comments on Ethnicity and Federalis (r)

[ramyint@xxxxxxxxxxxxx]

Subject: Re: comments on Ethnicity and Federalism

Dear Dr. Vum Son,

This is a very good question and for which we "freedom fighters" should
have a good answer and a sound plan to support it. Most Burmese
(Myanmarese) or whatever else we may call ourselves, seem to forget our
fellow brothers and sisters who belong to the ethnic races. The great
injustice that the majority Burmese have dealt to the minorities,
starting with the easy going U Nu and the Ne Win military regime under
different names at different times , needs to be addressed up front. We
have to understand that Burma is a lot more than just Rangoon, Mandalay
and a few other towns in between. Burma is not just Burmese, Buddhists
and the Shwe Dagon Pagoda. It is bad when the Tatmadaw people think this
way and it is worse when some of fellow Buirmese in the US do the same.

U Richard.




ZORO wrote:

> Comments on "Ethnicity and Federalism: A
> Case for Burma"
>
> Finally somebody studies and analyzes
> federalism, and especially it is very
> uplifting because the authors are Karen.
> Not only they are Karen, they came from
> the Toungoo area, where there is a Karen
> majority in proper Burma. The main
> cause of the Karen rebellion was the
> refusal of Karen independence or the
> refusal to place all Karen areas in one
> administration unit. The demand to
> demarcated the whole Delta area as Karen
> area or state had been too overbearing
> because the Karen are in the minority in
> the Delta but there are areas where the
> Karen are in the majority, such as the
> Myaungmya, Nyaunglebin, and Taoungoo
> areas.
>
> It is difficult to figure out from their
> article, what Naw May Oo and Saw Kapi
> suggest to do with the Karen populated
> areas (Where Karen are in the majority
> in population) it will be the most
> important for consideration the affairs
> of these people in the future federal
> set up if there is going to be one. Not
> only the Karen there are other distinct
> ethnic groups such as the Naga who are
> group into the proper Burma. Similarly
> there are large population groups of
> Shan in the Mogaung, Mohaung, Monyein
> areas. These were the ones who sagged
> the Burmese capital and ruled the Burman
> at one time in Burmese history. There
> are also a large Chin population in the
> Yaw areas between Arakan and the
> Irrawaddy. Will all these people have
> access to the benefit of federalism?
>
> The non-Burman population are crying for
> federalism and it surely is the best
> form of political model for Burma, but
> if it is again modeled like the 1947
> constitution there would be the same
> mess. Naw May Oo and Saw Kapi should not
> only study what is federalism but also
> how it can be applied to suite the
> fragmented Karen people. There are more
> Karen outside of the present Karen State
> than in the state.   Just look at the
> NCUB constitution draft it will wake up
> any one who believes in a prosperous
> Union. Such a constitution is in no way
> bring national unity.  Before armed
> resistance groups go
> underground again in the new federal
> union, all avenues have to be
> studied even if federalism is introduced
> to Burma in a democratic Union of Burma.
> It could be a fake one, the same as the
> 1947 Federal Constitution.
>
> In the meantime it seems paramount to
> figure out what is going on in the
> brains of the Burmese military leaders,
> who leads the country towards the stone
> age. Why are these people Ne Win, Khin
> Nyunt, Than Swe, Tin Oo, etc are
> destroying the country? Are they
> Myanmar, and not really Burman?
>
> Vum Son
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Rangoon Post Co-Editor
> <Rangoonp@xxxxxxx>
> To: burmanet-l@xxxxxxxxxxx
> <burmanet-l@xxxxxxxxxxx>
> Date: Friday, August 06, 1999 11:52 PM
> Subject: SPECIAL ARTICLE: Article on
> Federalism:
>
> >Article on Federalism:
> >
> >5 August 1999
> >
> >Dear All:
> >
> >The attached article appeared in KNL
> newsletter. The writers are said to
> >be
> >brother and sister. The lady is the
> President of the KNL.
> >
> >Hope this article can start some
> fruitful discussion among us.
> >
> >MSMD, Ks.
> >
> >
> >
> >FEATURE
> >Ethnicity and Federalism: A Case for
> Burma
> >by
> >Saw Kapi and Naw May Oo
> >Burma, one of the many multi-ethnic
> countries of the Third World, is
> >faced
> >with two fundamental political problems
> that have kept her away from
> >lasting
> >peace and prosperity. The first one is
> the lacking of democratic
> >governance
> >in the country. The second and more
> deeply-rooted one is half-a-century
> >long
> >civil guerrilla war between diverse
> ethnic armed resistance groups and
> >the
> >central government. This paper will
> briefly discuss the issue of
> >ethnicity
> >and fundamental need for a genuine
> national reconciliation in our
> >country.
> >One very essential question Burma needs
> to answer is quite simple: what
> >kind
> >of system is needed to be in place in
> order to accommodate ethnic
> >diversity
> >and maintain unity and freedom at the
> same time?
> >An impartial understanding of Burma's
> ethnic politics is essential for
> >those
> >of us who are striving for the
> country's successful transition to a
> >peaceful
> >and democratic society. As such we all
> would agree that a great extent
> >of
> >political sensitivity is required in
> order to make impartial analysis
