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The BurmaNet News: March 4, 1999



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: March 4, 1999
Issue #1220

Noted in Passing: "If there are to be improvements in democracy, then women
have to be part of it. A country that does not make the best of its women is
losing half the population." - Madeleine Albright (see REUTERS: ALBRIGHT TAKES
SWIPE AT MYANMAR DRUG RECORD)

HEADLINES:
==========
SCMP: JUNTA'S 37-YEAR REIGN OF FEAR 
AWSJ: FOR. MIN. AIMS TO CHANGE MYANMAR'S IMAGE 
THE NATION: BEWARE OF JUNTA'S NEW OVERTURES 
BURMANET: PEOPLE OF MON STATE FUND DISABLED VETERANS 
REUTERS: ALBRIGHT TAKES SWIPE AT MYANMAR DRUG RECORD 
THE STRAITS TIMES: ASEAN-EU MEETING SOON 
THE HINDU: INDIA FOR "PRAGMATIC" TIES WITH MYANMAR 
ANNOUNCEMENT: BURMA FORUM, NLD-LA COMMEMORATION 
****************************************************************

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: JUNTA'S 37-YEAR REIGN OF FEAR 
3 March, 1999 by William Barnes 

Opponents of the junta said yesterday's anniversary of the overthrow of
civilian rule should remind the world what a formidable and inflexible regime
it was facing.

The Government in Rangoon was officially celebrating Peasants' Day; the
rest of
the world remembers it as the day in 1962 when the military first locked the
country in its "unceasing embrace" after a period of post-colonial democratic
rule.

Veteran Shan politician Sao Seng Suk said: "Outsiders keep staring at the
military to see if they are changing. Essentially they do not. They have the
same aim they had all that time ago.

"They want to stay in power. They want to eliminate all resistance, and they
want to get rich."

A Rangoon-based diplomat agreed with that assessment.

"Few reasonable observers are likely to argue that, underneath the propaganda
flimflam, these remain the military's goals," he said.

"At a time of somewhat heightened expectations of a political breakthrough, we
should remember how remarkably united the establishment has been."

On March 1, 37 years ago, General Ne Win shook hands with the leading
ballerina
of a visiting Chinese dance troupe.

Even as the troupe went through its paces, prime minister U Nu was moving
closer to negotiating an end to a crisis of relations with ethnic minorities.
It was the last time a civilian authority would have the chance to try to sort
out the country's political problems.

Most political leaders were taken into custody the next day. The president,
Shwe Thaike, was led off to die mysteriously soon afterwards.

During the raid on his house, his son, Sai Myee, 17,was shot in the head --
the
first of many victims of the new regime.

In the Shan state the charismatic and popular Kya Seng was also detained and
almost certainly executed.

General Ne Win spoke over state radio of the "greatly deteriorating conditions
of the union" that had forced the armed forces to step in to save the nation.

A generation later the generals still claim that only the regime stands
between
chaos and fruitful order -- even after decades of what even generous observers
can only describe as incompetent rule.

Then, as now, any flickers of resistance are ruthlessly exterminated.

"Since that time the military dictatorship has taken root and has been ruling
Burma with an iron fist," the Thai-based government in exile said.

The National Coalition Government of Burma statement added March 2 "can
only be
regarded as the day on which the country was forcibly reduced to subjection".

British Burma expert Martin Smith has said the real question people should ask
about the military establishment is not when it will split or change but
why it
never has, even under heavy pressure.

"Loyalty is very important in this army. They stick together because they
would
be worse off if the united front broke down," he argued.

The United Nations has made a tentative proposal to offer the cash-starved
Government aid if it can stomach entry into at least preliminary talks with
the
opposition. This controversial initiative was nearly blown out of the
diplomatic water by early press leaks - perhaps with that end in mind.

The Rangoon diplomat said: "It's worth a try, I suppose. But at the end of the
day the regime remains standing like the monolith in [the film] 2001: A Space
Odyssey - unchanging, impenetrable and on the surface unfeeling."

On the other hand, pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has said that in a
fascist regime the cracks do not start to appear until it nears break-up.

Now the aging former dictator and patron of the current junta, Ne Win, is
rumoured to be ill. There are hopes his passing may offer some scope for more
flexibility in the establishment.

Perhaps then, Burma's "four decades of misery will pass into history, like its
architect", said the diplomat. 

