The BurmaNet News: June 24, 1998

[strider@xxxxxxxxxxx]

------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
----------------------------------------------------------

The BurmaNet News: June 24, 1998
Issue #1033

HEADLINES:
==========
THE NATION: RESTIVE BURMA CAMPUS RESUMES SOME CLASSES
NLOM: NLD RESPONSIBLE FOR MAKING ELECTION RESULT VOID
NEWS FROM THE BORDER: THE DRUG TRADE IN TACHILEK 
BKK POST: MYAWADDY TRADING TO RESUME SOON
NCGUB: STATEMENT ON UNDCP IN BURMA
ANNOUNCEMENT: 8-8-88 COMMEMORATIVE EVENTS
****************************************************************

The Nation: Restive Burma Campus Resumes Some Classes
23 June, 1998 

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: This article indicates that students will receive
only one month of instruction before their final exams.  The material
covered in the exams is based on a year-long curriculum.  This move is only
a token gesture in response to the crisis of education in Burma.}
RANGOON -- Classes have resumed after a year and half suspension at the
engineering institute where student unrest in 1996 led to the closing of
the country's universities, students said yesterday.

Classes for final-year students at the Rangoon Institute of Technology
resumed last Thursday after authorities mailed notices of the reopening to
students. More than 700 students there are expected to sit for their final
examinations in July.

Classes for final-year medical students in the capital resumed in May, and
they are now taking their final exams.

It was not known when other educational activities would resume.

All universities and colleges in Rangoon were closed indefinitely during
the December 1996 unrest.

Educational institutions in other parts of the country, unaffected by the
unrest, continued their classes and held their 1997 final examinations.
They did not, however, reopen for the following school year.

In February, a spokesman for the military government of Burma said it might
reopen universities within six months.

Reopening the universities would be important to Burma's struggling economy
and the government's image abroad, where its military regime has been
widely condemned for human rights abuses and the stifling of Nobel Peace
Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi's pro-democracy movement.

However, students have spearheaded most political protest movements in
Burma since before World War II, when it was a British colony, and the
government highly values stability and order.

The 1996 protests began when police reportedly beat some students from the
Rangoon Institute of Technology involved in a dispute with a restaurant owner.

The demonstrators demanded more civil liberties and took their protests to
the streets, where they eventually clashed with riot police. 

****************************************************************

New Light of Myanmar: Party Responsible for Making Election Result Void
16 June, 1998 by Pauk Sa

[BurmaNet Editor's Note: The New Light of Myanmar is the SPDC-run newspaper
in Burma.  This article is included in The BurmaNet News as a means to gain
insight to the military's perspective.  The thesis of this article, that
the democratically-elected leaders are themselves responsible for voiding
the 1990 election results, offers us a glimpse of the Orwellian logic that
characterizes the regime.  As such, it provides BurmaNet News readers with
rich material for understanding and analysis.]

In the dailies published on 7 June 1998, I presented my view and conclusion
in my article titled, "It all comes to naught" in connection with the
speech of the democracy princess [reference to Aung San Suu Kyi] at the
democracy memorial ceremony.  These days, I am aware of ultimatums issued
in a strong term by the chairman, the vice-chairman and the democracy
princess.  I would like to relate what I have learned to the public.

I am presenting this article based on the words spoken in an impassioned
mood by a friend of mine who is a member of that particular party at a tea
shop popularly known as "Lay Htan Gon" as if he was going to be a cabinet
minister or a district/township chairman in a couple of days. I felt a bit
frightened as I saw him very active and enthusiastic in recalling the
speeches of the democracy princess, the vice-chairman who presided over the
meeting and the chairman of the party.

I have recounted the speeches of the democracy leaders and now I am going
to recall the speech of the party chairman [reference to National League
for Democracy [NLD] party chairman U Aung Shwe]. The party chairman was
said to have remarked that not a thing was done yet in connection with the
election results.  I felt ashamed of what he had said.  It seems that he
has forgotten what the Tatmadaw [Defense Services] government has done in
connection with the election results.  Maybe this has been because of his
old age.