> >and
> >understand the political problems of
> Burma. Being merely sympathetic to
> >the
> >suffering of ethnic people under the
> current military regime is by no
> >means
> >enough. While the ethnic resistance
> movements may be viewed by some as
> >an
> >unrestrained monster that has often
> devastated many promising plans for
> >change, built on sophisticated economic
> models, the ethnic people
> >themselves
> >consider their movements paramount
> important for their very own
> >survival. We
> >will be so wrong to assume that the
> reality of ethnic and their cultural
> >diversities would in due course be
> assimilated or eliminated in the
> >process of
> >developmental change. As Ralph R.
> Premdas points out:
> >"The evidence against this de-emphasis
> of the ethno-cultural factor by
> >the
> >different ideologies is devastating.
> >From Lebanon in the Middle East to
> >Guyana on the South American continent,
> from Northern Ireland to
> >
> >Azerbaijan in
> >Europe to Quebec in North America, from
> the Sudan and South Africa to
> >Sri
> >Lanka and Malaysia, the assertion of
> the ethnic factor has made shambles
> >of
> >development objectives and social peace
> everywhere, on all continents,
> >in both
> >underdeveloped and industrialized
> societies."
> >Therefore, any strategy for
> development, both in politics and
> economic,
> >regardless of ideological foundation it
> is based on, must acknowledge
> >and
> >incorporate the reality of cultural
> pluralism and ethnic diversity in
> >the
> >country. In light of this reality,
> federalism has become a very
> >important
> >state organization system that can make
> the best possible accommodation
> >and
> >incorporation of ethnic diversity into
> the country's political
> >development.
> >In the meantime, experience shows that
> the only federations which have
> >failed
> >are those which had socialist or
> communist state systems. Thus, what
> >Burma
> >need is to have democratic principles
> as the basis foundation of
> >political
> >system, and federalism as the basic
> foundation of state organization.
> >To briefly look at the origin of the
> word federalism, it is found that
> >the
> >word came into English via French from
> Latin. Foederatus means "bound by
> >treaty" deriving from foedus: treaty
> and fidere: to trust."1 The
> >earliest
> >recorded use of the word is said to be
> found in 17th century puritans, a
> >religious community who spoke of
> "federal theology" meaning a covenant
> >between
> >God and human beings. But by early 18th
> century, the word had evolved to
> >include agreements between separate
> political communities of a
> >heterogeneous people.
> >Throughout history, we can see that
> different countries in the world
> >have
> >employed federalism at various levels
> in terms of agreement between
> >states,
> >and power relationship between states
> and central government. And each
> >form
> >of federalism has a different history
> and socio-political diversity.
> >India,
> >for example, has employed a sort of
> centralized federalism in which the
> >federal government has significant
> constitutional power, has been
> >employed
> >with a certain success, and it has also
> maintained considerable level of
> >democratic principles, freedom and
> stability. The United States and
> >Switzerland, although they are
> different in many specific mechanisms,
> >have a
> >similar scheme of very decentralized
> federalism. History has proved that
> >different types of federal systems have
> efficiently accommodated a
> >number of
> >multi-ethnic societies with different
> social and political backgrounds,
> >except
> >for the currently defunct Yugoslav and
> Russian forms of federalism which
> >had
> >been operated within a political system
> of total rule by one party. So
> >let us
> >briefly look into the sustainability of
> federalism for our country,
> >Burma.
> >First, federalism can facilitate the
> demand of "self-determination"2
> >made by
> >ethnic nationalities. In other words,
> federalism can reconcile the
> >legitimate
> >impulse of Burma to preserve her
> territorial integrity and national
> >unity,
> >with the legitimate rights of ethnic
> nationalities to preserve their
> >culture,
> >human dignity and political autonomy.
> In this sense, federalism not only
> >allows the existence of cultural
> pluralism, but also gives the
> >
> >minorities to
> >preserve and develop themselves
> politically as well as economically.
> >Moreover, federalism, depending on the
> level of decentralization, can
> >protect
> >the affairs and decisions of ethnic
> nationalities, in their organization
> >and
> >forms of representation, or in the
> strategies they adopt to prevent
> >resources
> >from being exploited unilaterally by
> the central government. In short,
> >federalism encourages peaceful
> coexistence of diverse ethnic
> >nationalities
> >with equality and freedom.
> >We have seen in the history of Burma
> that ambitious attempts made by
> >successive Burman-dominated governments
> and military regimes to unite
> >the
> >country by forcibly assimilating
> smaller ethnic nationalities into the
> >melting
> >pot of Burman [or Burmese] have
> painfully resulted in the half-a-century
> >long
> >civil war. Meanwhile, ethnic
> nationalities have both repeatedly and
> >collectively proposed to form a genuine
> federal union in which both
