The Nation - October 12, 1999

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THE NATION - October 12, 1999

Headlines

Asean praises Bangkok for handling of siege

AMID growing border tension between Burma and Thailand over the Burmese
Embassy siege in Bangkok, Asean has uncharacteristically broken its silence
by praising Bangkok's handling of the incident.

Permanent Secretary Saroj Chavanaviraj said Asean members commended
Thailand's efforts in ending the crisis peacefully.

Saroj said the response was made at a working dinner of Asean senior
officials on Sunday ahead a three-day meeting in Bangkok to prepare for the
upcoming Asean summit in Manila.

He said Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad would send a letter to
thank Thailand for ending the siege -- in which no one was hurt -- because
one of the hostages was a Malaysian national.

Asean traditionally does not comment on bilateral problems or domestic
affairs of its members.

The praise from Asean on the issue is seen as a break from tradition and
will bolster Thailand's position in negotiating a resolution to the current
border tension with Burma.

Five heavily-armed Burmese dissidents stormed the embassy on Oct 1, holding
38 hostages at gunpoint and preventing 51 others from leaving the embassy
compound.

Interior Minister Sanan Kachornprasart had angered Rangoon when he referred
to the five hostage-takers as ''students fighting for democracy''. The five
were given their freedom in return for releasing the hostages.

Ten charges have since been filed against the five militants.

The National Security Council has also sought cooperation from UN High
Commissioner for Refugees to find a third country to accept exiled Burmese
students who are living in Thailand.

Burma has sealed all three land border checkpoints with Thailand, citing
security reasons. Shortly after the siege, Rangoon cancelled all fishing
licences with Thai vessels. It claimed it wanted to review the
licence-issuing system.

Although Rangoon praised Thailand for a quick and peaceful settlement to the
crisis, it also used state-controlled media and unofficial statements to
attack Bangkok, sending confusing signals to the Thai government.

The Burmese junta also reportedly dispatched thousands of troops to the
border near where armed rebel groups are positioned. The threatened
offensive could send thousands of civilians flooding over the border into
Thailand.

Nyunt Maung Shein, Burmese director general for Political Affairs
Department, said yesterday he told Asean colleagues at the dinner that the
Burmese government expressed its appreciation for the speedy end to the
embassy siege.

However, Burma told the gathering that those involved were not students but
terrorists, Nyunt told The Nation.

Nyunt said the two countries have mechanisms such as border and township
committees to discuss the current border situation.

He did not say how long the border would be closed.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai held a meeting with Supreme
Commander Gen Mongkok Ampornphisit for an update on the situation along the
border.

There is no indication whether Thailand will send a mission to Rangoon to
help ease tension.

However, Chuan reportedly instructed Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan to
cancel a planned visit to Egypt and remain in Thailand to help monitor the
situation.

According to Gen Mongkol, the border is currently not a big concern.
However, he said the Thai army has been on full alert to prevent possible
incursions following reports that Burmese troops had massed in the area
opposite Ratchaburi.

Chuan would today send a letter to Rangoon reflecting Thailand's wish to see
the current situation return to normal as soon as possible, said Foreign
Ministry's spokesman Don Pramuwinai.

The prime minister has criticised Burma for sending mixed signals over the
embassy siege as the junta leaders sent thank-you notes while officials and
media condemned the handling of the crisis.

''The Foreign Minister must try to explain to Burma that what we did is
internationally understood and acceptable,'' Don said.

Chuan raised no objections to a proposal from coalition partner, the Chart
Thai Party, for talks between Thailand and Burmese ministers of agriculture
to settle the Burmese suspension of Thai fishing licences.

The Minister of Agriculture and Co-operatives, Pongpol Adireksarn, will
attend an Asean meeting of agricultural ministers later this month where he
could have opportunity to talk to his Burmese counterpart on the fishing
problems.

Vitthaya Khunpraum, Pongpol's secretary said the minister would try to
contact Rangoon today to discuss the possibility for talks on the resumption
of Thai fishing licences.

He said several attempts to get through to his Burmese counterpart failed.

Vichien Techapaiboon, president of Thai Chamber of Commerce, urged the
government to quickly solve licence problems.

He said the revoking of fishing licences by Burma was a temporary but harsh
measure.