As far as I can recall, the Tatmadaw government on 27 July 1990 issued the
Declaration No 1/90.  In the declaration, directives were stated on the
do's and don'ts for political parties candidates of which won in the
election to avoid undue occurrences during the political reform.  On 29
July 1990, the Tatmadaw government sent a statement on its stand on
development of national affairs to the National League for Democracy, the
Patriotic Veterans Organization and the National Democracy Party. But what
the party of this party chairman did was that it issued a Gandhi Hall
declaration after holding a meeting on 28 and 29 July 1990.  The
declaration contained calls for convening of the Pyithu Hluttaw [People's
Assembly] in September 1990 and handing over power to the National League
for Democracy in accordance with the constitution drafted by itself.  It
would be necessary to consider whether it is realistic or not to hand over
power to a party in accordance with the constitution drafted by a single
party.  Who would invest powers to a party which had drafted a constitution
by itself?  Should the opinions and attitudes of over 40 million people in
the States and Divisions including national races be ignored?  The Gandhi
Hall meeting and the Gandhi Hall declaration produced results that made
demands and that called for confrontations and for a secret Hluttaw
meeting.  Eventually, some of the party members and representatives-elect
were sent into exile.

The Tatmadaw government offered ways and means of cooperation to the
political parties candidates of which won in the election to build a new
nation in dignity in conformity with the national politics.  But the party
of that chairman [as published] did not accept any offer insisting that
power be handed over to it.  The stand of the Tatmadaw government is
national politics with the country's peace, prosperity and unity in mind.
The stand of that party chairman, on the other hand, is based on seizing
power and it is like the will to sell something at current prices without
considering the consequences in future. Under the circumstances, there has
been no room for cooperation.

Let it be.  The Tatmadaw government convened the National Convention when
political situation was stabilized.  The objective of the National
Convention is to work for the emergence of an enduring constitution and to
hand over power to a government which comes to power in accordance with
that constitution.  That party chairman himself and those of his party
attended the National Convention but he and all of his men left the
National Convention according to the order of the democracy princess who is
said to have been expelled from the party.  Considering these instances,
the remark of the party chairman that the Tatmadaw government had done not
a thing in connection with the elections results holds no water; it carries
no weight.  The Tatmadaw government, in recognition of the election
results, offered various ways and means of cooperation but the chairman and
his party declined bluntly.

In his speech, the party chairman was said to have pointed out that section
3 (a) of the Chapter II of the Election Law stated the Hluttaw was to be
constituted with representatives-elect of various constituencies but the
authorities had not done anything according to law although they claimed to
be working for the rule of law.  In this connection, the party chairman
referred the phrase of constituting the Hluttaw only as he pleased.

But which constitution is to be based in constituting the Hluttaw?  As far
as I know, I have never heard of a country where a Hluttaw is called and
constituted without a constitution.  The party chairman served as an
ambassador of the country to foreign nations and his children got married
with foreigners and as such he has constant foreign contacts and is
therefore rich in foreign knowledge.  I would like to gain knowledge from
him and would like to know whether there is any country where Hluttaw can
be constituted without a constitution.  Concerning the chairman's remarks
that the Tatmadaw government has not done for the rule of law as it had
claimed to do so, I feel that the chairman's remark has been inconsistent
since he said the failure of convening the Hluttaw was against the law
while he did not say anything about the need to draft a constitution to
convene the Hluttaw.  When action was taken against law breaker criminals
such as subversives, terrorists and murderers, and members of the
chairman's party were involved, he and his men were used to say that
authorities violated human rights and that they were denied democratic
rights and were subject to unjust arrests, detention and persecution.  So
saying they lodged complaints with such and such organizations. The VOA,
BBC and RFA, who constitute the voice of the colonialist bloc and
supporters of the chairman did shout to echo the complaints.