****************************************************************

ASIAN WALL STREET JOURNAL: FOREIGN MINISTER AIMS TO CHANGE MYANMAR'S IMAGE
26 February, 1999 by Barry Wain 

Op-Ed

HONG KONG (Dow Jones)--Yangon - Myanmar? The image is black. It's a country
run
by the forces of evil, where people in chains are rounded up daily and whipped
by soldiers, or thrown in jail and given hard labor for the merest
antigovernment remark. Weeping women and children sit waiting for outsiders to
rescue them from sinister generals. The cities are full of plainclothed police
and intelligence agents keeping tabs on locals, who might be whisked away,
interrogated and tortured, just for speaking to a foreigner. It's also the
place where one 'pretty little woman' is hounded and kept in prison by the
military.

It says a lot about Win Aung, Myanmar's new foreign minister, that it is he
who
provides this uncompromising view of the nation. He disagrees completely with
it, of course, but acknowledges that it is the perception held by most people.

As he sees it, Myanmar is extremely fragile, its unity threatened by ethnic
divisions that have almost torn it apart since independence in 1948. It is
misunderstood by others, who don't appreciate its unique background and
circumstances.

"I think my job is to face the world and explain the real situation in our
country," he says. "We have been weak in doing that."

Regardless of how he performs in future, Mr. Win Aung brings a refreshing
openness to the post. Appointed in December, he believes he can win over most
critics, if only he can give them the facts.

But whether he can talk his way completely out of trouble, without the
government making concessions, is far from certain. Large sections of the
international community have shunned the country since the military refused to
accept the results of a 1990 election, won overwhelmingly by Aung San Suu
Kyi's
National League for Democracy.

Not that Yangon is without friends. China supplies aid and weapons, while the
nine-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations admitted Myanmar in 1997.
But the government gets no international financing, and is criticized every
year by the United Nations for its poor record in human rights and democracy.

Ohn Gyaw, the former foreign minister, was a testy civilian who seemed bent on
proving he was as tough as his military masters. Typically, he once irritated
powerful players at an Asean Regional Forum meeting by insisting on describing
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi as an appendage of her British academic husband: "Mrs.
Aris."

"I call her Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," says Mr. Win Aung. 

Although he was in the army for 20 years, Mr. Win Aung also isn't part of the
ruling junta, known as the State Peace and Development Council. He switched to
the Foreign Ministry in 1985, after retiring with the rank of major.

His military service nevertheless colors his outlook. He volunteered, he says,
because if he didn't someone else would have had to fight the communists and
ethnic insurgents then challenging the government. Of the 173 who graduated in
his class from officer training school, 35 died within two years.

He escaped two brushes with landmines to become a diplomat, an interest since
childhood. After serving as head of mission in Laos and Singapore, he became
ambassador to Germany in 1990 and ambassador to Britain in 1996.

Relaxed and affable, Mr. Win Aung is officially 55 years of age on Feb. 28,
but
in fact he will be only 54. He advanced his date of birth while at school
so he
could enter university before 16, the legal minimum. With 'mixed feelings'
about becoming foreign minister, he finds himself putting in 16-hour days,
wistfully recalling the 'good life' on the cocktail circuit. His oldest
daughter, one of three adult children, turned up at the office one recent
evening - the only way to say goodnight to her father.

The way things are shaping, Mr. Win Aung isn't going to get more sleep in the
near future. Most immediately, he has to grapple with the European Union's
refusal to issue visas to Myanmar participants in a proposed Asean-EU
ministerial meeting in Berlin next month.

Asean argues that the gathering is meant to be bloc-to-bloc, and it is
unlikely
to attend if the EU persists with its veto. While Yangon in the past was
content to leave the heavy lifting to Asean, Mr. Win Aung is taking a more
activist approach.

He reveals that he has reversed the stand of his predecessor and agreed to
meet
EU officials, at the U.N. in New York. He'll also soon tour four fellow Asean
countries-Brunei, Indonesia, Singapore and Thailand - in a further effort to
seek a solution.

In accepting the EU's invitation to discuss the matter, Mr. Win Aung has a
genuine exchange in mind. The Europeans will have the chance to express their
concerns and viewpoints, and "I have the right to explain to them what is
really happening," he says.

"That's what a dialogue means," he adds. "It's not a one-way street."

Myanmar also has found itself on the receiving end of barbs much closer to
home, as the Asean principle of noninterference in members' internal affairs
shows signs of eroding. Thailand, for one, has delivered blunt comments about
developments in Myanmar.

