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The BurmaNet News: October 12, 1998



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: October 12, 1998
Issue #1115

HEADLINES:
==========
BKK POST: WHERE IS BURMA'S TRANSITION TO PEACE? 
NATION: BURMESE STUDENTS SET TO FORCE JUNTA'S HAND 
BKK POST: DAYS OF LIVING DANGEROUSLY 
FEER: HARD TO SPIN THIS ONE 
AFP: TOTAL, UNOCAL MAY HAVE USED FORCED LABOR 
MIZZIMA: INDIAN PARLIAMENTARIANS' SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY 
AFP: UN SLAMS HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH REPORT ON REFUGEES 
ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 
****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: WHERE IS BURMA'S TRANSITION TO PEACE? 
11 October, 1998 

*Burma's generals believe the world is plotting against them and have
arrested 54 would-be ringleaders this week to show them who's boss. If the
international community isn't planning some action it should be.*

If Burma's ruling despots do allow Rajsoomer Lallah into the country to
take an honest reading of the country's social and political circumstances,
he will have his work cut out for him.

The United Nations' special rapporteur has been to Rangoon before, of
course. Burma is his assigned beat. But times have changed - unfortunately
for the worse.

The government-by-force of the day would as soon give Mr Lallah free range
to gauge the real situation they control with bullets, jails and harassment
as Baghdad would let an American weapons inspector stroll about unattended
searching at will for chemical and biological armaments.

In the latest episode of what has been termed the worst political
repression since the mass slaughter of democracy activists in October 1988,
Burma's military junta this week arrested 54 people, including 23 members
of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party that handily won the
country's last elections and was then summarily denied the right to rule
its constituents.

The charge: Sedition and inciting unrest, aided and abetted by a throng of
international organisations.

The equally absurd assumption: A global plot to topple the regime and thus
stymy its dedicated effort to bring about a peaceful transition to democracy.

Among the accused: The Open Society Institute of George Soros, the wealthy
American financier so vilified by Indonesia and Malaysia and blamed
personally for Asia's economic collapse; the National Endowment for
Democracy, also based in the US; Canada's International Centre for Human
Rights and Democratic Development; the Jesuit Refugee Service; and the
Thai-based Alternative Asean Network of Burma.

Their plea: Not guilty.

For those arrested, the punishment: An "invitation" to stay at a government
guest house and enjoy comfortable lodgings, good food and respectful
treatment.

But "there are no political prisoners in Burma", the junta reminded us this
week in a statement, and "no one has died in custody".

A cloud of paranoia and a thin veil of lies.

By their actions and their words this week, Rangoon's generals have crossed
the final boundaries of good sense, neighbourliness and wisdom. If they
have any friends left, they are cowering, corrupt or blind to the
fundamental necessities of decent governance.

Among those cowering are the tens of thousands of Burmese, Shans and Karens
attending, ostensibly in spontaneous shows of patriotism, rallies
denouncing the NLD and calling for the deportation of its leader, Aung San
Suu Kyi. She is, after all, a foreigner, the junta reminds us, having
married a Briton. She is, of course, also the daughter of the late Aung
San, Burma's annually commemorated hero of independence.

Condemnation Rangoon's bullying - critics say 2,000 dissidents have been
incarcerated since May - has come from North America, Europe and much of
Asia, yet Burma always has the Asean ace up its sleeve.

The decision to admit Burma into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
last year has given the generals carte blanche to abuse power and usurp
privilege, and still belly up to the bar when regional and international
trade deals are being negotiated.

The actions of its rulers are a blot on the region. International plot or
not, there can be no peaceful transition to democracy while they are still
in charge. 

****************************************************************

THE NATION: BURMESE STUDENTS SET TO FORCE JUNTA'S HAND
11 October, 1998 by Aung Zaw 

*Although the ball is in Aung San Suu Kyi's court, nothing new has
occurred. Consequently, student activists are getting restless.*

In 1756, Dagon was renamed Yangon [Rangoon] by Burmese King Alaungpaya.
Yangon basically means "end of strife". Ironically, however, it seems
strife will never end in Burma.

Active students in Rangoon recently expressed their grave concern over the
plight of their fellow students who are now in prisons and interrogation
centres. They also complain about the lack of media coverage of the ruling
junta's on-going but quiet, systematic and brutal crackdown on them.