There are more.  I noticed one point in the chairman's speech.  He said
(the Tatmadaw government) should not avoid calling the Hluttaw and that a
Pyithu Hluttaw should be convened without fail.  The chairman seems to have
lost his senses.  He should say with common sense.  Because the Tatmadaw
government does know that it is responsible for calling a Hluttaw. That is
why it has convened the National Convention to be able to draft a
constitution and lay down basic principles by following the path of
national politics.  The chairman's party did accept to carry out the
national duty which is important for the nation but it failed to fulfil it
and went as far as disrupting and sabotaging the task.  It was very simple.
It is the chairman's party which attempted to impede the progress made in
political conditions and to cause instability.  After the elections a
Hluttaw is to be convened.  A constitution is to be drafted for calling a
Hluttaw if there is no constitution to do so.  After introducing the
constitution, the Hluttaw will be called and a government formed
accordingly.  The way is thus clear.  However, there was a delay in
reaching the goal since the chairman refused to follow the straight path.

Furthermore, the chairman's speech referred the resolutions of the UN
General Assembly in 1997 and that of the Human Rights Commission in 1998.
He said (the government) had not taken steps leading to democracy and that
power should be handed over through the representatives-elect as called for
by the resolutions.  In my opinion, the resolutions were not sincere and
they were passed by the colonialist bloc under cover of the United Nations;
they intended to put pressure on Myanmar [Burma] and interfere in its
internal affairs in violation of the UN Charter.  It is because the
paragraph 2 of the UN Charter provides that the UN is based on the
sovereign equality of all member nations and paragraph 2, sub-paragraph 7
also provides that there is nothing in the Charter to authorize UN to
intervene in matters which are essentially domestic jurisdiction of any
State.  Under the circumstances, the UN has no reason to intervene in the
internal affairs of sovereign Myanmar.  But as all are aware, interference
in the international affairs is being committed under cover of the UN
prompted by the super power colonialist bloc.

Be that as it may, their resolutions were absolutely wrong. The Tatmadaw
Government, in a bid to take a step orientated towards democracy, has been
convening the National Convention with a view to ensuring the emergence of
a constitution based on the wishes of the entire people.  A government will
be formed in accord with the constitution which will emerge in line with
the basic principles laid down at the National Convention. Power will be
transferred to that Government.  The task to establish a democratic system
according to the results of the election is not a separate problem.  The
Tatmadaw Government has been working practically for the emergence of a
constitution.  The way of speaking about the transfer of power through
delegates of the Hluttaw according to the democratic practices is rather of
inferior political status.  How will the transfer of power be carried out
without any constitution?  To say the least, I don't know whether their
purpose of standing for the election is merely to take power or to sit on
the chair of power.  The prevailing situation is that, when it comes to the
task of drawing up a constitution which will contribute to the safe and
secure life of the entire people and which is practically more important
than the power in the political field, they behave like an earthworm which
is rolling in excruciating pain after coming into contact with salt.  I
applaud by dint of wrinkling my nose in distaste.

Well, let it be.  The conclusion of Mr Chairman's speech sounded somewhat
ridiculous, which says that the people have to suffer the consequences of
political crisis, as a result of the facts that the authorities have not
summoned the Hluttaw according the provision contained in the law and have
not initiated a dialogue; the authorities should not neglect these
situations at all; the authorities are absolutely responsible for
multifarious affairs of the people; they cannot shirk all responsibility.