Mr. Win Aung is confident he has restored the principle to its sacred status,
after "profoundly" discussing events with Thai Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan
at an Asean summit in Hanoi in December. He also confers with Mr. Surin by
phone. Now, the criticism has stopped, he says. "We can talk to each other,
but
not via the interpretation of the press,"
he says. "We encourage our neighbors and our friends to talk directly with
us. That's how we have to live in Asean." 

Yangon accepts that an expanded Asean, for the time being, is a two-tier
economic organization, according to Mr. Win Aung. Developing members, such as
Myanmar, are trying to learn from the developed states, he says.

As for the suggestion that Asean might also be splitting over human rights and
democracy, he again sees no conflict but rather a case of different stages of
evolution. "Our country's aim is also to build a real and mature democratic
system," he says.

For anyone prepared to listen, Mr. Win Aung's message boils down to this:
Myanmar spent 45 years at war internally, and the ceasefires negotiated
with 17
out of 18 main armed groups are tenuous. The rebels didn't surrender. They
continue to hold their arms, until a power-sharing arrangement is incorporated
into a new constitution and an election is held.

"If we take the wrong step, there is a danger of going back to square one,
where the fighting resumes," he says. "This isn't just exaggerated and what we
call a doomsday scenario. It's a reality."
 
Mr. Win Aung says he wants to do more than change Myanmar's image.
Diplomacy is
based on common ground, narrowing differences gradually, he says. "I would
like
to have better diplomatic relations with everybody," he says. "We don't
want to
have any enemies. And, in our mind, there are no enemies -- not even the EU,
which has put sanctions on us, and America."

****************************************************************
 
THE NATION: BEWARE OF JUNTA'S NEW OVERTURES 
3 March, 1999 by Aung Naing Oo 

THE BURMESE JUNTA'S CHANGE OF HEART IN COOPERATING WITH THAILAND IS NO REAL
SOLUTION TO BORDER DISPUTES.

It has appeared to Thailand that its efforts to solve border disputes with
Burma through "(border) diplomacy" are working as this is the first time in
many years the Burmese junta has responded positively to Thai proposals to sit
down and talk. Although it may take several years for a successful demarcation
of the common border, Thailand seems to be optimistic and is making every
effort to turn rhetoric into reality.

Recent cooperative efforts by leaders of the two countries make it seem all
the
more reasonable for the Thais to believe that the Burmese are serious this
time. These include the recent visit to Thailand by the Burmese Foreign
Minister, U Win Aung, reciprocated by the visit of Thailand's Army Chief to
Burma, plus the planned visit of General Than Shwe to Bangkok in March. There
is no doubt that the Thai government will keep up the momentum.

The question remains, however, whether the Burmese military is serious in
seeking peaceful solutions to the problems.

There are many border issues waiting to be resolved, from the dispute over
Hill
491 in the south of Thailand, the killing and wounding of Thai nationals by
Burmese army troops in 1993, and the numerous invasions of Thailand by the
junta-supported Democratic Karen Buddhist Army. Exchanges of gunfire between
Burmese and Thai military units over disputed waters is the latest in the
series of border problems.

Drugs are another major area of concern for Thailand. Thai attempts to tackle
drug problems have not been reciprocated by the Burmese. Cooperation between
the two countries is at low levels, and involves visits by junior Burmese
anti-narcotics officers to Thailand's northern towns.

Thailand's frustration in dealing with the Burmese is apparent from the
numerous, usually unreciprocated, visits by Thai Army chiefs to Burma,
based on
personal friendship between the leaders of the two armies. These visits and
other attempts by the Thais to engage Burma in the past have been largely
unsuccessful.

Thailand may be under the impression that this may all be changing,
however. In
the wake of the Burmese foreign minister's visit and ensuing events, Thailand
seems to have placed some trust in the regime's pledge of cooperation on the
issues of border demarcation. Thailand should, however, be wary of Burma's
change of heart. Thailand is too close to Burma to see beyond the border
issues
in its dealings with the Burmese army.

Why does Burma want to hold dialogue with Thailand now? The answer is very
simple -- the Burmese junta is isolated and in need of friends, and
desperately
wants to go to the EU-Asean Ministerial Meeting in Berlin to gain much needed
legitimacy. The Burmese regime may believe that the change of policy will work
to get Thailand on its side.

Is the Burmese army really changing, though?

Over the years the Burmese junta has made border disputes raised at the Joint
Border Committee meetings unresolvable. The Burmese officers have often been
uncooperative and have suggested unacceptable proposals. The Burmese army
considers Thailand "Nge Nai", someone they can beat at any game any time.
Furthermore, the Burmese junta regards Thailand's approach of solving problems
in a peaceful, diplomatic way as a "weakness" and has often taken advantage of
this. For Burma at the moment, however, Thailand is an ally of necessity in a
time of crisis.

