The BurmaNet News: October 28, 1998

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The BurmaNet News: October 28, 1998
Issue #1128

HEADLINES:
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BKK POST: JUNTA SETS FREE 41 MORE NLD MEMBERS 
IRRAWADDY: GUIDE TO NATIONAL RECONCILIATION 
HINDUSTAN TIMES: "WEST BEHIND SUU KYI'S MISSION" 
AFP: PROTESTERS CHAINED TO MYANMAR EMBASSY
BKK POST: SOLDIERS AND POLICE LINKED TO DRUGS BOSS 
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THE BANGKOK POST: JUNTA SETS FREE 41 MORE NLD MEMBERS 
26 October, 1998 by Frederik Balfour 

The Burmese junta said yesterday it had released 41 members of the main
pro-democracy opposition party after detaining them for an "exchange of
views."

The 41 are National League for Democracy (NLD) members of parliament,
elected in 1990 polls, which the military refused to recognise.

"The government has been meeting with the National League for Democracy
since September in an effort to work together toward national peace and
stability," the Burmese Information Committee said in a release.

The junta had said meetings with NLD members "are being held in a cordial
atmosphere in government guest houses."

The 41 were released between October 20 and 25, bringing to 61 the number
of detainees released in recent weeks, which some observers say is linked
to growing international criticism of the country's human rights record.

In a message to the United Nations, marking the UN's 53rd anniversary,
State Peace and Development Council chairman, Senior General Than Shwe,
said Rangoon's "concept of human rights is based on our own values,
traditions and cultures.

"We believe that the right to development ... the right to live peacefully
and in security are of paramount importance for the developing countries
like Burma," he said in the message published in the official Burmese press.

While NLD supporters welcomed the most recent releases, the democracy
movement suffered a setback last week when Naing Ngwe Thein, chairman of
the Mon National Democratic Front, and two-MPs were arrested.

The Bangkok-based All Students' Democratic Front said the three were
charged under the Emergency Provisions Act for supporting opposition
efforts to convene the  1990 parliament.

The junta's spokesman confirmed to AFP that Naing Ngwe Thein was being held
in custody "while investigations are taking place for his illegal activities."

He said the party had been deregistered in 1992 for involvement with "armed
terrorist groups" and could no longer be regarded as a political
organisation. 

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THE IRRAWADDY: GUIDE TO NATIONAL RECONCILIATION
October, 1998 by Thar Nyunt Oo

Vol.6 No.5

TO ACHIEVE GENUINE NATIONAL RECONCILIATION ALL PARTIES AND INDIVIDUALS MUST
WORK TOGETHER.

The present crisis in Burma occurs in all parts of Burmese life and is most
apparent in the current political standoff between the military government
and its political opposition.

Today, Burma faces the following obstacles to national reconciliation: one,
the regime is not representative of the people; two, a decades old civil
war; three, political tension between the regime and the opposition; four,
the military rules without a constitution; five, widespread human-rights
abuses; six, rapid inflation; seven, a poor education system; and eight,
unemployment and lack of food and medical care, etc.

These problems all stem from a political crisis, which is also a national
crisis. The responsibility for solving these problems belongs to Burmese of
all nationalities. These problems are faced by all of society and are not
the responsibility of one person or organization, but of all Burmese. When
society joins together to address these issues, they will be solved. The
first step in resolving the situation is to identify the causes of the
current problems.

The national solidarity, fostered by Gen Aung San, was essential for the
independence movement. But, before independence was gained, he was
assassinated. This was the first step towards national disintegration.
Afterwards a power struggle ensued among disparate interests trying to
articulate their vision of post-colonial Burma, but their methods were
neither peaceful nor beneficial for the nation. As negotiations broke down,
political factions resorted to violence rather than compromise. The
outbreak of civil war ended national solidarity. As a result the democratic
rights of the people were weakened and the power of the military increased,
finally leading to a dictatorship.

During the last ten years, neither the military regime nor opposition
forces has been able to make a clean sweep of the other. As a result of
their inability to end the conflict by themselves, both sides have looked
outward to international interests for intervention. The regime has sought
support from abroad to assist in maintaining their monopoly of power
instead of negotiating with the opposition to resolve conflict. It seems
that the government would prefer to make reforms tailored to international
interests, rather than make political compromises in accordance with the
demands of the people.

Since 1997, the regime has offered to participate in talks with members of
the National League for Democracy in exclusion of Aung San Suu Kyi, U Kyi
Maung and U Tin Oo. This has prompted some critics and opponents of the
government to ask questions about future NLD and SPDC dialogue. One
question is, "without Suu Kyi, could the NLD engage in a dialogue with the
SPDC?"

Some consider that the lack of progress in negotiations between the NLD and
the SPDC is due to Suu Kyi. Also they say, "there is a delay in the
dialogue because of Suu Kyi."

It has become clear that the military's attempts to initiate dialogue with
the NLD without Suu Kyi and other NLD leaders are intended to divide and
weaken it.