I have already explained that the accusation that the Hluttaw had not been
summoned in accord with the provision of the law had been made to their
liking.  I do not need to repeat it.  The accusation of Mr Chairman that a
dialogue has not been held in accord with the provision of the law is wide
open to ridiculous remarks.  Could you tell me the law which has prescribed
the persons with whom the dialogue must be held?  I am talking about such
things according to my information.  I am not humiliating you, Mr Chairman,
by means of saying false and fabricated news?  I have just raised a
question according to the person, a friend of mine, a member of Mr
Chairman's party.  Without having a little knowledge of the law which
prescribes these facts and the persons with whom the dialogue must be held,
you yourself has made accusation by giving a section number, and has
behaved in an unruly manner.  But, there is one thing.  Do you mean that
the dialogue is refused to be held with your party?  If that's so, it is
very simple.  As is known to the entire people, the leaders of the State
have taken initial steps towards a dialogue.  The leaders of the State
themselves have created the condition to meet Daw Suu Kyi in a cordial
atmosphere.  Please, think it over that who started putting an end to this
favourable condition.

The first person is Michael Aris, a British citizen, husband of Daw Suu
Kyi.  On his way back after meeting his wife, he issued some information in
Bangkok on 23 January, 1995.  It implies that a foreigner interfered in the
internal affairs of Myanmar.  The second person is Daw Suu Kyi herself.
She acted, shortly after the restriction order was lifted, in a manner that
a dialogue must be held, or else you would all get into trouble.  How will
it be convenient?  There were lots of such acts done later as the use of
coercion by relying on external power.  Without taking any offence, the
head of the State offered to meet the chairman and executives of the party,
it was known to all.  Who is the one who didn't take this opportunity and
behaved in a malicious manner? On the one hand they are behaving in a
malicious manner, but on the other hand, they are shouting with their eyes
shut that a dialogue is refused.  This implies that you are exposing your
political black magic to everyone.  Members of the party should understand
this condition.  I feel pity for them who have been left with a deep
feeling of hurt in their hands as a result of clapping, sitting on the mats
and wasting time and effort in a big hut of Danathahaya [Commonwealth]
Compound.  The very thing which needs to be taken into consideration is
whether the Tatmadaw Government is making demands and launching attacks to
make the people suffer the consequences of political crisis and the
Tatmadaw is creating anarchy such as head-on confrontation and defiance of
all authority.  Who is the one who resorted to various black magic
political means by distributing the copies of the letter sent to the
Secretary-1 by a national race organization with the intent of creating
misunderstanding and arousing suspicion between the Tatmadaw and the
national races organizations which made peace with the Tatmadaw and of
marring the peace achieved?

It is Mr Chairman and your party that is hand in the glove with the group
of colonialists and preventing international community from investing in
Myanmar, extending loans and providing assistance with a view to making the
people suffer the consequences of economic stringency, isn't it?  Who is
the one hindering international community from providing social assistance
with a view to inflicting social suffering on the people?

I would like to ask the chairman of the party, which has resorted to
various political black magic means designed to inflicting the consequences
of political crisis, economic stringency and social suffering on the people
and who is shirking all responsibility of what he has done and heaping the
blame on the Tatmadaw Government, if he has a clear conscience.  I am going
to withdraw my question if your conscience is releasing rotten smell as a
result of lack of having a bath.

But, if your acts I have seen and heard and the ways of speaking of leaders
of the party including Mr Chairman are taken into account, I thought that
Mr Chairman's party has won the election and failed to fulfil the
obligation in the national political duty which covers the entire nation,
and it is Mr Chairman's party which makes the result void. Of course, Mr
Chairman's party makes the result void. 

****************************************************************

News from the Border: The Drug Trade in Tachilek, Shan State, Burma 
Mid-June, 1998 

The Drug Trade

In comparison [to the increasing poverty - see The BurmaNet News, June 23,
1998], there was also evidence of great wealth in the town.
Top-of-the-range 'Land Cruiser'-type 4-wheel drive vehicles could often be
seen plying their way through the older, more modest traffic, and every now
and then an overly-plush and spacious office building would stand tall
between rows of standard shop houses. Brass plaques and lettering announced
the offices' owners - the 'Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army'
(whose co-chairman, Yang Mao-ling, and treasurer, Liu Gou-shi, have
recently been accused by the U.S. State Department of controlling the
MNDAA's drug trade), and the 'Kokang Development Trading Company', amongst
others.