The Burmese overtures are in line with their new offensive policy. With the
appointment of former Military Intelligence officer Colonel Win Aung as the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Burmese regime's new foreign policy is to
conduct active engagement with nations critical of the regime's human rights
record. It appears that the pledges of cooperation with Thailand are a
springboard for broader interaction with the international community.

Considering its problems with Burma, Thailand wants to be friendly with its
unpredictable neighbour. Already, there are signs of Thailand's readiness to
reward the Burmese army's new policy. Thai authorities have already closed
down
a school in Mahachai run by the Thai Action Committee on Democracy in
Burma, on
the grounds that the children are learning anti-Burmese military
literature. In
addition, Thailand has encouraged proposals to open up the border, and for a
possible influx of Thai tourists to Burma.

The Burmese have agreed to Thai proposals for a military officer exchange
programme for language learning. From the Thai perspective, this promise made
by the Burmese offers some sort of guarantee that they are willing to
negotiate.

On one hand, Burmese military leaders have pledged to cooperate with Thailand.
On the other hand, they talk about a possible foreign invasion.

On Feb 18, U Shwe Mya, a senior police officer, told a group of elite police
units at a special training section in Mergui (Tenasserim Division), that the
message from senior government leaders was that they must be combat-ready,
as a
foreign invasion was imminent. This was just a repetition of the message given
at similar training courses in Kaw Thaung (Victory Point), Loi Kaw and other
towns along the Thai-Burma border. The courses have been held throughout
January and February since the shootings between Thai and Burmese military
units off the coast.

The bottom line is: Thailand's problems, in particular the disputes over land
and water with Burma, will remain unchanged so long as the regime is in power
because it has no desire to treat Thailand as an equal. Despite the seemingly
successful trip of the Burmese foreign minister, it is unlikely that the junta
will depart from its usual position. Without convincing the regime to
introduce
positive reform, Thailand's attempts to bring Burma to the fore will prove
futile.

A deal between Thailand and the Burmese army at this time may not be as
good as
it seems, as the military regime is not ruling through legitimate means.
Border
issues are a matter of sovereignty and concern to all Burmese citizens. A
recent statement by the Committee Representing the Peoples' Parliament, the
only legal body representing members of parliament, demanded that details of
any border agreements be made public.

At a glance, Burma's difficulty may be considered Thailand's opportunity.
Given
Burma's unsolvable domestic issues, the position of the Burmese army has never
been this vulnerable to international pressure. Thailand has a unique
opportunity to work proactively for change within Burma. This may well be the
only solution to many of the problems facing both countries.

Aung Naing Oo is foreign-affairs secretary of the All Burma Student's
Democratic Front. 

****************************************************************

BURMANET: PEOPLE OF MON STATE FUND DISABLED VETERANS 
3 March, 1999 

[This article is taken from a Democratic Voice of Burma broadcast on 18
January, 1999.  Translation and editing by BurmaNet.]

The SPDC's financial crisis, a result of poor economic management, corruption,
and international sanctions, has deteriorated to the point that they are not
able to make payments to workers and the armed forces.  However, this dilemma
has not stopped them from implementing a special program to raise funds for
their numerous disabled veterans.

70 million kyat have been earmarked in Mon State alone to fund this program. 
Owners of vehicles must pay a special tax of 30,000 kyat when they renew their
vehicle licenses.  Rubber plantation owners must contribute 2,000 kyat per
acre.  Even those making only a subsistence living -- snack shop owners,
rick-shaw drivers, and horse-drawn cart drivers -- must pay 250 kyat each.
The
imposition of such a tax adds to the evidence of the economic desperation of
the regime.

****************************************************************

REUTERS: ALBRIGHT TAKES SWIPE AT MYANMAR DRUG RECORD 
3 March, 1999 by Jonathan Wright 

NONG HOI, Thailand (Reuters) - Secretary of State Madeleine Albright took a
swipe at Myanmar's tolerance of opium production Wednesday on a visit to a
Thai
village where flowers and vegetables have replaced poppies.

Albright told the villagers of Nong Hoi in northern Thailand she had come to
show support for projects which improve the lives of the local hill tribes and
which provide alternatives to opium cultivation.

"This is in marked contrast to the country of Burma (Myanmar), where they are
not doing the kind of things you are doing here," she told schoolchildren and
local dignitaries.

