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The BurmaNet News: June 15, 1999



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: June 15, 1999
Issue #1293

HEADLINES:
==========
THE NATION: JUNTA NEEDS A NEW ROLE MODEL 
ABC: STUDENTS ARRESTED OVER BURMA PROTEST 
AFP: BURMESE REBELS SEIZE LAND 
BANGKOK POST: BURMESE COOPERATION CRUCIAL 
XINHUA: MYANMAR-CHINA BILATERAL TRADE INCREASES 
XINHUA: MYANMAR TO CRACK DOWN ON SMUGGLED VEHICLES 
AP: BURMA JOINS FOOD BAN 
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THE NATION: JUNTA NEEDS A NEW ROLE MODEL
15 June, 1999 by Khin Maung Win

OPINION

THE BURMESE JUNTA ONCE USED THE FORMER INDONESIAN REGIME AS A ROLE MODEL. NOW
THAT SUHARTO HAS GONE AND DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS HAVE TAKEN PLACE, WHAT PATH
WILL
THE MILITARY IN RANGOON TAKE? KHIN MAUNG WIN MONITORED THE INDONESIAN POLL AND
COMPARES THE TWO COUNTRIES.

Unlike in Burma, where the election winning party is treated as criminals,
Indonesia's opposition parties, sure to win the June 7 general elections, are
now discussing how a transitional government will be formed. Many observers
regard Indonesia's general elections as free and fair, and as the first step
towards political reform and democracy.

In May 1990, the Burmese people voted in their general elections in the hope
that it would be the first step to political reform. The unexpected result,
which saw the opposition NLD, under the leadership of Nobel Peace Prize
Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, win 81 per cent of the seats, was due to the
people's strong desire for democracy. Yet the dream of Burmese democracy
remains just that - a dream.

The question arises of whether the democratization of Indonesia can have any
effect on Burma, a country that shares many of Indonesia's characteristics in
its political culture. The similarities between the two should be examined,
particularly to determine what is necessary to put Burma on the right track to
democracy.

The historical relationship between Burma and Indonesia dates back to the
early
1950s. Burma's Prime Minister U Nu and Indonesia's President Sukarno were
active in formulating the principles of the Bandung Conference in Indonesia in
1955 the precursor to the Non-Aligned Movement. After the Burmese and
Indonesian armies removed their respective leaders - U Nu in 1962 and Sukarno
in 1965 - both countries introduced totalitarian and authoritarian regimes. In
both countries the main justification claimed by the military for controlling
power was that the military has a dual function. Both claim that the armed
forces have responsibilities not only in matters of internal security and
national defence, but also in virtually every socio-political realm.

Resistance against military oppression emerged in both countries, where
people,
especially students, confronted troops in attempts to restore democracy.

Suu Kyi and Megawati Sukarnoputri emerged as leaders during the popular
struggles. Similarities between the two countries increased as Burma's
military
junta copied Indonesia's authoritarian political system, despite that system's
gradual collapse.

Since January 1993, the Burmese military junta has been drafting a state
constitution, introducing an Indonesian style authoritarian-presidential
government. The Burmese military has successfully set up a Burmese form of
Golkar, known as the Union Solidarity and Development Association (Usda), as a
political base for the military.

At the peak of Burma's nationwide people's demonstration demanding democracy,
in which thousands were killed, the military agreed to hold a multi-party
general election. Similarly, there is no doubt that the June 7 general
elections m Indonesia were the result of a series of student led bloody
demonstrations for democracy which were at times brutally suppressed by the
armed forces.

Despite the above similarities, the two countries are not progressing equally
in terms of democracy. While the prospects for political reform and democracy
in Indonesia are brightening, Burma's future is still one of total
uncertainty.
This is because those in power in the two countries have taken different
approaches to the recognition of election results.

Unlike Burma's Election Commission, the National Election Commission of
Indonesia (KPU) enjoys much independence in carrying out the tasks stipulated
for it by law. In contrast, Burma's Election Commission is composed only of
senior leaders of the former Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), the
country's sole political party until it was brought down by the mass
demonstrations. The Election Commission is greatly influenced by the ruling
military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) - formerly
known
as the State Law and Order Restoration Council, or Slorc.

The only thing that Burma's Election Commission does these days is dismiss
elected representatives, while no attempt has been made to implement the 1990
election result as stipulated by law. The Indonesian KPU will most certainly
not behave as-'its Burmese counterpart is doing.

