The BurmaNet News: July 29, 1998 (P (r)

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: July 29, 1998
Issue #1059 (part 2 of 2)

Noted in Passing: "Intensity level inside is back to 88 level. People here
really believe something is gonna happen, good or bad, peaceful or bloody."
 -- A Burma Watcher, Rangoon (see ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CALL TO ACTION) 

HEADLINES:
==========
(part 1)
REUTERS: SUU KYI IN FIFTH DAY OF CAR PROTEST 
BBC: PILGER ON DAW SUU'S STANDOFF 
NCUB: STATEMENT ON BLOCKING OF DASSK BY SPDC 
DPNS: STATEMENT ON RESTRICTIONS AGAINST FREEDOM
REUTERS: LEADING POWERS WARN MYANMAR ON SUU KYI 
THE ASIAN AGE (NEW DELHI): SUU KYI COLLUDING WITH WEST
BKK POST: BLOODLESS UPRISING ENJOINED ON BURMESE 
BKK POST: SUPPORT FOR THE JUNTA IS UNTENABLE 
BKK POST: BID TO BREAK BURMA IMPASSE 
FBC-AUSTRALIA: CALL FOR MEDIA AND DIPLOMATIC PRESENCE
(part 2)
INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE (BOOK): MYANMAR (CHAPTER)  
ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CALL TO ACTION
****************************************************************

INTERNALLY DISPLACED PEOPLE (BOOK): BURMA (CHAPTER) 
1998 by Pamela Harris 

>From the book, <Internally Displaced People: A Global Survey> covering all
regions of the world. Published by the Global IDP Survey Project, Geneva.
Edited by Janie Hampton.

Ethnic minorities make up approximately one-third of Myanmar's population
of 45 million. For the past 50 years they have been fighting for greater
autonomy from the central Myanmar Government. A military coup in 1962 led
Burma, as it was then known, to become isolated from the world under the
rule of the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) in a one-party system
totally dominated by the military. Following nationwide pro-democracy
demonstrations in 1988, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)
staged a coup to take over the governing of Myanmar, reinstating martial
law and imposing restrictions on opposition to the government. The SLORC
renamed itself the State Peace and Development Council in November 1997.
Human rights violations, including forced relocations of rural and urban
populations, have, according to Human Rights Watch (Asia) increased in
intensity since the SLORC seized power from the BSPP in 1988. Amnesty
International has documented torture, ill-treatment and extra-judicial
killings during this time. Elections held in 1990 when the National League
for Democracy (NLD), headed by the Nobel peace prize laureate Aung San Suu
Kyi, won a landslide victory have never been honoured.

Cease-fire agreements with ethnic minority resistance armies have not ended
human rights violations but have, in some instances, increased the
incidences of forced labour, portering and relocation. This is due to the
expanded presence of SLORC soldiers in areas previously under control of
ethnic minority groups. Cease-fire agreements have not resolved political
grievances, for the SLORC refuses to include political solutions in
negotiations.

Since 1989, the SLORC has reached individual cease-fire agreements with 16
armed ethnic minority groups. The Karen National Union (KNU) is one
sizeable group not to have agreed to a cease-fire to date. The cease-fire
with the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), agreed in March 1995,
broke down after three months and talks are again underway. Armed elements
dissatisfied with cease-fire arrangements in Shan state have also led to
the renewal of armed activity. Lasting political solutions in Myanmar have
so far proved to be elusive.

Despite repeated condemnation of Myanmar by UN agencies, international
policy towards Myanmar has polarized. The effects of recent US economic
sanctions and the European withdrawal of GSP privileges have been partly
offset by Myanmar's recent admission into the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) in July 1997.