"It is like as if nothing is going on in Burma," said one insider in
Rangoon. Opposition sources inside Burma claim more than 1,500 opposition
members, activists and students have been apprehended since August.

The crackdown began in late August shortly after students staged a series
of sporadic street protests in Rangoon. Despite facing international
criticism and boycott threats, in early September the ruling junta now
known as the State Peace and Development Council stepped up its campaign
against the opposition and activists.

Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for
Democracy (NLD) asked the SPDC to convene a parliament by Aug 21. The junta
refused the request and arrested more than 1,000 NLD MPs and members.

Only a handful of top NLD leaders, including Tin Oo and Suu Kyi remain
free, but they are virtually prisoners as they are not allowed to go
anywhere. Additionally, Suu Kyi was threatened with deportation. At the
junta's organised rallies, Suu Kyi was dubbed "Ms Trouble or a bad mother".

Lt Gen Khin Nyunt warned that effective action will have to be taken if the
NLD continues unlawful activities to destroy peace and tranquility and
national unity. Undaunted, the NLD issued a defiant statement vowing to
continue to strive for democracy and reiterated its demand that the SPDC
convene a parliament of elected representatives from the May 1990 general
election to carry out state duties.

But in reality, the NLD has little chance. "The NLD is paralysed. There is
no one [to convene a parliament] because they are now in jails," said an
analyst in Rangoon.

But while non-NLD activists students and monks inside Burma are weathering
the storm, prominent activists in exile are impatient and restless as they
witness Malaysia's recent political developments and Anwar Ibrahim's
rebellious mass gathering.

"Before Burma, Mahathir might be gone first," one exile activist sighed.
Some activists worry that the junta is gaining the upper-hand again.  'We
want to call a general strike," said student leader Moe Thee Zun, now in
exile.

"The strike committee should be headed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It should
comprise various organisations."

But inside activists are bracing for the generals' wrath.

As they continue to play cat and mouse with the generals they seem
exhausted. "I have not gone back to my house for almost one year," said one
activist in Rangoon.

If he goes back, he will only meet informers and intelligence officers-who
have been waiting to seize him at his home, he said. He has been hiding in
friends' houses.

Reports emerging from Rangoon indicate that in September alone 600 to 1,000
student activists were taken in for questioning. Though some have been
released, many remain in interrogation centres.

"I saw a student who is only 13 years old," said Ko Ko  (not his real
name). Ko Ko was luckily freed after a few days of rough interrogation. He
saw almost 100 students in the interrogation centre. He said he was punched
and beaten.

"Girls are not excluded - they are also severely beaten - some are ill," he
said. Over the past three weeks, students and activists have been
apprehended at restaurants, tea shops, and friends' houses.

A merchant in Mingala Market in Rangoon recalled: "They [intelligence
officers] came and grabbed them [students] and beat them in front of us,"
said another merchant. Later he and onlookers fought with the intelligence
officers as they were angry. The students escaped.

Independent sources suggested that the ruling junta's secret police
arrested two student groups: one associated with Suu Kyi and the other
belonging to underground student unions. Some analysts in Rangoon commented
that students gained the momentum in August and early September, but as
they faced the massive crackdown they now are just reacting to events as
they happen.

"Initially, we had taken a pro-active role but now we are just responding,"
said one student activist who asked not to be named.

"Before we start a full-blown battle, our men were snipered and kidnapped
so we are now considering changing to a new strategy," said an activist in
Rangoon. He did not elaborate on the new plan.

Political analysts in the capital agree that as the economy is in bad shape
with prices sky-rocketing, the atmosphere is explosive, but as a
Rangoon-based analyst put it: "The situation is - troops without a commander."

"There is a gap between public and political activities."

So far, the NLD and Suu Kyi have not been able to direct the anger and
frustration of the people. Thus, activists are frustrated as Suu Kyi cannot
make any move. The opposition party is in deep trouble.

In a recent NLD statement members claimed they were arrested without arrest
or search warrants. When they were asked for a warrant they were told: "No
warrant is necessary because this is not an opium case. You can go and
report to whomever you like.

"People would like to hear a clearer message from [Suu Kyi]," said a former
activist in Rangoon. "She has been setting up target dates but nothing has
happened as the junta has been able to block her."