> >Burman and
> >non-Burman ethnic nationalities can
> peacefully co-exist as equal
> >partners.3
> >Of course, federalism must be developed
> in response to the ancient
> >question of
> >how to unite different ethnic
> nationalities together in order to
> >effectively
> >pursue objectives unobtainable
> otherwise, but without submerging any of
> >their
> >own identities. Within the framework of
> federalism, the new relationship
> >between ethnic nationalities and the
> central government will be created
> >on the
> >basis of recognition of their rights to
> self-determination and of the
> >legal,
> >political, social, economic, and
> cultural rights derived therefrom.
> >Secondly, while the supremacy of the
> national government over the
> >federal
> >units is recognized, in federalism the
> degree of shared responsibility
> >for,
> >and power over, public policy is
> clearly distinguished. Thus, federalism
> >can
> >incorporate the condition of
> multi-ethnicity in any explication of
> the
> >development idea for the country as a
> whole. It is important to note
> >here
> >that for a multi-ethnic country like
> Burma, most federal units may be
> >ethnically defined units. Looking at
> the examples of other multi-ethnic
> >states, we can clearly see that
> "policies which win legitimacy and stand
> >a
> >chance of implementation must engage
> and incorporate divergent communal
> >claims."4 By maintaining clearly
> distinguished power over public policy,
> >it
> >will be possible for each federal unit
> of ethnic nationalities to
> >undertake
> >educational and development policies
> within their own cultural spheres.
> >Through education it will be possible
> to ensure the use and development
> >of
> >ethnic national languages, while
> recognizing their cultural heritage.
> >For
> >example, having control over
> educational policies within their own
> >states,
> >each federal unit (or ethnic
> nationality state) can develop school
> >curriculums
> >in their own language reflecting their
> cultural essence and teach it at
> >the
> >state schools. It is important,
> however, that this emphasis on ethnic
> >national language and culture in each
> federal unit or state should not
> >overshadow or supercede the teaching of
> the main national language, that
> >is,
> >Burmese; nor the study of, and fluency
> in, one or more internationally
> >used
> >
> >languages, e.g., English, French,
> Chinese, etc., should be neglected.
> >It is indeed imperative now that Burma,
> a country that has been ripped
> >by
> >ethnic conflicts for more than fifty
> years, adopts federalism as a
> >pragmatic
> >instrument to attain genuine unity
> among the Burman majority and diverse
> >ethnic nationalities. That is by no
> mean to say that the relationship
> >between
> >the central government and ethnic
> nationality states (federal units)
> >will be
> >smooth. The dual nature of federal
> government will always create debates
> >over
> >policies that it pursues; however, such
> debates are necessary as to
> >check and
> >balance the power exercised by the
> central government, and are crucial
> >in
> >preventing armed conflicts between
> states and central government.
> >In conclusion, it must be stressed that
> there can be no peace nor
> >stability in
> >a multi-ethnic country unless ethnic
> problems are unequivocally
> >addressed.
> >The issues of democracy and human
> rights can be addressed at the level
> >of
> >protection of the rights of the
> individual citizen, but they must also
> >be
> >safeguarded by recognizing the rights
> of ethnic nationalities. To this
> >end,
> >federalism, with its dualistic
> character of sophisticated balance
> >between
> >central and state authorities, seems to
> be the most suitable framework
> >yet
> >developed for structuring mutually
> respected relations in the ethnically
> >diverse society of Burma.
> >This is a slightly revised version of
> discussion paper presented by Naw
> >May Oo
> >at the 51st Annual Meeting of
> Association for Asian Studies, March
> >11-14,
> >1999, in Boston, Massachusetts, USA.
> >
> >Notes:
> >1 Stephen Woodard, ôThe Simple Guide to
> the Federal Idea.ö From
> >Ventotene,
> >Federalism and Politics, The Ventotene
> Papers of the Altiero Spinelli
> >Institute for Federalist Studies,
> Ventotene, 1995.
> >2 The term, ôself-determination,ö is
> oftentimes defined differently by
> >different scholars. Here we chose to
> use the ôsofterö notion of
> >self-determination as presented by
> Asbjorn Eide. The term,
> >ôself-determination,ö should not be
> seen here as an absolute term but
> >more as
> >ôintermediate optionö which allows
> ethnic nationalities to have greater
> >control over their own political,
> social and economic destiny.
> >3 Both the National Democratic Front
> (NDF), an umbrella organization of
> >ethnic
> >resistance groups, and the Democratic
> Alliance of Burma (DAB), a larger
> >alliance organization of both Burman
> and non-Burman democratic
> >opposition
> >forces, have clearly stated their
> position on the ôestablishment of a
> >genuine
> >federal union of Burma based on
> democracy, equality and
> >self-determination.ö
> >
> >4 Ralph R. Premdas, ôEthnicity and
> Development: The Case of Fiji,ö
> >United
> >Nations Research Institute for Social
> Development discussion paper No.
> >46,
> >October 1993.
> >
> >
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