Internal displacement in Myanmar mostly results from systematic patterns of
human rights abuse associated with the conflict in ethnic minority areas.
Many refugees have initially been internally displaced and have
subsequently managed to flee. Some people upon reaching an international
border have been denied access to asylum and have been forced to remain
internally displaced; others have migrated to forest areas to avoid
persecution and the harsh conditions of refugee camps. The two main reasons
for forced migration are to gain control of the population -- through
conflict in territories held by the ethnic minority groups and
counter-insurgency strategies involving relocation programmes -- and
development programmes that violate human rights. There is often a great
overlap between these two areas. The forced recruitment of porters for
offensives and for development projects is another cause of displacement.
Top-down development programmes in which people are relocated so that they
can provide forced labour, relocation of people to 'satellite towns' and
forced relocation for tourism projects are also cited.

The following is not a comprehensive account of IDPs within Myanmar: it is
a record of known instances during the last two years.

Lack of access means that it is difficult -to estimate the number of IDPs
inside Myanmar, though it is clear that the numbers of refugees in
Thailand, China, India and Bangladesh are small by comparison.

GAINING CONTROL

In February 1997 a dry-season offensive by the SLORC's army, the Tatmadaw,
began against the Karen in southern Karen state and Tennaserim division.
This has caused at least 50,000 people to remain internally displaced. Some
20,000 have sought asylum in refugee camps in Thailand and an unknown
number of people have entered Thailand as migrant workers.

In the south of Karen state the prominent considerations appear to have
been to eliminate the logistical abilities of the KNU and the establishment
of a permanent SLORC presence in order to exploit the numerous economic
opportunities for trade between Myanmar and Thailand. Since June 1997, a
Thai policy to deny access to asylum for new arrivals from these areas has
resulted in unknown numbers of people remaining internally displaced in
areas of great insecurity.

Geographical enclaves, not yet under SLORC control but vulnerable to
further armed conflict, have provided temporary shelter for the now much
fragmented Karen. Many people are still scattered, hiding in forests
without adequate food or access to medicines.

As a result of this offensive, people coexisting with the Karen have also
been forced to flee to Thailand or to relocate internally. Muslim people
targeted by the SLORC in former KNU held areas, have seen their mosques
destroyed, materials from these mosques looted and the Koran ripped up in
the streets before forced to flee.

The conflict continues in the northern part of Karen state where, despite
nominal SLORC control, systematic relocation of villages is depopulating
entire areas. Since March 1997, at least 93 villages have been completely
destroyed. With the exception of villages close to Papun, people have not
been given orders to relocate; rather they have just had their villages
destroyed.

Refugees continue to reach Thailand from this area while others have been
deterred by the distance, landmines or the belief that Thailand will not
grant them asylum. The displaced people in this area are living on rice
stocks previously hidden in the forests, roots and leaves while they
attempt to remain 'invisible' to the authorities. They have little access
to medicine and many have died of treatable diseases.

Between September 1996 and January 1997 people were forced to relocate in
the Tennaserim division, some on more than one occasion, from about 70
villages. Motives for this forcible relocation seem to have centred around
the ability of the SLORC to control the area, and use the scattered people
for forced labour on army bases and roads. This situation of generalized
violence includes some 20 documented cases of murders and of confiscation
of land and rationing of the villagers' rice. It has been estimated that
some 25,000 civilians have been affected by these forced relocation orders.

The control of people invariably involves a counter-insurgency strategy
known as the 'four cuts' -- food, finance, intelligence and recruitment --
used by successive Burmese military regimes since the mid-1960s. The aim is
to sever links between civilians and the military forces in opposition to
the central government. Forcible relocation of people acts as an effective
method of breaking these links and enables the SLORC to consolidate its
control over these fragmented communities. People are sent to particular
relocation sites or have scattered after being served relocation orders,
giving only a few days notice; these areas then become free-fire zones. In
recent years, large numbers of Kachin, Shan, Karenni, Mon and Karen people
have been forcibly relocated due to the 'four cuts'. The enforcement of
these relocation campaigns are invariably brutal.