Nong Hoi is close to the Golden Triangle, the opium-growing region which
includes parts of Myanmar, Laos and northern Thailand. Opium cultivation has
declined in Thailand but Myanmar remains one of the two biggest producers in
the world.

Last week the State Department again ruled that the government of Myanmar was
not doing enough in the international war on the drugs trade. The ruling,
known
as "decertification," deprives Rangoon of most U.S. aid and some multilateral
loans.

Albright presented a computer, laser printer and soccer balls to the local
primary school and said the United States had spent $1.3 million on similar
crop substitution programs in Thailand over the past three years.

"The message is we must do all we can to provide alternatives to the dead end
of drugs. Here in Nong Hoi you are saying no to narcotics, yes to vegetables
and flowers, computers and books," she said.

One of the local farmers said he now earned 50,000 baht ($1,350) a year from
flowers and vegetables, compared with 4,000 baht (now about $100) from
opium in
the old days.

"They're driving cars now," said Prince Bhisadej, a cousin of King Bhumibol
and
a patron of the program.

"It isn't as if they're losing money. They're making money from vegetables.
That's a very good story," Albright said.

Albright later met representatives of non-government organizations that are
working against the trafficking of hill tribe girls to the sex trade in
southern Thailand.

She told them U.S. foreign policy had expanded to include new areas like the
war on drugs and the status of women.

"If there are to be improvements in democracy, then women have to be part of
it. A country that does not make the best of its women is losing half the
population," she added.

"It's essential girls not be exploited, abused or exposed to AIDS. It's
important to fight back. There are alternatives to the dead ends of
prostitution and drugs," she said.

Albright later flew to the capital Bangkok for talks on a visit meant to
encourage advocates of reforms which might help complete a recovery from the
Asian financial crisis.

"We want to show our strong support for what's going on in that country, in
many ways a role model for democratic reform and for economic reform," a
senior
U.S. official said earlier.

The United States will ask for Thai help with efforts to apprehend Khmer Rouge
leaders including military chief Ta Mok, who sometimes comes to Thailand.

Albright will also explain to the Thais why the United States does not support
the candidature of Deputy Prime Minister Supachai Panitchpakdi as
director-general of the World Trade Organization.

****************************************************************

THE STRAITS TIMES: ASEAN-EU MEETING SOON, SAYS THAILAND 
3 March, 1999 

AFP

RESOLVING DIFFERENCES

THE PARTIES HAVE CANCELLED TWO PREVIOUS TALKS OVER MYANMAR ROW

BANGKOK -- Thai Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan said yesterday that he was
optimistic that delayed talks between Asean and the European Union (EU)
will be
held soon.

Mr Surin said problems delaying the Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) meeting
between the Association of South-east Asian Nations (Asean) and the EU were
close to being solved.

"We have new problem-solving measures and the meeting may be held soon."

The planned gathering of the JCC -- a forum to discuss cooperation projects
between the two groupings along technical lines -- had been cancelled twice in
November 1997 and January this year.

This was due to differences over the status of Myanmar, which was admitted
into
Asean in 1997 despite strong Western opposition.

The Myanmar junta is accused of serious human-rights abuses and of harbouring
drug lords.

The EU bans entry visas for senior junta officials and refuses to accept their
equal representation at inter-governmental talks.

It imposed the sanction in 1996, before Myanmar's admission into Asean.

A Thai Foreign Ministry source said the JCC forum could be held in the next
two
weeks.

Mr Surin said delays in the JCC talks were hampering preparations for an
Asean-EU ministerial summit scheduled in Berlin later this month.

"It is difficult to hold the ministerial meeting without the meeting of the
JCC."

The Berlin summit has also been thrown into doubt by the row over Myanmar,
with
some sources saying that the EU was planning to send out invitations for the
gathering to all Asean members except Yangon.

Asean made it clear last month that all its foreign ministers, including that
of Myanmar, must be invited to the summit.

The EU wanted to make a separation between Asean members who have signed
cooperation agreements with the EU and those who have not signed, like Myanmar
and Laos.

****************************************************************

THE HINDU: INDIA FOR "PRAGMATIC" TIES WITH MYANMAR 
3 March, 1999 

India and Myanmar have just concluded intensive discussions to give fresh
direction to their growing relationship in the economic, political and
security
spheres.

The Foreign Secretary, Mr. K. Raghunath, who was in Yangon recently addressed
the entire canvas of the Indo-Myanmar relationship, with cooperation in the
sectors of power, hydrocarbons, railways, highway construction, border trade
and counterinsurgency emerging as priority issues.

