing militarization threatening the
> region and the corrupting narcotics trade, which has proved so lucrative to
> the junta.  Certainly if the Burmese military's involvement in drug
> trafficking were more widely known, there would be increased calls for
> sanctions.
> 
> FMASA will endeavor to get support from democratic governments,
> organizations and individuals in the international community for the cause
> of Burmese democracy.
> 
> We will use political means to achieve the following demands.
> 
> The Burmese military junta must
> 
> 1) Immediately and unconditionally release each and every political prisoner
> 2) Recognize the CRPP and the results of 1990 election
> 3) Engage in meaningful dialogue with the National leader, Daw Aung San Suu
> Kyi
> 4) Take responsibility for the emergence of an interim civil government
> 
> CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
> 
> FMASA
> 
> 
> http://home.earthlink.net/~brelief/index.htm