Relocations of this nature in Shan state have been particularly brutal
since March 1996. In an area of approximately 5000 square miles, the SLORC
has relocated, at gunpoint, more than 100,000 people from 600 villages in
45 main relocation sites. In 1997, a renewed relocation programme has meant
that many of these villagers have been relocated more than once; in March
1997 alone, approximately 12,500 people moved for a second time and in
April the SLORC proceeded to burn down 1000 houses in a relocation site. It
is estimated that more than 200,000 people in Shan state have been
relocated since March 1996. The increase in brutality during 1997 has
involved large numbers of extra-judicial killings; in July, for example, 96
people were reportedly killed en masse.

Between April and July 1996, between 20,000 and 30,000 people were ordered
to relocate from the villages between the Pon and Salween rivers in Karenni
state. They were ordered to move to Shadaw and Ywathit, both of which are
close to SLORC army camps. A further large forced relocation campaign
occurred in 1997.

Conditions in these relocation sites in Karenni state have been severe.
During 1996, in Shadaw, no food, building materials or shelter were
provided; 200 people died of disease; people were forced to work and
beatings were witnessed. Since 1997, it has been possible to buy passes to
leave these relocation sites between sunrise and sunset to forage for food,
but many people caught outside the camps have been arrested and tortured,
even with passes. Villagers on multi-day passes who try to get to their
home villages risk being shot on sight because all these areas are
free-fire zones.

In northwest Myanmar the 'four cuts' policy is also used to destroy links
between the civilian population and the Chin National Front (CNF) and Naga
resistance forces. Amnesty International reports that 'thousands of ethnic
Chin from Chin state and western Sagaing division in northwest Myanmar have
fled to Mizoram state in northeast India to avoid forced labour and the
tatmadaw'. Relocation campaigns are now being initiated along the Indian
border.

PORTERING

The practice of forced recruitment of porters for the military is another
cause of displacement. During the 1997 offensive against the Karen, large
numbers of porters were conscripted for this operation from as far away as
the outskirts of Rangoon. People were taken from their cars on the road
leading to Moulmein, from cinemas and shops. If porters manage to escape
they may find themselves far from their homes with, potentially, no option
to return for fear of repercussions.

The controversial Unocal/Total Yadana gas pipeline project in the
Tennaserim division has created conditions whereby the, SLORC providing
'security' in the area has caused great hardship for porters forced to work
on this project. Internal displacement has continued during 1996 and 1997
due to this forced portering. Referring to allegations in 1991 and 1992 a
recent hearing in a US federal court heard that the 'plaintiffs essentially
contend that Unocal ... is knowingly taking advantage of and profiting from
SLORC's practice of using forced labour and forced relocation'.

TOURISM AND 'DEVELOPMENT'

The overlap between gaining control of people, and projects carried out in
the name of national development is well illustrated by the case of a
nature reserve and the demarcation of islands as national parks. It is not
known just how many people have been relocated with these projects as a
primary cause given the counterinsurgency operations carried out in these
areas. Villagers in Tennaserim division in late 1996 reported that they
were forcibly relocated when the land was declared a forest conservation
area. The New York based Wildlife Conservation Society, the Smithsonian
Institute in Washington and the Worldwide Fund for Nature (WWF)
International in the UK have each been in contact with the SLORC regarding
this potential tourist attraction: 'a unique million-hectare biosphere, the
Myinmoletkat Nature Reserve'. The Smithsonian and WWF-UK have since denied
any project collaboration.

The islands off the south coast of Myanmar are now being developed for
tourism. Some of these islanders have been forced to flee and relocate
under conditions of extreme brutality. In one incident in September 1996,
140 people were killed on Lanbi island to make way for an 'eco-tourism
venture' to be known as the Lanbi Island Marine National Park.

