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EDITORIAL: Pinochet's arrest a less
- Subject: EDITORIAL: Pinochet's arrest a less
- From: suriya@xxxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Thu, 22 Oct 1998 23:27:00
Subject: EDITORIAL: Pinochet's arrest a lesson for dictators
Editorial & Opinion
EDITORIAL: Pinochet's
arrest a lesson for
dictators
IF the image of Che Guevara and his black
beret is an icon for leftist revolutionaries,
then Augusto Pinochet with his dark
glasses and military fatigues is
unmistakenly the icon for the fascist right.
Indeed the former Chilean dictator has
remained unrepentant over his 17-year
iron-fisted rule. It was a glorious task to
wipe out his ideological enemies, he said.
That 4,299 political opponents were killed
or unaccounted for didn't matter. After all, it
was ''war''.
Pinochet rode to power in a bloody military
coup against the democratically-elected
socialist government of President Salvador
Allende. During the coup, he sent war
planes to bomb the presidential palace
where Allende was holed up. The president
eventually died from mysterious bullet
wounds.
Like many Latin American military
dictatorships during the Cold War, Pinochet
was backed by the CIA. Then, democracy
meant electing pro-US regimes not
left-wing governments.
The Pinochet regime was unrelenting in
pursuing its enemies, including among the
one million Chileans who went into exile.
General Carlos Prats, Allende's interior
minister, was murdered in a Buenos Aires
bomb blast along with his wife, Sofia.
Another Allende minister, Orlando Letelier,
was blown up in his car in Washington.
Implicated in both assassinations was the
Chilean secret police, the dreaded Dina.
After Pinochet lost a referendum in 1990,
he handed over power, but not before he
secured a seat for life in the Senate, a
position which he created himself to give
him immunity from prosecution over the
crimes he was accused of committing
during his rule. It was Pinochet's key
demand before he relinquished power.
Ironically, the place in which he now seeks
refuge is the same august institution he
destroyed in 1973.
As a result, Pinochet is virtually untouchable
in his own country despite there being 12
lawsuits against him filed by relatives of
victims. His diplomatic immunity as a
senator and a 1978 amnesty law issued by
his regime has so far enabled him to shield
himself and those responsible in the military
from the law.
But while Pinochet may have negotiated
immunity in his own country, he cannot
escape the long arm of international law.
And little did he know that it would be his
visit to Britain that would prove to be his
undoing. Only last month, he declared
Britain to be the most ideal place to live. In
previous trips to London, he went on a
shopping spree for military equipment; he
had his health checked by the best doctors
the British can offer; and he even had tea
with former prime minister Margaret
Thatcher.
No wonder, the last thing he expected was
to be arrested. But then again, he didn't
figure that Prime Minister Tony Blair, unlike
Thatcher, may not be so inclined to roll out
the red carpet. The British police, acting on
an extradition warrant from Spain in
connection with allegations that Pinochet
murdered Spanish citizens while in power,
had him detained pending further action.
Chilean President Eduardo Frei reacted
with fury over the arrest. ''It is only for
Chilean courts to try events that occurred in
Chile,'' he said. Perhaps he has forgotten
about the International Criminal Court
treaty, signed in June by 120 countries.
The court was established to prosecute
cases of genocide, crimes against
humanity and terrorism if the country where
these crimes was committed is unable, or
unwilling, to bring the culprits to justice.
While the ICC treaty is still in the process of
ratification which could take up to five
years, the Pinochet case is clearly a sign of
things to come.
That spells trouble for dictators everywhere.
Asia, too, has its fair share of dictators and
some, such as South Korea's Chun
Doo-hwan, had been brought to face justice
while Indonesia's Suharto could soon be
hauled into court. Others, such as those
heading Burma's military junta, will now find
it a little harder to sleep easy at night.
At 82, perhaps punishment comes a bit too
late for Pinochet. By persevering, however,
the relatives of the victims may not so much
achieve justice for the dead, but send out a
clear message to dictators: you can run, but
you can't hide forever.
The Nation