The activists have discussed the NLDs next plan but they believe time is
running out.

"When the ball is in our court we have to strike because we might not have
such an opportunity again," said some students in Rangoon. So they may not
wait for Suu Kyi and the NLD. They may act alone.

"We know the people are waiting," one said. Although the ongoing crackdown
is effective, activists remain strong and energetic.

"The whole region is boiling - the days of all dictators are numbered," Moe
Thee Zun commented. The activists in Burma agreed.

"This is an end-game - we are not taking this military dictatorship into
the 21st century," one activist declared over the phone.

"Definitely, not for our new generation or our children." 

****************************************************************

THE BANGKOK POST: DAYS OF LIVING DANGEROUSLY 
11 October, 1998 by Aung Naing Oo 

The night of September 6, 1998 was a nightmare for U Kyaw San. It began in
the early evening when officers from the Burmese Military Intelligence
Service (MIS) arrived at his home, blasting their car horns. They climbed
over the fence and tried to force the owners to open the door.

Frightened, the people in the house asked the unrestrained intruders to
come back the following day. But the intruders were persistent. They tried
to force the door open with a crowbar and pounded the main door and windows
all through the night. With no means to stop the onslaught, as the
telephone line had been severed by the officers, it was an excruciatingly
long night for U Kyaw San and his family.

The next day U Kyaw San, an ex-Burmese army officer, was arrested at his
home. He had not committed any crime. But under Burma's repressive military
government his role within the National League for Democracy (NLD) suffices
for him to be treated as a criminal. U Kyaw San is the chairman of the
Sagaing Division Organising Committee for the party. As a former colonel,
now with the NLD, it is likely that the army would have considered him a
traitor.

The ordeal did not stop with his arrest. The MIS officers ransacked the
house, forcing U Kyaw San's wife to open boxes, cupboards and drawers. They
confiscated all papers they found, and ordered his wife to sign an
acknowledgement that the papers and materials were handed over to the
authorities with consent. Courageously, she refused.

On September 19, MIS officers told U Kyaw San's family to bring a few
personal items for him. To their dismay, on their arrival at the MIS-6
headquarters, the family was told that U Kyaw San had been sent to Insein
Special Prison in Rangoon, Burma's most dreaded detention centre.

U Kyaw San is one of the many NLD Members of Parliament and officials who
have recently been taken into custody by the Burmese military regime in the
current sweeping crackdown. As the NLD stated recently, the number of its
members arrested since May this year has now reached well over 1,000. This
figure does not include students and political activists from various other
organisations. According to student sources in Rangoon, the total number of
arrests is nearing 2,000.

Although according to the military government's own law, security officers
should carry a warrant whenever they conduct an arrest or search premises,
this procedure is often ignored for the arrest of political suspects. The
officers usually harass the victims, are rude and violent, and often cause
damage to property.

For instance, on September 24, MIS officers showed up at the house of NLD
youth wing member May Hnin Aung in Thingangyun township. Although May Hnin
Aung did not expect the officers to carry a warrant, she asked to see one.
The answer she received typifies the arrogance of the military regime.
"There is no need for us to have a warrant because we are not here to look
for drugs. You can report this anywhere and to anyone you wish."

The 10-member Representative Committee formed by the NLD, which has been
given a mandate to act as a parliament by the MPs elected in 1990, has
recently issued a decree repealing some of Burma's most repressive laws.
One of these is the 1950 Emergency Provision Act, under which hundreds of
political opponents of the regime been charged and given harsh prison
sentences. As the political standoff between the junta and the opposition
continues, it is likely that many of those currently in detention will be
sentenced and imprisoned under this legislation.

In a comical attempt to placate international criticism the Burmese
military has claimed that NLD members in detention have merely been invited
to attend discussions. They even tried to back up their claims by posting
photos on the Internet of NLD members reading newspapers and watching
television at military installations. Contrary to this public relations
stunt, sources in Rangoon report that many of the political prisoners
picked up in the latest crackdown have been tortured in custody.