In August 1998, while Suu Kyi was on a roadside outside of Rangoon involved
in a standoff with the military, U Aung Shwe, chairperson of NLD, met with
Lt Gen Khin Nyunt in accordance with the decisions of leading NLD members
still in Rangoon. However, the dialogue did not lead to any progress.
Recent meetings between the military and the ethnic groups, participating
in cease-fire agreements, have led nowhere; instead, they were used by the
government to intimidate these groups into maintaining support for the SPDC.

Demands for national reconciliation have been loudly voiced by both sides
-- the military regime and democratic forces -- for a long time. But, it
has yet to be obtained, despite the fact that it is such a pressing issue.
To objectively consider why national reconciliation remains elusive and how
to succeed in fostering it, we have to put aside personal attachments,
arrogance, and self-interest.

First, we should not simply go through the motions of some hollow process
of "national reconciliation", but work towards it in earnest. This means
that national reconciliation can not be used as a tactic to garner popular
support from the people or assistance from abroad. The present National
Convention, sponsored by the SPDC, is not based upon the goal of national
unity. Absent from the convention are representatives of non-military
political interests such as ethnic minorities and opposition groups. In
their place are the stooges of the military. As the SPDC only represents
the interests of the military clique, its members should meet to talk with
representatives of other political parties and Suu Kyi. In the absence of
these groups and other interests, a national convention held by a
government, ruling by force, will hardly lead to national reconciliation.

Recent threats by the military to the ethnic minority cease-fire groups are
dangerous for national reconciliation. In the past the SPDC could pressure
these groups because they were weak and divided, but now they are stronger
and potentially more emboldened. The cease-fire agreements are the first
step towards peace, which will be destroyed if the ethnic minorities are
pressured into resistance.

Secondly, the terms for initiating dialogue should not be conditional. We
should practice mutual understanding to reach a solution to the political
deadlock, rather than sign an incomplete agreement for the purpose of
having a document to show.

Currently, the military regime has again asked to meet with NLD leaders
except for Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo and U Kyi Maung. This issue is not for the
military to decide, but an internal decision of the NLD. This type of
conditionally is unacceptable. It forces groups necessary for
reconciliation into a corner. All persons, regardless of ethnicity and
political affiliation, should participate in national reconciliation.

Finally, we should accept past events, move beyond our divisive political
grudges and stop accusing each other of previous offenses. We must focus on
finding a peaceful solution to the conflict and national reconciliation,
rather than become mired in petty disputes.

In conclusion, these three points are essential for national
reconciliation. Only national reconciliation can improve the economic and
political situation. The present situation is a historical turning point
for Burma. Efforts should be made to solve domestic conflict by ourselves,
instead of looking for solutions from international intervention.

In the struggle for peace and national reconciliation, all the
nationalities of Burma have to participate. The current political standoff
is not only a conflict between NLD and SPDC, but a general crisis,
affecting all of Burma, that should be the concern of all its nationalities.

It is urgent that we all work towards national reconciliation, so that we
can prevent further social upheaval, unrest and the spread of civil-war.

We must work together. 

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HINDUSTAN TIMES: "WEST BEHIND SUU KYI'S MISSION"
27 October, 1998 by Apratim Mukarji 

New Delhi, Oct. 26: Myanmar's military junta has accused the Aung San Suu
Kyi-led Opposition of being funded by western countries.

Once again the name of George Soros, accused earlier of bringing about the
downfall of the Suharto regime in Indonesia, is being uttered. The junta
has also threatened indirectly that the Opposition-led movement may be
suppressed ruthlessly.

"It is imperative now to protect the people now and eliminated the
dangerous and destructive elements in our society," it has declared.

Speaking on behalf of the Opposition, Dr. Tint Swe told the Hindustan Times
today, "No foreign country influence the National League for Democracy
(NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The NLD is trying to restore democracy in
Burma."

The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has alleged that since 1992
various Burmese Opposition groups has received around $ 4.7 million from
two western organizations, the Nation Endowment for Democracy based in the
US and the International Centre for Democratic Development of Canada.

Addressing a press conference earlier this month in Yangon (Rangoon), the
junta said that while this figure only showed the donations from two
organizations, "there are bound to be other large donations which are not
aware of."

While it alleged that the Opposition is trying to lead the country to chaos
by deliberately seeking the confrontation, the NLD says that it has taken
to a peaceful "Gandhian" protest movement. After all its effort to persuade
the junta to honour the peoples' verdict in the 1990 parliamentary
elections failed.

Dr. Tint Swe said, "the NLD had written repeatedly to the junta to honour
the verdict and allow elected parliament to be convened. But all its
efforts have been ignored."

The Junta reaction clearly betrays its growing anxiety at the steady
progress being made combined Opposition in seeking the convening of elected
parliament.