Locals know that Tachilek is an important link in Burma's drug trade, and
some acknowledged that the owners of these immodest cars and offices are
often involved in the opium and (more recently) amphetamine trade.

The main group operating out of Tachilek is the Wa. They have capitalised
on concessions from their ceasefire agreement with the SPDC to increasingly
dominate the production and supply of drugs from Shan State. The Rangoon
junta does not want to upset their relationship too much as they consider
the Wa to be an effective military force against the Shan State Army.  Last
year, the SSA became the combined force of the different Shan armed groups,
including soldiers from Khun Sa's MTA who refused to lay down their arms
upon Khun Sa's surrender.
The follow is an account of the situation in Mae Sai and Tachilek from a
well-placed Mae Sai resident:

75% of boys over 12 years old from Mae Sai school are regularly smoking
amphetamines. At lunchtime, many parents now come to collect their children
to avoid them getting involved with drug users.

The standard amphetamine pills coming through the towns are orange. More
recently, brown and pink varieties of the same strength have become
available. These are flavoured (brown=chocolate and pink=strawberry)
indicating that the producers are particularly targeting youngsters.
Currently Wa dealers sell the pills to wholesalers in Tachilek for 2,000
baht per 100. The wholesalers retail them in Mae Sai for 25 baht each.
Buyers also come from Chiang Mai where they can sell them for 100 baht. In
Bangkok, the cost is 150 baht.

The local Police regularly arrest traffickers, mainly those coming from
other areas to buy the drug and resell it back in their town. Wa suppliers
pass on the identities of purchasers to the Thai police who then arrest
them, often at the checkpoints on the Mae Sai-Chiang Rai-Chiang Mai road.
The informers receive paybacks from these arrests, although the U.S. Drug
Enforcement Agency is trying to prevent the confiscated drugs from making
their way back onto the market by paying the Thai Government 70% of the
drug's value in return for the confiscated narcotics. This policy also
allows the D.E.A. to publicise its effectiveness through improved seizure
figures. Thai Government officials in turn try to avoid the exploitation of
the Mae Sai police by drug suppliers by passing some of this money back to
the arresting officers. Many Mae Sai Police now enjoy new houses, two cars,
motorcycles, and other luxuries.

Wa drug traders own many of the 'Land Cruiser'-type 4-wheel drive vehicles
seen in Tachilek. These cars are generally stolen in Malaysia and sold in
Tachilek for 200 - 300,000 baht. A new 'Land Cruiser' in Thailand costs 2.5
million baht. Wa drug traders are investing a lot of their excess wealth in
Thailand. Many keep bank accounts in Mae Sai and own property in Chiang Mai
and Bangkok, often willingly paying over market rates and exceedingly high
commissions to middle-men.

Amphetamine producers have recently been supplying a new green-coloured
amphetamine pill through Tachilek and Mae Sai. In addition to amphetamine,
it contains heroin (number 4), and symptoms of addiction are felt after
taking the pill just a few times. 

****************************************************************

The Bangkok Post: Myawaddy Trading to Resume Soon 
23 June, 1998 

Cross-border trading between Mae Sot and Burma's Myawaddy, suspended since
late November, is likely to resume soon after the Thai army chief's meeting
with a top Burmese military leader to clear some misunderstanding, a
military source said yesterday.

The source said Gen Chettha Thanajaro recently raised the border trade
issue in an informal discussion with Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, first secretary of
Burma's State Peace and Development Council, who reportedly said
cross-border trading between the two countries could resume soon.

The army chief, who regards Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt as his closest foreign
military colleague, was also hopeful the Thai-Burmese friendship bridge,
which has been closed since April 14, would be reopened soon, the source said.