Meanwhile, Don said Rangoon released five more Thai prisoners from its
prisons at the request of the Thai government in commemoration of the 72nd
anniversary of His Majesty the King on December 5.

The same request has also been made to other Asean countries.

''Despite the present situation, Burma has agreed to release more Thai
prisoners in addition to the 67 it agreed to free earlier,'' Don said.

He said the release of the prisoners showed that Rangoon separated the
current border problems from overall bilateral relations.

Don hinted Burma's closure of the border and scrapping of Thai fishing
licences may not have been initiated by Rangoon but local army officers.

He did not elaborate.

''Rangoon understood the way Thailand handled the hostage crisis but some
Burmese army officers who oversee border did not,'' Don said.

He expected the closing of the checkpoints and the cancellation of fishing
licences would not last long as it was not in the best interests of either
country.

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THE NATION - October 12, 1999

Editorial & Opinion

THINK THAI: Thailand must stay put on Burma

IT was a blessing in disguise that the Burmese junta leaders did not
appreciate Thailand's peaceful settlement of the recent Burmese embassy
siege. Rangoon has shown its truest colour. Thai leaders have now realised
they should not entertain any illusion that their Burmese counterparts are
capable of conducting diplomacy within the context of regional and
international norms.

It is sad that the discussion in Bangkok following the siege was
disheartening and focused on comments made by opposition parties, especially
the New Aspiration Party. Most of them were rubbish and showed how veteran
Thai politicians continue to indulge in diatribes without looking beyond
their myopic views.

The Chuan Government must count itself as fortunate because it has full
international support vis-a-vis the pariah state of Burma, dreaded and
isolated by the world. It has been a long-standing policy of Thai
governments to promote border trade. But so far the most troubled spots have
exclusively concentrated on the 2,400 km Thai-Burmese border.

Throughout modern Thai-Burmese relations, Thailand has constantly been held
hostage by Burma mainly for two reasons: the desire to trade and exploit
Burmese natural and maritime resources and the lack of consensus among the
Thai authorities in dealing with Burma.

Whenever there were divisions within Thai society, outside enemies would not
miss any opportunity to use these weaknesses to their advantage. Burma's
victory over Ayudhya was a good case in point. It was due to internal
bickering and lack of solidarity among the Thais.

Unlike the first Chuan administration and other previous governments, the
present policy towards Burma is firmer and flexible enough to sustain
bilateral deals. After one year of trying to accommodate the Burmese regime,
the government has toughened its position as its international stature
grows.

It is firmer because of the better coordination among the authorities
concerned in the central and provincial areas. Decision makers from the
Interior Ministry, Foreign Ministry, the army and the National Security
Council are in tune with the Foreign Ministry-led policy.

Without the like-minded or Democrat-dominated decision makers, the embassy
siege could have easily turned into a fiasco as the authorities concerned,
representing different coalition parties, would inevitably fight over the
approach. The fact that the hostage drama took only less than 25 hours to
resolve was testimony to the commonality of approach, admittedly rare in the
Thai bureaucracy.

Prior to the appointment of Gen Surayut Julanond as army chief, Burma was
effective in using divide-and-rule tactics with maximum exposure and
engagement with the Thai army. They often gave the army carrots and used
sticks with the Foreign Ministry.

Literally speaking, since the 1988 military crackdown on democratic forces,
the Thai army leaders have been on good terms with the junta leaders.
Attempting to compensate waning political influence, past army leaders have
sought to augment their influence along the 5,000km stretch of Thai border.
Doubtless, their interests clashed with the national interest.

Gen Surayut has since changed the pattern of engagement of the security
apparatus all along the border, particularly their involvement in border
trade and business. Army officials have been asked to stay away from
business deals and to focus on security matters.

Burma's malicious attacks were uncalled for and represented another attempt
to divide Thais. It is no longer easy. Junta leaders are trying,
unsuccessfully, to use the growing dissatisfaction towards the Chuan
Government over domestic issues to its advantage as if the current state of
Thai-Burmese ties were the outcome of this unpopularity. Certain newspapers
mistakenly chose to play the Burmese tune.

With a new general election in the offing early next year, the Burmese
regime probably thinks the current Thai foreign policy would not hold with
an incoming new government. That might partially be true. But the political
transformation in the past two years has ensured that whoever heads the next
government must pursue the same policy guideline emphasising democratic
principles and the respect of human rights.