With more than half of the 485 members of parliament backing the committee
set up to represent "Peoples' Parliament" and its first demand that all the
laws and regulations promulgated by the junta are illegal since these are
[not] enacted by elected parliament and should, therefore, be scrapped, the
military dictatorship is apparently on the defensive.

While the elected parliament was never allowed to meet, 26 of the 485
members have since died of natural causes.

Indian observers of the Myanmarese (the name given by the junta is not
recognized by the Opposition which continues to call the country Burma as
do the majority of other countries, though not India) scene believe that
growing intensity of the junta's attack on the Opposition displays more
than anything else its nervousness. 

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AFP: PROTESTERS CHAINED TO MYANMAR EMBASSY, HAULED OFF TO JAIL 
26 October, 1998 

A dozen activists protesting Myanmar's government chained themselves to its
embassy Monday until uniformed Secret Service agents cut them free and
dragged them off to jail.

As about 50 demonstrators and onlookers gathered across the street, 12
activists from the Free Burma Coalition chained themselves to each other
and to the embassy's front entrance with bicycle locks.

Two of the activists, 21-year-old Nisha Anand and 20-year-old Sapna
Chhatpar, were among the six Americans detained in Yangon in August for
handing out pro-democracy leaflets in the Myanmar capital.

That group was sentenced to hard labor for inciting unrest and subsequently
released.

Along with much of the crowd, they chanted "Free Burma" and "Long live Aung
San Suu Kyi" for the hour the protest went on, referring to Myanmar's
pro-democracy leader.

Uniformed Secret Service agents arrived at the embassy shortly after the
protest began, photographing protesters and blocking off the tree-lined
street.

They then summoned the metropolitan fire department to remove the bicycle
locks with which the activists had chained themselves, some around their
necks, to the embassy entrance.

The protesters were then escorted or dragged into waiting police vans and
whisked away to a local jail.

Secret Service agents refused to speak to journalists, and it wasn't
immediately clear how much money the Free Burma Coalition would have to
post in bail or how long the activists would remain in jail.

Larry Dohrs, an anti-Myanmar activist based in Seattle, Washington, was
inside the embassy for 25 minutes requesting a tourist visa application
when the protest erupted.

Embassy staff appeared surprised by the event, which they videotaped
through the windows, Dohrs told AFP.

The activists could face federal charges for interfering with the
operations of a legal foreign mission, but organizers regard misdemeanor
charges as more likely.

"We want to show support for pro-democracy forces in Rangoon," said Jed
Greer, a student at Yale Law School who watched as the firefighters went to
work.

Other arrested activists were Michael Beer, 35; Alanna Bolan, 19; Joshua
Buck, 21; Sarah Capper, 19; Sean Fulkerson, 20; Carwil James, age unknown;
Rena Madan, 26; Jordan Silverman, age unknown; Lelia Spears, 18; and Jeremy
Woodrum, 21.

None of those chained to the embassy was a Myanmar national, organizers
said, because arrest could mean deportation for those here as political
asylees.

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THE BANGKOK POST: SOLDIERS AND POLICE LINKED TO DRUGS BOSS
27 October, 1998 

RANGOON ASKED TO HELP IN SEARCH FOR FUGITIVE

About 20 military and police officers and civil servants have been linked
to the amphetamine syndicate run by Surachai "Bang Ron" Ngernthongfoo.

Two police officers from Thong Pha Phum, Kanchanaburi, have so far been
arrested, and one of them implicated two other colleagues.

A list of suspects was yesterday handed over to Pol Gen Pornsak
Durongkhavibul, the deputy commissioner-general, by the Office of the
Narcotics Control Board.

While declining to name the suspects, Pol  Gen Pornsak said he had ordered
his men to summon them for questioning and had asked Gen Mongkol
Ampornpisit, the supreme commander, to deal with the military suspects.

According to press reports, one of the officers linked to the fugitive Bang
Ron was a general.

As efforts continue to stem the flow of drugs, Gen Chettha Thanajaro said
Rangoon had pledged to help find Bang Ron, suspected to have fled to Burma.

The former army chief and adviser to the interior minister said Burmese
leaders had positively responded to his request to help trace the fugitive.

Photos of Bang Ron had been given to Burma's military attache and would be
distributed to military units along the border, he said.

Police have posted a reward of 200,000 baht for information leading to the
capture of Bang Ron despite assurances from his relatives that he would
turn himself in.

A military source in Kanchanaburi claimed a man suspected to be Bang Ron
had been under surveillance for a week.

The suspect was staying on Khi Deng Seng islet, near the Burmese border,
and a speedboat and four long-tail boats were sighted near a house there.

The source said the islet was near territory controlled by an anti-Burmese
rebel force suspected to be involved in the drugs trade.

Bang Ron, who owns a resort home in Thong Pha Phum, is believed to have
developed a close relationship with the rebels.

Kukiat Sunthornburana, the criminal court chief justice, said assets held
by Bang Ron would be seized if the Narcotics Control Board made a request.

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