Despite the concerted public relations efforts of Burma's military rulers,
the truth continues to leak out. The detention of so many of a country's
citizens for seeking democracy is hard to hide, and can only serve to
inspire its pro-democracy fighters and supporters further. On the part of
the NLD the arrests have made them more defiant and determined. As for the
military, they will have to do a lot of explaining about the continued
detention of opposition members, if the detainees are "invited guests" as
the regime so claims.

Aung Naing Oo is foreign affairs secretary of All Burma Students'
Democratic Front. 

****************************************************************

FAR EASTERN ECONOMIC REVIEW: HARD TO SPIN THIS ONE 
15 October, 1998 

The Burmese military's government crackdown on the pro-democracy movement
has made life difficult for the US organizations that lobby on the junta's
behalf. The Burma/Myanmar Forum -- a non-profit organization aimed at
"educating the press, Congress and the public about American foreign-policy
issues" -- has collapsed, while two pubic-relations firms, Jefferson
Waterman and Bain & Associates, have come under increased criticism for
their pro-Burma lobbying.

The Burma/Myanmar Forum, set up in 1996, was at least partly financed by US
oil giant Unocal which has huge investments in Burma and opposes US
sanctions against Rangoon. The forum's former director, Frances Zwenig, now
works for the US -Asean Business Council, a private organization that more
quietly encourages US trade with Asean, of which Burma now is a member.

Myanmar Resources Development Corp., a front for Burma's military
government, hired Jefferson Waterman; officially, Bain & Associates
represents Rangoon real-estate developer Zay Ka Bar, which has close links
with the regime. Now, congressional staffers and US policymakers are
voicing loud criticism of both firms for their attempts to portray the
Burmese junta in a more favourable light. Over the past few weeks,
authorities have rounded up more than 1,000 pro-democracy activists in Burma.

****************************************************************

AFP: TOTAL, UNOCAL MAY HAVE USED FORCED LABOR IN MYANMAR: US REPORT 
8 October, 1998 

WASHINGTON, Oct 8 (AFP) - The French oil giant Total and the US-owned
Unocal appear to have used forced labor in building a petroleum pipeline in
Myanmar, according to a new US government report.

Unocal and Total -- involved in a joint venture with Myanmar's military
regime to pipe natural gas from the offshore Yadana field to neighboring
Thailand -- have categorically denied using forced labor.

A Unocal spokesman rejected the report as "fraught with error" and charged
that the US Labor Department sacrificed objectivity by hiring a former
Burma human rights activist to assist in the investigation.

"This is nothing more than the same old stuff that we have heard from
activist groups before," said Unocal spokesman Barry Lane, who added that
the reported abuses are dated and the area of investigation vague.

The report concluded that by 1998, in the final stages of the pipeline
project that began in 1992, the oil companies had apparently stopped using
manual labor recruited by the army.

No one was available for comment about the report Thursday at the
Department of Labor, which conducted the probe in consultation with the
State Department. It also relied on worker accounts and Total  documents.

Villagers were allegedly forcibly relocated and coerced into serving as
porters for soldiers protecting the pipeline, and to build support
facilities for the project.

"This report is the basis for stopping any attempt by the companies to roll
back existing sanctions on investment in Burma," said Carol Richards, of
the Burma Forum. New US investment is banned in Myanmar, formerly known as
Burma.

"Even more important, this report provides the basis for Congress to enact
new sanctions against all investment in Burma," she said.

The United States, Canada and the European Union, as well as a slew of US
cities, counties and states, have already put in place economic sanctions
and boycotts to pressure the Yangon government on human rights.

The 95-page report will be presented in November to the governing body of
the International Labor Organization (ILO). In its 80 years of existence,
the ILO has only 10 times conducted an inquiry of this sort.

The report shies from definitively accusing Total and Unocal of using
forced labor, noting that Labor Department officials could not
independently confirm allegations because they could not get to the sites.

Lane vigorously denied that Labor Department officials were kept away from
visiting the pipeline, insisting that the department itself scrapped plans
to visit.

The Labor Department document noted that a Total official told a US Embassy
official that "Total pays these workers directly even though they are hired
by the army."

"This does not prove that Total used forced labor on the pipeline, but it
is consistent with and lends substantial credibility to the refugees
allegations," the report said.

"The preponderance of available evidence warrants several conclusions about
the use of forced labor on the pipeline project: For the early phases of
the Yadana pipeline project, refugee accounts of forced labor appear to be
credible," the report said.