All over Myanmar, 'development' projects such as the widening and
construction of roads, bridges, railways and embankments are under way.
People are often forced to relocate from the routes of these projects; they
seldom receive compensation for the loss of their homes and are forced to
work on these projects. This excessive forced labour then denies them the
ability to sustain their families. Examples include the Ye-Tavoy railway
and the extensive road network bein constructed in Tennaserim division.
Human rights reports from Sagaing division during 1996 on the border area
development programme often cited relocation, loss of homes and lack of
compensation as additional obstacles to sustaining livelihoods. Women and
children often undertake the forced labour because their men are vulnerable
to accusations of assisting insurgents, being beaten or being taken as
porters.

'Urban Development Programmes' that involve the residents of a designated
area having to move to 'satellite towns' at short notice have been cited as
a form of forced relocation in urban centres: no comprehensive data are
available. It has been reported that the authorities have first
disconnected the electricity and water supplies at the old settlements and
then razed them to the ground.

Compensation or assistance to build new homes is rarely offered and the new
sites afford little infrastructure such as sewage, clean water or access to
health facilities. Once registered with the local authorities in these
'satellite towns', people are denied permission to move.

IMPACTS

Since 1988 over one million people have been forcibly relocated, without
compensation, to new towns, villages or relocation camps in which they are
essentially detained. The central government does not acknowledge IDPs and
few statistics are available. People in Myanmar rarely flee in large
numbers as in other situations; usually they move in small groups of a few
families. They flee in silence, not wishing to be identified as displaced,
fearing execution or persecution.

As the central Burmese authorities seek control the people, particularly in
the ethnic States, relocation takes on a number of dynamics. The degree of
coercion, the scale and variety of reasons for relocations all nee to be
considered. The fragmentation of communities, the splitting of families,
the individual losses associated with relocation and the mistrust generated
by people relocated cannot be underestimated. In Shan state there have been
cases of repercussions on ethnic villages due to the level of violence the
SLORC has perpetrated against the Shan.

It has been pointed out by a Mon human rights group that 'despite the
NMSP-SLORC cease-fire agreement the SLORC army has not abstained from
forcible relocation and displacement of the Mon villages in the region.'
The 10,000 Mon who, under Thai military pressure, 'spontaneously
repatriated' in 1996 did so with no UNHCR assistance or monitoring. These
'returnees' moved to designated sites only a few kilometres inside Myanmar,
due in part to fear of returning to their village of origin. No
international agency with a mandate for protection has access to these areas.

Some relocations also appear to be ethnically motivated. Amnesty
International is concerned about widespread forcible relocations, often
accompanied by death threats, ill-treatment, harassment and intimidation,
which appear to be carried out solely on account of the ethnic origin or
perceived political beliefs of those who are relocated. In addition, people
are forced to remain in life-threatening conditions in the relocation
sites, which include overcrowding, and a lack of sanitation and safe
drinking water.

Forced relocation is being used to change the ethnic balance in politically
sensitive areas, especially in the Arakan state where many Muslim
communities have been compelled to move. The problem is not new; it
originates mainly from the absence of a political solution dating back to
colonial times and before.

Access to health facilities in the ethnic relocation sites is minimal and
for those who hide in the forests it is non-existent. Access to work, other
than forced labour, is limited and food is often rationed in urban areas
such as Rangoon, rural workers migrating to the city in search of work are
living in improvised shacks. The 'satellite towns' offer little in terms of
infrastructure, access to clean water, sewerage or medical facilities.

Within Myanmar, responses to IDPs are bound up with the numerous
regulations and restrictions imposed by the SLORC. Even UN agencies, mostly
based in Rangoon, are denied permission to enter the border regions where
the people affected by offensives, counterinsurgency operations or forced
relocations are mostly found. Very few NGOs choose to operate in Myanmar,
partly because of the human rights abuses, but also because they believe
that without a political solution, corruption is unavoidable. Permission to
operate is dependent on negotiating a memorandum of understanding with the
SLORC and operational difficulties have been encountered by NGOs in the
past. Current assistance is limited to specific areas where the government
allows the international community access.