Highly placed sources pointed out that India seeks to build a "pragmatic"
relationship with Myanmar. "We wish to consolidate our large number of
commonalities in the economic and security spheres", the sources said, adding
that the contentious issue of "human rights" were therefore avoided.

India sees Myanmar as bridge to link it with the Association of South East
Asian Nations (ASEAN) via a land corridor.

Not surprisingly, the Border Roads Organisation is working feverishly to build
a key strategic highway in Myanmar. Nearly 35 per cent of the border road from
Tamu across More in Manipur to Kalemyo, a major hub of Myanmar's national road
network, has been completed. This construction will link National Highway
39 to
the road network in Myanmar. "There are long term plans of establishing a land
corridor from Myanmar to South East Asia and construction of this road
needs to
be seen within this larger framework of establishing crucial cross-border
linkages with the region" ,the sources said. This road is expected to be
completed in year 2000.

India is also open to tapping power from one of Myanmar's major power projects
in its north-west. Sources pointed out that a Myanmarese nod for selling
surplus electricity may be possible as Yangon has been advised by key
international participants in the project to look at India's market in
order to
cut down costs. Myanmar's relatively small economy, they say, will find it
hard
to absorb some of the power from its mega-projects.

India sees a promising future in a tie-up with Myanmar in the railway sector.
In fact, a railway equipment contract has been recently signed by the two
sides. "Trains in Myanmar run on meter gauge and their rolling stock is
similar
to the one in India. This increases the scope for working together", a source
said. The Projects and Equipment Corporation of India has also signed a $2
millions trade agreement with Myanmar recently.

On the hydrocarbon front, India sees Yangon as an emerging player in
fulfilling
its long term energy security needs. Myanmar has significant gas reserves in
the Arakan region which can be piped either to India or South East Asia. The
gas can be transferred to India along a corridor through Bangladesh, provided
Dhaka does not object to this passage on political grounds. India is keen that
future energy tie ups along its eastern rim are undertaken within the
framework
of the BIMSTEC grouping which has Myanmar and Bangladesh as key partners.

India and Myanmar held detailed discussion on opening up border trade further.
While the More-Tamu route along the Manipur-Myanmar segment has been opened,
New Delhi is keen that a nod for another exit route in Mizoram is obtained.

Focussing on the hi-technology sector, India has offered scholarships to
students from Myanmar to study computer engineering in India. These
scholarships are part a larger arrangement between India and the ASEAN.

India and Myanmar have decided to look at new ways to improve cooperation
against cross-border militancy. India has a major stake in seeking Myanmar's
help to counter the North East insurgents. The United Liberation Front of ASOM
(ULFA), for instance, has reportedly established close contacts with rebel
organisations in Myanmar including the Karen National Union (KNU) and the
Arakan Liberation Party.

****************************************************************

ANNOUNCEMENT: BURMA FORUM, NLD-LA COMMEMORATION 
2 March, 1999 from < Cpnyein@xxxxxxx>

Burma Forum Los Angeles National League for Democracy, Liberated Area  (Los
Angeles Branch)

Thirty-seven years ago today, the Ne Win-led army robbed national power away
from the elected parliament.    His reign of terror in the name of Burmese Way
of Socialism ruled the country for 26 restless years resulting in thousands
killed in streets and prisons; the economy reached the bottom of the world
standard, and thousands languished in jails.

In 1988 a popular people power uprising forced Ne Win and his Socialist party
to step down and the General Saw Maung-led State Law and Order Restoration
Council was formed.  That change still caused thousands killed in the streets
of cities of Burma.

SLORC hold an election in 1990 May and the Aung San Suu Kyi-led National
League
for Democracy (NLD) won the 78 % of the seats in the Parliament even though
she
was put under house arrest long before the election.  SLORC ignored the result
and continued holding power.  NLD was since then harassed.  Her members were
jailed, including those elected in the election.

Aung San Suu Kyi took the NLD leadership and stand there as national symbol
for
the democratic changes.

We in NLD-LA Los Angeles Branch and Burma Forum support her leadership and NLD
without any reservation.

Today we stay without food and total quietness from 00:00 to 18:00 to honor
those who died and are imprisoned for the democracy in Burma.

Our message is "Dear brothers & sisters you are remembered and honored by us
and 40 million Burmese who await the time to be free"

Pye Nyein, Burma Forum Los Angeles, Coordinator 
Khin Maung Shwe, NLD LA Los Angeles, Chairman.  

****************************************************************