Total relied extensively on manual laborers recruited by the army during
the early phases of the project through at least January 1996, including
the infrastructure to support the pipeline construction, the report said.

"At the very least, Total's documented practice of using manual labor
recruited by the army and quartered in army battalions demands
explanation," said the report.

****************************************************************

MIZZIMA: INDIAN PARLIAMENTARIANS' SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY IN BURMA 
9 October, 1998 from <soem@xxxxxxxxxxxx> 

A meeting of some Members of Parliament from India took place in New Delhi
on 8th October in expressing solidarity with Burma's democratic movement
and its leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The meeting was initiated by Ms.
Nirmaladesh Pandey, a Raja Sabha (Upper House) Member of Parliament. Nine
Members of Parliament of India across the political party-line were at the
meeting and they expressed their concern on the arrest of Members of
Parliament and political activists in Burma. They also urged the Burma's
military government to immediately work for restoration of democracy in the
country. Two months ago, 75 Members of Parliament from various political
parties of India had expressed their support to the National League for
Democracy (NLD) and its call for convening parliament in Burma. They signed
a letter urging Senior General Than  Shwe who is head of the military
regime to engage a dialogue with NLD.

MIZZIMA News Group conducted an interview with Ms. Nirmaladesh Pandey who
initiated the parliamentarians' meeting on 8th October in New Delhi. She is
a Member of Parliament (Raja Sabha) and she was nominated to the parliament
by the President of India. She is a Gandhian, supporter of Tibet and
Burma's freedom and democracy movement and Chairwoman of Association of
Peoples in Asia (APA) which supports peoples' movements in the region. She
is currently working to form a Forum of Indian Parliamentarians on Burma to
lobby Indian Parliament in favour of restoration of democracy in Burma. The
following is the interview with Ms. Nirmaladesh Pandey.

MIZZIMA New Group, 1944, Outran Line, Kingsway Camp, Delhi - 9, Tel/Fax :
0091-11-711 5491

Q:  We would like to start asking your view on current political
developments in Burma. As you are aware, there has been escalating
political confrontation between the military junta and the NLD. About 200
Members of Parliament are being detained and many of them are charged with
1950 Emergency Act. How do you react this situation?

A:  I am quite aware about the situation in Burma. As a friend of Burma, I
am getting all reports. I would like to say that the best thing that the
great leader Aung San Suu Kyi is doing is she is taking 100 % legal stand.
So no one can challenge her on the legality of her stand, to ask the
government to convene the parliament of elected members. And because the
parliament was not convened before, the problem of whether the tenure is
still there doesn't arise. Once a parliament is convened, then it is for
the particular period, says 3 years, 5 years whatever it may be according
to your constitution. But it was not convened. So that means she is very
right that it should be convened. Another point is that she has kept all
her followers peaceful and non-violent. If any group would have resorted to
violence, that would have really been in the favour of the present
government. But because all those who are supporting her are following
non-violence and they are taking only non-violent actions. That is her
major strength. And as we have seen in India and everywhere else in the
world, non-violence knows no failure. Non-violence always succeeds. It may
take time. But the victory will be hers and we as her friends of India are
very sure that one day she will be victorious.

Q:  You have been working with Burmese democracy activists in India for
years now for the democratic changes in Burma. What is the extent of
support and solidarity of the people of India extended to Burma's
democratic movement?

A:  Well, so far as people are concerned, I would like to say that everyone
is with Burma. So far as government is concerned, government has its own
constraints, limitations, and we can't say that the Government of India for
last many many years have taken the stand which is really helpful to her,
we can't see that. But they have their constraints. So far as the people
are concerned, we can say that people have all sympathy, support for her
and whatever way we ask them to cooperate, people are willing to do that.
And this people's support is bound to have an effect, can bring some moral
pressure on any government that is there. So far as parliamentarians are
concerned, we can see that there is fond of sympathy for her.

Q:  Aung San Suu Kyi has called for international support. What role can
either the Government of India or people of India play in support of her
call? 

A:  Well, India can play and should play a big role on  Burma, being our
next-door neighbour. Also we have fought together the war of Independence.
We have been so close for centuries. I mean I would say go back to many
many centuries. And culturally also we are so close because of Buddhism. So
India should play a major role. I can see that now, the time has come for
the people of India, for various organizations of India, for the
parliamentarians of India to play a role and all that will create an
atmosphere in which the government of India can also play a role that the
government should play.