The Chuan Government has made clear that Thailand is not the cause of the
embassy hostage-taking. Make no mistake, it is a Burmese problem caused by
their own disregard for democracy. The Burmese generals are the ones who
have held the whole Burmese nation as perpetual hostage. As long as
political oppression and violation of human rights continue, democratic
forces outside Burma will continue to use every possible means to highlight
the true nature of the Rangoon regime.

The siege has strengthened the Thai resolve not to waver, especially when
Burma unilaterally closes down border trading posts or gives up bilateral
contracts and cooperation. Ways must be found to make Thailand less
dependent on Burma's natural resources. Alternative fishing cooperation with
other countries must be seriously explored.

Finally, as the chairman of Asean, Thailand will be busy in the year to come
in improving the grouping's credibility and economic potential to the world.
In so doing for the Asean interest, it does not have to put up with Burma's
growing intransigence. The best way to deal with Burma is to stay put and
patiently wait and see whose side time is on.

The more contempt shown by the Burmese junta, the more solidarity is
required from the Thai government and its people.

BY KAVI CHONGKITTAVORN

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THE NATION - October 12, 1999

Mailbag

Don't blame the UNHCR for all the refugees

I WOULD like to add my voice to those praising the way the Thai government
handled the recent situation at the Burmese Embassy. The problem was solved
with nobody harmed in any way, except maybe a little loss of face by the
illegal dictatorship next door.

It is surprising, however, that the Thai government is now pointing the
finger at the UNHCR, calling on them to resettle the students in a third
country. To those who have been involved with the refugee community, it is a
well-known fact that it is the Thai government which has consistently
prevented the UNHCR from fulfilling its protection mandate since the
beginning of the Burmese crisis in 1998. To this day, the UNHCR does not
have access to refugees along the southern border with the Mon State.

It should also be pointed out that while resettlement is a possible option
for the Burmese, it is an impractical suggestion in light of the number of
refugees who have been on ''hold'' these many years when compared to the
limited number of resettlement slots made available throughout the world.
The other two options, as mentioned in the Geneva Convention on refugees, is
repatriation when safe and freely chosen, or integration into the country of
asylum.

Repatriation will only be possible when the government of Burma changes and
democracy finally prevails; but the Thai government has done everything in
its power to support and prop up the dictatorship with an ineffectual policy
misnamed ''constructive engagement''. Since nothing ''constructive'' has
occurred in Burma for many, many years, perhaps Thailand should rethink this
policy now, and work towards real change in Burma. Then repatriation might
be a real option.

Integration into the country of asylum is a concept which the government
rarely, if ever, mentions. It would mean issuing identity cards to the
Burmese, and allowing them to live and work as normal people. It would mean
no longer classifying them as ''illegal aliens'' who can be employed at
below minimum wages, denied medical, legal and educational rights, shaken
down by police for bribes, etc. In light of the labour shortage we have been
reading about lately, the option may make some sense. Of course it would
offend the Slorc (changed to SPDC) goons, but really, who cares?

When the Thai government calls upon the UNHCR to change its policy, it
should look carefully at itself, and the failed foreign policy with its
neighbour Burma. Maybe some changes should take place there, rather than
trying to scapegoat the UNHCR.

Angus MacGillivary

SUKHUMVIT BANGKOK

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THE NATION - October 12, 1999

Mailbag

Closure has led to prostitution

IT IS very shameful of the Burmese military junta that the closure of
universities and colleges has given growth to prostitution in Burma -- more
so than in Thailand. We Burmese wonder how dare the junta's mouthpiece, the
New Light of Myanmar has written that ''the act of permitting prostitution
is adequate as manifestation of a free democratic state in Thailand''
without visiting Thailand and also without the circumstantial evidence of
Thai culture and society.

We would like to request Agence France-Presse which wrote this news under
the heading ''Thai credentials blasted'' in The Nation dated Oct 9, 1999,
kindly investigate all the nightclubs at Theingyi Zay supermarket building
in Rangoon. Existing hotels which are built under the system of
''Built-Operate-Transfer'' within 30 years day-by-day are becoming
prostitution centres which are officially allowed by the junta's officials.

There is a Burmese saying, ''If you point one finger to someone, the other
four fingers are pointing at you''.

Tun Mra Aung

SUKHUMVIT BANGKOK

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