****************************************************************

NCGUB: Statement on UNDCP in Burma 
18 June, 1998 from Dr. Thaung Htun

National Reconciliation and Genuine Peace; Prerequisite for the Success of
Drug Eradication in Burma

Burma is well known as one of the world's major opium growers that accounts
for more than 60% of the world opium production. During the special session
on United Nations Drug Control Programme (UNDCP) June 8-10, UNDP sought
international assistance to implement its ten years drugs eradication plan
in Burma that would cost US$ 250 million. The ambitious plan of the UN
primarily focuses on the alternative development programme for opium
farmers including crop substitution as a solution to a decades-long
problem. The representative of the Burmese military junta at the UN drugs
summit claimed its serious effort for drug eradication citing the seizure
of 1401 kilos of heroin and 7884 kilos of opium gum during 1997. He further
called on the donor community to commit more funds to alternative
development projects in areas under illicit crops.

The representative for UN Affairs of the National Coalition Government of
the Union of Burma (NCGUB), Burmese government in exile formed by the
elected representatives of the 1990 general elections, Dr. Thaung Htun
said, "We are keen on international efforts to eradicate drugs. As Burmese,
we feel responsible for this [tragedy because the] opium/heroin that
originated in Burma has been destroying the lives of millions of youths all
over the world. But, we are really skeptical of the seriousness of the
regime, which is infamous for its collaboration with drug traffickers. The
total amount of opium/heroin seized was less than one percent of Burma's
estimated annual opium output, which is 2,365 metric tons of opium gum in
1997. In fact, the military regime itself is the problem, not the solution."

Even though it is still difficult to provide the hard evidence that the
military regime, on an institutional level, is involved in the drug trade,
the International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, 1997 of the US State
Department confirmed that officials, particularly army personnel posted in
outlying areas, are involved in the drug business. The regime is also
responsible for providing impunity to drug traffickers and for money
laundering. Since 1989, ethnic armed groups involved in the drug trade have
made deals with the regime via cease-fires in response to the military
regime's offers to enjoy development assistance and limited autonomy,
including continued drug business without any interference. The production
of opium has been tripled up from 800 metric tons before 1988 to an average
2400 metric tons/year in 1990s.

Taking advantage of the opportunity to deposit money unchecked in
State-owned banks if 25% of the amount is given for tax, billions of
dollars in drug money has been laundered during the last ten years. Each
trafficking group established a company in Rangoon and poured drug money
into official businesses ranging from import and export, hotel construction
and real estate development to infrastructural development. Drug lord Khun
Sa received concession from the government to construct-operate a new
six-lane highway from Rangoon to Mandalay, valued at US$ 250 million. The
military regime refused to extradite Khun Sa to the U.S. in contradiction
with the standard international legal principles calling for punishment of
traffickers and other international criminals. The government of United
States announced a US$ 2 million reward for his capture. In fact, Khun Sa
remains involved in the drug trade through his subordinates.  In addition,
the Burmese military regime has been providing security for him. Another
drug kingpin, Lo Hsing Han, acting as adviser for ethnic affairs to
Secretary (1) and military intelligence chief Gen. Khin Nyunt, was awarded
a concession for construction and development of a Rangoon sea port.

The focus of UNDCP's plan in the 'drug war' is on the cultivators of the
crop, the raw material (opium), on the one end, and addicts and petty
pushers, on the other while the big financiers and money launders are
ignored. It is rather off-putting. UN drug intervention seems misdirected
because it deals with the symptoms rather than the root causes: one,
extreme rural poverty induced by the decades-long conflict resulting from
the military's refusal to respect the demands of non-Burman ethnic
nationalities for equality, autonomy and self-determination; and two, bad
governance where politics and government serve only at the top and repress
the majority.