Q:	You were saying that Indian parliamentarians are in support of democracy
in Burma. Recently, more than 75 Members of Parliament had signed in
support of democracy in Burma. But, how can this kind of support be
transformed into action? As far as I know, the Indian parliament had no
resolution in support of restoration of democracy in Burma. 

A:  Well, this morning, we had a meeting of parliamentarians at my place
and all political parties were represented. And we have unanimously taken a
decision to work for this cause and issued a statement also that we support
Aung San Suu Kyi's democratic movement and urged upon the government (of
Burma) to convene the parliament at the earliest. We are also concerned
about the arrest of the elected representatives, of the people, also
political activists. So we have begun to do something. I hope, when the
parliament meets by the end of November (this year) we will be able to have
bigger group to do something and now that she has taken a stand and asked
for support from people and parliaments in various countries of the whole
world. This is the time where India has to act and I hope that, as I said
people of India, parliamentarians of India would surely do what they should
do. And I hope that the Government of India also will be able to do
something to extend a helping hand to our neighbour.

Q:	We would like to ask another aspect of it. Since after 1994, there has
been closer relationship between Burma and India. There has been trade
going on between the two countries, regular exchanges and in some cases
intelligence exchanges between the authorities of two countries in the
border areas because of insurgency in North East and the other side. What
is your comment on that?

A: May be, those agreements had to be taken because of as you rightly said
the problem of insurgency and especially in that area, the government of
India had to face a lot of problems. So that might be the reason. There are
some other problems like smuggling of drugs and arms and all that. So, to
solve these problems, some kind of agreement with the government, whatever
government that be, has to be made. These are the compulsions. But I know
any government of India, of any political party or any coalition, whatever
that may be has all sympathy for Aung San Suu Kyi and her democracy
movement. So far as sympathy is concerned, I don't think there can be any
two opinions. But there are some compulsions for government, all
governments as we know. But this time I hope that as the situation is
developing in a particular way, may be along with many other governments of
the world, the government of India will also take the right step. But all
this is possible only when we create pressure of the public opinion. In a
democracy, the public opinion is the most important fact. And it is in this
field that activists like us, various NGOs, and those who sympathize with
this cause should be more active to mobilize public opinion in a very big
way. That needs to be done. As I said that the sympathy of the people,
sympathy are with Aung San Suu Kyi but not much activity has taken place.
So we have to make them active, the people who have sympathy, they should
be more active and that is what those who believe in non-violence have to
do. We have to tell the people if you keep quiet, when injustice is done,
if you don't speak, if you don't act, that means you are supporting the
injustice. This is what needs to be done, to tell the people to be active.
And once people become active, for this right cause, then I see that much
more help can be given from every sections of the country.

Q:  As you know, Aung San Suu Kyi has called for international recognition
to 10-members Committee which has the mandate of more than 250 elected
Members of Parliament. As a Member of Parliament, do you extend recognition
to this parliamentary committee? 

A:  Well, I am an independent Member of Parliament. So I can take my own
decision. But the point is, different political parties, they have their
discipline to follow. So, this recognition would come a little later.
First, we start with making people in all sections act, demanding something
to be done. Then doing something in a non-violent way, all that, that will
lead to recognition. Recognition is not the first step. It is, I would say,
not exactly the last step but quite a step, that will be taken a little later.

Q:  How do you foresee restoration of democracy in Burma? 

A: Well, as a believer in non-violence and follower of Mahatma Gandhi, I
can always see that truth will win. We have Government of India's motto
-"Satyamay Vijayate" - that is truth always wins and because of Aung San
Suu Kyi is standing on the basis of truth, she is bound to win. Time, we
don't know. It may take a little more time or it may be just round the
corner. You don't know. But it is bound to happen. She will win as you know
the song that we all sing here in the song of Martin Luther King's "We
shall over come". So, someday, that someday is not very far off. Look as it
is quite near. But till we reach that point, may be we will have to be
prepared all of us, people of Burma, or friends of Burma in every
countries. We must be prepared for more efforts, more sacrifices.

Q:  I would like to know a little more about yourself. 