Golkar and B J Habibie's government have promised to respect the election
results whoever the winners may be. Burmese who wish for genuine democracy in
Indonesia will be praying that such promises will not be reneged upon as has
occurred in Burma.

The abilities of the two countries' militaries to adapt to the current world
trend also differ. Whatever its past sins, Abri, the Indonesian military, now
seems to be taking the gentle path to pave the way for democratisation. Abri
even accepts involvement by the United Nations in the internal affairs of what
it had once claimed as its own - East Timor. However its counterpart in Burma
strongly rejects any involvement by the UN.

Unlike Suharto, who resigned from office just last year, Ne Win, who
officially
resigned from office long ago, still wields great influence over the
performance of the Burmese military regime. Both Abri and Habibie's government
can take political initiatives independent of any input from Suharto. The
Burmese military regime does not have that independence. Democratization in
Indonesia does not necessarily depend on the death of Suharto. In Burma,
however, the death of Ne Win is a prerequisite.

Indonesian leaders will not dare to destroy an economy already weakened by an
unstable political situation. Whether in government or in opposition, all
Indonesian politicians are aware of the necessity for political stability in
order to pave the way for economic recovery. In contrast, Burma's generals
believe that power must be firmly held prior to any recovery of the economy,
which has deteriorated drastically since the military came to power.

It can be said that Suharto's removal is one step forward for democracy in
Indonesia, but also one step back for the Burmese military m copying
Indonesian
style authoritarianism. If the Burmese generals had dared to copy the
Indonesia
of before, will they dare to copy the model that will emerge in the near
future? The time has come for them to decide whether they are going to match
regional, if not international, trends or risk staying alone in the dark.

KHIN MAUNG WIN is an executive committee member of the Burma Lawyers' Council.

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ABC: STUDENTS ARRESTED OVER BURMA PROTEST
11 June, 1999

Eight students have been arrested for taking part in a demonstration
against an
energy company in Brisbane because of its dealings with the military junta in
Burma.

The eight, including four Burmese, were part of a group of about 40 people who
occupied the offices of Pacrim Energy Oil, which is investing $8 million in
Burma.

One of the protestors, Natasha Verco, says the arrests were made after police
took what she describes as a heavy-handed approach.

"Well, they threatened the use of capsicum spray and took out their cans and
held them at the ready for us and then they dragged people out rather than
letting us leave peacefully."

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AFP: BURMESE REBELS SEIZE LAND
15 June, 1999

MAE SOT- Burmese rebels yesterday claimed they had taken control of territory
around the former stronghold of drug tsar Khun Sa close to the Thai border.

The leader of the Shan State Army's (SSA) southern region said the rebels took
territory in fierce fighting with junta troops around the town of Hmong just
inside Burma.

"The rebels are now in total control around Homong," Col Yawd Suk said at a
secret location on the border.

****************************************************************

BANGKOK POST: BURMESE COOPERATION CRUCIAL, SAYS SANAN
14 June, 1999 by Sermsuk Kasitipradit

PHITSANULOK

POLICE URGED TO HELP IN TACKLING PROBLEMS

Without full cooperation from the Burmese government it is most unlikely that
Thailand can effectively tackle the drugs problem, Interior Minister Sanan
Kachornprasart said.

"Since amphetamine and heroin manufacturing bases are located along the common
border of our two countries, Burma's assistance is crucial for the
government's
success in resolving drug problems," said Maj-Gen Sanan, who heads the
National
Narcotics Operation Centre (NNOC) which oversees drug suppression operations
countrywide.

Maj-Gen Sanan spoke with the Bangkok Post while leading senior government
officials to Phitsanulok to evaluate the government's drug suppression
campaign
in six lower-north provinces over the weekend.

The Interior minister said bilateral ties between the two countries had
gradually improved and he was hopeful it would further lead to more border
cooperation on-drugs suppression.

He plans to raise the issue with the Burmese government in the near future.

An informed source disclosed that former army commander-in-chief Gen Chettha
Thanajaro, known to have close ties with leading Burmese military officers,
has
been assigned to coordinate the meeting.

"I'm quite optimistic that the meeting will help strengthen ties and step up
our cooperation, said Maj-Gen Sanan.

During the drugs suppression seminar, Maj-Gen Sanan, who also supervises the
Royal Thai police office, urged police chiefs in the six provinces Phichit,
Uttaradit, Phrae, Nan, Phetchabun and Phitsanulok to provide full cooperation
to provincial governors in tackling drug problems.

"Provincial police chiefs have to report directly to provincial governors and 
give them full cooperation in tackling drug problems. The narcotics situation
in the country is at a critical stage and you all must join hands to tackle it
"  the interior minister said.