Dr. Thaung Htun said, "It is difficult to believe that UNDCP plan would be
able to achieve the stated objective of drug eradication under the present
circumstances. Firstly, we need a transparent and accountable government
that would guarantee the rule of law and gain the confidence of the people.
Secondly, we need to build up the confidence of the non-Burman ethnic
nationalities in opium growing areas, which is essential for their full
cooperation in drug eradication. Since the current cease-fire arrangement
failed to address the question of the rights of the non-Burman ethnic
nationalities, ethnic armed groups still maintain huge armed forces. For
example, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) alone has 20,000 armed forces that
cannot be maintained without the source of income from the drug trade.
While there is no solution to the question of the rights of minorities, it
is impossible to convince them to demobilize these irregular armed forces.
Thirdly, a comprehensive alternative development plan in one particular
would not be successful unless it is an integral part of rational,
long-term national economic and development plan. The current deteriorating
state of the national economy indicates the poor performance,
mismanagement, and incapacity of the military regime to recover from the
economic crisis.  Drugs problem in Burma cannot be resolved simply by a
development approach. Since it is a complex political-economic issue by
nature, the political problem needs to be addressed first. The restoration
of peace and national reconciliation and the establishment of the
democratic form of governance are the most important prerequisite for the
success of drug eradication. Only after that, could the way be paved to
introduce an alternative development plan in the opium growing areas." 

Burma UN Service Office 
777 UN Plaza, 6th Floor 
New York,NY,10017 
U.S.A 
Tel. (1-212) 338 0048; Fax. (1-212) 338 0049

****************************************************************

Announcement: 8-8-88 Commemorative Events 
23 June, 1998 from Amanda Zappia <azappia@xxxxxxxxxxxxx> 

Free Burma Coalition, Australia

10th Anniversary 1988 Massacres

Version Three

(Our list is growing, please keep them coming in.)  N.B. Not all events are
on the 8th August so please read the postings carefully and support the
initiatives.

Organisations in Australia fighting for democracy and human rights in Burma
are establishing a calendar of events to commemorate the 10th Anniversary
of the massacres that took place in Burma in August 1988.

This list will be updated and extended leading up to 8th August 1998.  If
you are organising events please send them in to this email address.  We
will post them for you and attempt to give them as much media coverage as
possible.  Please ensure that all events are accompanied by an
organisational name and contact.

Canberra:
8.8.98  The Burma Support Network and the Australia Burma Council will join
a simple and multi purpose initiative of Edith Miranti from Project Maje
and plant trees in remembrance of those that were killed and jailed in
1988. Please join us by planting a tree.  If anyone needs space I have
plenty here.  Contact (02) 6297 7734.

(Project Maje and some others will soon be announcing a call for world-wide
tree-planting ceremonies Aug. 8th to honour Burma's democracy movement. So
people can incorporate that in their various other commemorative/activist
plans....best wishes, Edith)

8.8.98:  Rally outside SPDC Embassy, Arkana Street Yarralumla.  12.00 to
2.00 PM.  About four hundred people are expected to attend.  Members and
Senators of the Australian Parliament and Australian Unions will lend their
support.  Please do all you can to encourage your friends and supporters to
join the rally.  Contact Burma Office, Minn Aung Myint or Maung Maung (02)
9264 7694 Amanda Zappia (02) 6297 7734.

Sydney
19.6.98 Daw Suu's Birthday, NSW Legislative Council, Parliament House.  The
Hon. Janelle Saffin will hold a Birthday Party to celebrate Daw Suu's 53rd
Birthday.  Guest Speakers will include U Tin Tut and U Daniel Aung, both
elected in Burma in 1990.  ALTASEAN will be launching their new release,
"Burma, Voices of Woman in the Struggle" at the function.  In Australia
copies of the book are available from the ABC. Tel. (02) 6297 7734.  A
video address by Daw Suu will be shown,  RSVP Janelle Saffin (02) 9230 3306
cost $25.00 will cover delicious food and drinks.