A:  Well, Member of Parliament ... I became just recently. I was nominated
by the President of India. I was never actively associated with any
political party. I was not in politics. I am basically a Gandhian, social
worker or what we call a constructive worker, working at the people's
level. From the village up to the metropolitan city, working at the
people's level. Mobilizing the people for non-violent action to fight
against all kinds of injustice. So this is being part of our work for last
more than four decades. And this has also come naturally to us. As I told
you, Burma is our neighbour. We regard Aung San Suu Kyi as a kind of, I
would say, a member of the whole Gandhian family. She is just one of us. We
had such a respect for her great father. He was a friend of our first Prime
Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and very close to us. That's why we have
such closeness and affinity for her and her cause. So it is natural for us
to do something and more also because she is committed to non-violence. And
as a follower of Mahatma Gandhi, I am also committed to non-violence. So,
myself and my colleagues all over India, they are in very big numbers, we
think it is our duty to help this movement. As we are also doing whatever
bit we can do for the cause of Tibet under the leadership of his holiness
the Dalai Lama because of his commitment to non-violence. It is
non-violence that has really brought all of us, followers of Mahatma Gandhi
closer to Burmese cause and closer to Tibetan cause.

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AFP: UN SLAMS HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH REPORT ON MYANMAR REFUGEES 
9 October, 1998 

[The Human Rights Watch Report, Unwanted and Unprotected: Burmese Refugees
In Thailand, can be found on-line at http://www.hrw.org/hrw/reports98/thai/]

BANGKOK, Oct 9 (AFP) - The United Nations refugee office in Thailand on
Friday attacked a report by a US-based human rights group criticising its
efforts to help Karen refugees from Myanmar.

"It is regrettable that Human Rights Watch did not check with the UNHCR
before releasing their report this week, since it does not take into
account recent developments," a statement said.

Human Rights Watch on Tuesday said Thailand and the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) were putting the lives of refugees in
danger and had failed to meet their international obligations.

The group said the UNHCR had been "unnecessarily weak in its efforts to
challenge the Thai policies that undermine refugee protection."

The UNHCR statement said the report had ignored the Thai government's
invitation to the agency to expand its role on the Myanmar border and its
plans to set up new offices in three provinces there.

"We expect the UNHCR's expanded role at the border, in close cooperation
with the (government), will contribute to enhance the protection of the
refugee population," it said.

There are currently about 100,000 Karen refugees living on Thailand's
western border with Myanmar.

Most of the Karen fled fighting between the Myanmar government and the
Karen National Union guerrilla group, one of the last ethnic armies
struggling for independence from Yangon.

The Thai government Wednesday also criticised the Human Rights Watch report.

The foreign ministry denied Thailand had turned away villagers and
dissidents seeking asylum from Myanmar's military regime, saying the report
was inaccurate.

"Thai government considers the Human Rights Watch report to contain
inaccurate information and thinks it is not up to date with the situation
along the Thai-Myanmar border," ministry spokesman Kobsak Chutikul  said.

He said Thailand had no policy to close its borders to legitimate refugees
and had never forced refugees to return to their homeland if it was not safe.

Kobsak said the UNHCR would be allowed to supervise refugee camps beginning
later this month. The United Nations now provides support to the Thai
military, Red Cross and other Thai non-government agencies which care for
the refugees. 

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ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 
9 October, 1998 from nculwell@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

STUDENT AND COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS MAKING A DIFFERENCE: THIRD INTERNATIONAL
CONFERENCE OF THE FREE BURMA COALITION

American University, Washington, DC
October 24, 25, & 26, 1998

Reg. fees (flat rate): $30 (meals & accommodation included)

Further info: 
202-777-6009 (tel)
email: jw1970a@xxxxxxxxxxxx & zarni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
web site: http://www.freeburmacoalition.org

Conference Program:  We are working on finalizing the conference program in
the next several days and we will upload it on the web.  For those of you
who have volunteered to speak on various issues or lead workshops, we will
try to accommodate your requests.  In the advent it is decided that the
issues which some of you have offered to lead discuss are beyond the scope
of the upcoming conference, we ask for your understanding.  Economic
activism, political advocacy, and public education (not in order of
importance) are three of the conference main issues which many of us wish
to expand.

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