Senior interior officials accompanying Maj-Gen Sanan were Payont Pansri,
secretary general of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board, police chief
Pol Gen Pracha Promnok, and Maj-Gen Manoonkrit Roopkachorn, the minister's
adviser.

Maj-Gen Sanan had briefed the meeting over the Internal Security Operation
Centre's role in fighting narcotics, saying the NNOC's centre will be located
at the Army's Operation Centre compound. He said the military and Border
Patrol
Police would soon be deployed in border areas widely used as drug routes.

"We will soon step up our suppression drive along the common border," Maj-Gen
Sanan said.

He said the government had already given 380 million to the NNOC to fight
drugs
in its first fiscal year, noting that all 75 provinces countrywide would each
get around seven million baht. A senior official from the ONCB's northern
bureau reportedly disclosed during the meeting that all 57 amphetamine and
heroin manufacturing bases pinpointed were located in Burmese and Laotian
territories.

****************************************************************

XINHUA: MYANMAR-CHINA BILATERAL TRADE INCREASES SHARPLY
13 June, 1999 

Myanmar-China bilateral trade, including the border trade, reached 78.21
million U.S. dollars in the first two months of this year, sharply increasing
by 123.7 percent over the 34.95 million dollars registered in the same period
of last year.

According to the latest figures published by Myanmar's Central Statistical
Organization, China exported to Myanmar 57.38 million dollars of goods during
the two-month period, while importing from Myanmar commodities valued at 20.83
million dollars.

Myanmar mainly imports from China electrical and machinery equipment and
accessories, and consumers goods, while exporting to China timber and marine
products.

Border trade between the two countries plays an important role in their
bilateral trade. So far, Myanmar has, on its side, opened six border trade
points, namely Muse, Kyuhkok, Lwejei, Namhkam, Kunlong and Mongla.

In an effort to expand its foreign trade, Myanmar has lowered border trade
service charges to 8 percent from 10 percent and raised the income tax rate on
imported commodities from 1.5 percent to 2 percent. According to Myanmar
official statistics, Myanmar-China bilateral trade amounted to 381.1 million
dollars in 1998, 21.56 percent up from 1997's 313.5 million dollars.

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XINHUA: MYANMAR TO CRACK DOWN ON SMUGGLED VEHICLES
10 June, 1999 

YANGON - The Myanmar authorities will crack down on un-licensed motor vehicles
smuggled from the country's border regions to inland areas, the state-run
Myanmar News Agency (MNA) reported Thursday.

"We will expose them by all means and take action against them according to
the
existing law," the MNA quoted the Directorate of Road Transport (DRT) as
saying.

According to the MNA, there are un-licensed motor vehicles being illegally
imported through Myanmar's border areas and some of these have even reached
Yangon, the capital of the country.

The authorities are urging motor vehicle owners to identify their vehicles at
hands if they are officially registered at the DRT.

Meanwhile, the Myanmar authorities have banned use of cars imported under the
transit trade system since September 1997, saying that cars imported under the
system could only be transported across Myanmar to a third country.

The authorities have also prohibited enterprises doing business in the country
from re-selling their motor vehicles imported with tax relief and tax
exemption
beginning November 1998.

According to official statistics, the number of motor vehicles operating in
Myanmar totaled 403,677 at the end of February this year, an increase of
25,889
as compared with a year earlier.

****************************************************************

AP: BURMA JOINS FOOD BAN
14 June, 1999 

RANGOON- Burma became the latest Asian country yesterday to announce a ban on
imports of meat and dairy products from European nations over fear of
contamination with dioxin.

The Health Ministry ban, disclosed through official newspapers, announced that
the "import, storage, distribution and consumption of meat and dairy products
from Belgium, the Netherlands and other European countries are banned in Burma
with immediate effect".

The affected products include frozen and canned meat, sausage, ham, egg
products, dairy products, milk powder, butter cheese, cakes and chocolates.
One
of Asia's poorest countries, Burma imports minute quantities of such products.

But the curbs bring Burma into line with other nations around the world that
have imposed broad bans on European food products since it was revealed a
Belgian company produced animal feed laced with the cancer-causing chemical.

Many countries have banned meat, egg and dairy products, including chocolate,
from Belgium and its European Union neighbours. Other nations have extended
such a ban to include France, the Netherlands and Germany.

European Union officials insist that no products traced from the tainted feed
have been exported outside the EU and have called such bans "an
over-reaction".
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