Violations of international norms and standards are countless. Even
conventions ratified by the Myanmar government are regularly violated.
Groups of civilians are directly affected by offensives and
counterinsurgency operations that contravene Article 3 of the four 1949
Geneva conventions ratified by the government in 1992. Individuals or
families are forced to flee the excessive forced labour, which contravenes
ILO Convention (No 29) on forced labour, which Myanmar ratified in 1955.

In practice, there is no international agency with responsibility to assess
the extent or to address the needs of IDPs inside Myanmar. No international
human rights monitor is granted access to Myanmar, even on a periodic
basis. The UN special rapporteur, on Myanmar has never been granted
permission to visit. There are few places in the world with so little
scrutiny of the treatment of IDPs. 

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ANNOUNCEMENT: FBC CALL TO ACTION 
28 July, 1998 from <zni@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

Quote of the Day: "Intensity level inside is back to 88 level. People here
really believe something is gonna happen, good or bad, peaceful or bloody."
--A Burma Watcher, Rangoon

This call to action include:
	1)  Urgent Call to Action
	2)  Contact info US and other international media
	3)  Contact info for Burma Embassies Worldwide.

Dear Fellow Freedom Fighters and Free Burma Supporters:
More than ever, we are in a position to help free Burma -- finally -- if we
use our grassroots voices, collective and individual.

Things are really heating up inside the country.  Even some of the ranking
military officers are known to have expressed their opinion, that is,
transfer power to the elected NLD leadership.

A rumor has been circulating that select members of the junta are buying
properties in New Zealand and other places as a sign of increasing
insecurity they feel and looking for an exit.

The Burma we love is nearing total collapse, economically and politically,
as US Secretary of State Ms. Albright correctly observed.

International community including even ASEAN members (such as the
Philippines and Thailand) have publicly if diplomatically expressed their
growing impatience with the junta's thuggish, desperate hold on power.  

Having felt increased economic hardships and increasing political
oppression since 1988, people inside seem ready to do anything to get rid
of the regime.

We as an international Free Burma community can, and must, use our voice to
keep Burma in the mainstream print, radio, TV, and web media.  

Here are "little but concrete things" each of us can do to lend support to
the National League for Democracy.

1)  Write, email, call, fax, and drop in in person at local, national, and
international media offices (for instance, CNN, BBC, ABC, NBC, CBS, and
Australian Broadcasting Corp., NHK, etc.) to tell that Burma is about to
explode and their media coverage may well help prevent slaughter of
students and other citizens in that country;

2)  Offer to write Opinion Editorials and send Letters-to-the-Editors
informing them about the upcoming 10th anniversary of 1988 massacres in
Burma, which not only preceded but dwarfed the widely known Tienaman Square
shootings. 

3)  Hold demonstrations in front of Burma's diplomatic outposts in support
of NLD's leadership and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's exercise of her rights to
move about in the country which her father U Aung San helped liberate.  (Be
sure to contact Burmese programs at the BBC, Voice of America, Radio Free
Asia, and Democratic Voice of Burma, as well as other stations which
broadcast Burma news into the country.)

4)  Urge Burmese diplomats and their families to defect and offer help if
they wish to come over the side of democratic struggle.   They are not our
enemies; they are just trying to eke out a living under an oppressive
regime.  

When spiders unite they can tie down a lion!

Free Burma Now.

peace, love, and hope,
Free Burma Coalition


Media Contacts for Burmese Services:

RADIO FREE ASIA
kaungk@xxxxxxx, soek@xxxxxxx, theinm@xxxxxxx
Tel: 202-530-4995 or  4981
Fax: 202-530-7798 (Attn: Soe Thinn)

VOICE OF AMERICA
Burmese Service General Number 202-619-1417, FAX:  619-1840
Chief:  Daniel A. Robinson 202-619-1416
Sr Editor:  U Khin Maung Win 202-619-1418
Central Newsroom 202-619-2702, FAX:  202-619 2400
Central Newsroom East Asia Desk:  619-0711
Email: burmese_service@xxxxxxxxxxx

MORE MEDIA CONTACT:

NEWS AGENCIES:
1. New York Times
Foreign Desk: Tel. 212-556-7415; fax. 212-556-3690 (if you are calling from
outside of the US, please add 011-1, and the number).
The New York Times
229 West 43rd St.
N.Y. 10036-3959

2. Los Angeles Times
Foreign Desk. Tel. 213-237-7302; fax. 213-237-4712
Washington Bureau. Tel. 202-293-4650; fax. 202-887-1050

3. Christian Science Monitor
Washington Bureau  Tel. 202-785-4400; fax. 202-223-3476

4. Chicago Tribune
National/Foreign Desk tel. 312-222-2408; fax. 312-22-3143

5. Boston Globe
National/Foreign Desk tel. 617-929-3008; fax. 617-929-3186

7. Wall Street Journal
Foreign Desk  tel. 212-416-2210; 212-416-2658

8. Washington Post
Foreign News Desk  tel. 202-334-7400; fax. 202-334-6097

9. USA Today
World Desk  tel. 703-276-3626; fax. 703-276-5527

10. International Herald Tribune
Washington Bureau tel. 202-334-7418; fax. 202-334-6192

11. The Asian Wall Street Journal Weekly
Washington Bureau tel. 202-862-9274; fax. 202-862-9266

12. San Francisco Chronicle
International Desk  tel. 415-777-7066; fax. 415-512-8196

TV NETWORKS AND STATIONS
1. ABC NEWS
Foreign Desk  tel. 212-456-2800; fax. 212-456-2795
Washington Bureau  tel. 202-222-7777; fax. 202-222-7684

2. CBS News
Foreign Desk tel. 212-975-3019; fax. 212-245-7560
Washington Bureau tel. 202-457-4321; fax. 202-659-2586

3. CNN 
International Desk  tel. 404-827-1519; fax. 404-827-3134
Washington Bureau   tel. 202-898-7911; fax. 202-898-7565

4. National Public Radio
Foreign Desk  tel. 202-414-2299; fax. 202-414-3329

5. NBC News
Foreign Desk  tel. 212-664-4691
Washington Bureau  tel. 202-885-4200; fax. 202-362-2009

6. Public Broadcasting Service (PBS)
tel. 703-739-5000; fax. 703-739-0775

7. Voice of America
Newsroom  tel. 202-619-3700; fax. 202-619-2400
Burmese Program  tel. 202-619-1427; fax. 619-1840

8. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
Burmese Program   Tel. 011-44-171-257-2788; fax. 171-836-9466

9.  C-SPAN
Assignment Desk  tel. 202-626-7965; fax. 202-737-6226


BURMESE EMBASSIES ABROAD (the list is by courtesy of Ko Theikdi).

Burma Embassies Abroad

AUSTRALIA
22 Arkana Street, Yarralumla,
Canberra,A.C.T 2600 Australia,
Tel: 2733811,2733751
Telex: MYANMAR AA 61376
Fax: 2734357

BANGLADESH
Chancery No.89(B) Road No,4,
Banani, Dhaka-13,
Tel: 601461,601915
Fax: 88-02-883740
Telex: 122519 UNIM C
Fax: 42 2 370646

EGYPT
No. 24, Mohamed Mazhar Street,
Zamalek, Cairo.
Tel: 34041, 3412644
Telex: 20957 UMEC UN
Fax: 202 3416793

FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
Schumannstr, 112,5300,
Bonn 1.
Tel: (0228) 210091
Telex: 8869560 MYAN D
Fax: (0228) 219316

FRANCE
60,Rue De Couwelles,
75008 Paris.
Tel: 4225 5695
Telex: MYANMAR
642490 F
Fax: 4256 4941

CANADA
85 Range Road,
Apartment No.902903
The Sandringham.
Ottawa, Ontario, KIN 816,
Tel: (613) 232-6446
Telex: 053-3334

INDIA
3/50 F, Nyaya Marg,
Chankyapuri, New
DelIhi-1 10021
Tel: 600251,600252
FAX: 327204
Telex: 61295 UNIMAR IA

ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN
No. 12/1,Street No. 13,
Sector F-7/2 Islamabad
Tel: 822460,210620
Telex: 54282 MELSL PK
Fax: 92 51 820123

HONG KONG
Myanmar Consulate
General, Room 2424,
Sun Hung Kai Centre,
30 Habour Road,
Wanchai.
Telex: 371504 MYANMA IL
Fax: 972 3 5493866

ITALY
Via Vincenzo Bellino 20,
Interno 1,00198 Rome
Tel: 8549374, 8416863
Telex: 625103 MERM I
Fax: 8413167

JAPAN
8-26, 4 Chome,
KitaWhinagawa,
Shinagawa-ku, Tokyo 140.
Tel: (03)3441-9291/5
Telex: MYANMARJ 32289
Fax: (03) 3447-7394

LAO PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC
Sok Palaung Road,
P.O.Box
No. (11),Vientiane.
Tel: (856)(21) 2789
Telex: 4347 UNIMAR LS
Fax: 2789

MALAYSIA
No. 5, Tama U Thant
Satu,55000
Kuala Lumpur
Tel: 03-24424085
Telex: MYANMA R 21265
Fax: (603) 2480049

SOUTH KOREA
7323-1,724-1, Hanna
dong,Yongsan-ku, Seoul.
Tel: 792-3341,796-9858

ISRAEL
No. 12, Zalman Schneer Street
Ramat Hasharon
47239,
Tel: Aviv.
Tel: (03) 5400948

NEPAL
Chakupat, Patan Gate,
Lalipur, Kathmandu,
P.O.Box No. 2437.
Tel: 521788,524788
Telex: 0891 2396
MYANMAR NP
Fax: 977 01 523402

PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
No.6, Dongzhi Men Wa
Street, Chaoyang District,
Beijing,
Tel: 5321584,53521425
Telex: 085-210416

CHINA
Myanmar Consulate-General
3rd Floor, Building No.3, Camellia Hotel,
No. 154, East Dong Feng Road, Kunming 650041,
Yunnan, P.R.C.
Tel: 3176609
Telex: 64165 MCGKM CN
Fax: 86 871 3176309

REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE
No. 15,St. Martin's Drive,
Singapore 1025.
Tel: 2358763,2358704
Telex:RS21467 UNIMAR
Fax: 2355963

RUSSIAN FEDERATION
41, Ul Gertsena, Moscow
Tel:291 0534
Telex: 413403 UMYAN SU
Fax: 291 01 63

UNITED KINGDOM
19 A Charles Street,
LondonWIX8ER
Tel: 071-629 6966
Telex: UNIMASL K28921
Fax: 796-5570

SRI LANKA
17,Skelton Gardens,
Colombo 5,
Tel: 587607,587608
Telex: 22844 UNIMM CE
Fax: 580460

THAILAND
132 Sathorn Nua Road,
Bangkok 10500.
Tel: 2337250,234498
Telex: 20971 MEBT TH
Fax: (662) 2366898

THE PHILIPPINES
4th Floor, Basic Petroleum
Building, 104,Carlos,
Palancajr. Street, Legaspi
Village.Makati Metro,
Manila.
Tel: 8172373
Telex: 66017 MYANMARPN
Fax: 6328175895
Telex: 267609 MYAN-MAG
Fax: 071 629 4169

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
2300 S Street, N.W.
Washington D.C.20008
Tel: (202) 332-9044
Telex: 248310 MYAN UR
Fax: (202) 332-9046

VIETNAM
Building No.A-3.Ground
Floor, VanPhuc,
Diplomatic Quarter,
Hanoi.
Tel: 253369 Fax:84252404
Telex: 411427
UNYAN VT

YUGOSLAVIA
Kneza Milosa 72,
Belgrade
Tel: 645420, 645 128
Telex: 72769 EMBBUR YU
Fax: 38 11 644845

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