8.8.98 WILPF ( Womens' International League for Peace and Freedom ) NSW,
will be having a talk from Vicki Bourne that day on the MAI. We shall also
have a memorial service for Burma at our meeting. Best wishes Anne Noonan-
Executive WILPF. Contact Anne Noonan, <iris@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx>

9.8.98  AM Protest at the beginning of the City to Surf Fun Run, Sydney
Beaches. Burma Support Group, NSW. Contact Lucy Abbott 0419 012 682.

1.8.98:10th Anniversary of 8888 commemoration, speeches, photo and video
documentary show, music and play, ABSDF (Australia branch), Ukrainian hall
Lidcombe, contact Gregory Mahn Htun 041 9972 293

Newcastle
Thursday 17.9.98 - 1.10pm Newcastle Conservatorium Concert Hall cnr
Auckland & Laman Sts, Newcastle. Performance by the Newcastle Symphonic
Orchestra, written by Kim Cunio. An orchestral piece attempting to
musically recreate the events of August 1988 in Burma. A unique performance
- don't miss it!! Followed by documentary film on Burma. Information on
human rights and campaign work will also be available. For more
information, contact: Kim Cunio (02) 9665 1576.

Perth
8.8.98:  Rally outside Wesley Church, Perth., 10.00 AM Contact Connie
Allmark (08) 9349 4073.

Melbourne
8.8.98:  Rally outside State Parliament, 10.30 AM, contact Patricia Pond
(03) 9568 8425.

4th to the 15th August 1998: Photographic Exhibition by Mathias Heng.  Span
Galleries, 45 Flinders Lane, Melbourne.  Contact Mathias Heng (03) 9481
6351 or Span Galleries.

18th and 19th July:  ACTIVIST CONFERENCE FOR A FREE BURMA

Where: RIDLEY COLLEGE 160 THE AVENUE, PARKVILLE MELBOURNE, VICTORIA
How to get Ridley College.... >From the city, take tram no.19 from
Elizabeth Street. Ridley College stop is number 22 which located on Royal
Parade. Walk down Walker Street (off Royal Parade on left) and turn right
into The Avenue where the entrance for the Conference is located. Car
parking available around  Royal Park.

10th Anniversary 1988 to 1998
August 1998 marks the tenth anniversary of the national pro- democracy
uprising in Burma. Tens of thousands of students, monks and civilians
protested in Burma's cities, towns and villages in 1988 and brought about
the collapse of General Ne Win's  dictatorship after 26 years. Despite the
continuation of military rule under the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC), the last decade has witnessed an explosion of activism for
democracy in Burma. The Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, has spearheaded
an international campaign which has mobilised the United Nations, created
an international activist network including the use of the internet, and
successfully initiated boycotts of companies dealing with Burma. Awareness
of the human rights struggle in and for Burma is greater than ever.

Our Plan 
The purpose of the "Activist Conference for a Free Burma" is to bring
together a range of activists, specialists and the public for two days of
discussion on the future of Burma and to develop effective strategies for
campaigning, lobbying, awareness raising and networking for the next two
years. The first day will provide an insight into Burma related issues
including country reports, refugees, sanctions, campaigns, Australian
policy and international responses. Day two brings together the combined
energies of activist and new-comers to Burma activism to consider the
strengths and weaknesses of existing campaigns and to develop further
strategies to meet new challenges.

20 June 1998: "Women of Burma Day" event in Melbourne When? 4pm, Saturday
June 20 Where? St. Mark's Anglican Church hall, 1 Canterbury Rd.,
Camberwell To mark 'Women of Burma Day' and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's
birthday. Come and share tea, cake and snacks and a special book launch.
For information phone: Myint Myint San 9563 0969 or Alison 9527 4279.

Free Burma Coalition, Australia
Working for the: National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
Federation of Trade Unions, Burma Australia Burma Council
PO Box 2024, Queanbeyan  NSW  2620 Ph: +61-2-6297-7734  Fax: +61-2-6297-7773

****************************************************************