The BurmaNet News: June 22, 1998 (r)

[enmasse_1@xxxxxxxxxxx]

Re:Ne Win gravely ill
=====================

If I remember correctly, Ne win was born as Shu Maung on 24 May 1911.
So,he has just turned "87" last month and I doubt he would live beyond 
his "88th" birthday.  

As NLD had very recenlty pledged not to pursue any form of revenge 
towards the military regime, I hope he had made all the necessary 
arrangements to let Burma returns to a democratic rule. At last, the 
time has come for him to act now if he cares to leave a good memory of 
himself as  one of the "30 comrades" of 1940.

Will he trust the NLD or will he ever come out of his own cocoon ? Which 
way will he go ? That's the least I could say.


Minn Kyaw Minn
==============

                




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>------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------
> "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
>----------------------------------------------------------
>
>The BurmaNet News: June 22, 1998
>Issue #1031
>
>HEADLINES:
>==========
>FEER: NE WIN GRAVELY ILL
>THE NATION: UNSUNG HEROES
>BKK POST: THE LADY OF BURMA
>THE NATION: CAR SMUGGLERS' ROUTE
>ANNOUNCEMENT: MUN AWNG ALBUM RELEASE
>****************************************************************
>
>Far Eastern Economic Review: Ne Win Gravely Ill 
>25 June, 1998 
>
>Burma's aging strongman, Ne Win, is ill and his family is preparing for 
his
>death, diplomatic sources say. After the death of one of Ne Win's 
friend,
>former Thai Prime Minister Chatichai Choonhavan on May 6, Ne Win sent
>messages to the Thai authorities expressing an interest in attending 
the
>funeral.
>
>But he didn't show up  -- the sources say he was physically unable to
>travel. Ne Win is 87 years old, and ruled Burma with an iron fist from 
1962
>to 1988.
>
>He has continued to play an important behind-the-scenes role even after 
his
>official resignation 10 years ago, mainly acting through the country's
>powerful intelligence chief, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt. His last public 
appearance
>was in September, when he visited his old friend Suharto in Jakarta. 
>
>****************************************************************
>
>The Nation: Unsung Heroes In an Unfinished Struggle
>19 June, 1998 by May Pyone Aung 
>
>The generals know best for Burma -- guided democracy, guided market and
>guided feminism. But women think otherwise, writes May Pyone Aung in
>commemoration of the Burmese Women's Day which is celebrated today.
>
>"More than 100 women come to the office of the Rangoon City Corporation 
and
>we marched with banners and placards. A large crowd of spectators 
followed
>our procession. When we reached the Secretariat building, we saw that 
the
>gates were closed and heavily guarded by mounted police."
>
>This is from an inspiring memoir on female activism in Burma. A 
description
>of the 1988 popular uprising?
>
>Or the 1974 student uprising following the death of UN 
secretary-general U
>Thant? Wrong. It is an account of the demonstrations against British 
rule
>in 1927, lead by Mya Sein, former president of the National Council of 
Women.
>
>Mya Sein and her group of female activists were protesting against the
>British ruling that barred women from standing for election to the
>Legislative Council, a local administrative body with limited authority
>under British colonial rule. These brave women prevailed upon British
>colonial administrators to remove the sex-disqualification clause. 
Their
>activism won the day not by pleading, but by hard organisational work 
built
>around the Burmese Women's Association that had emerged in 1920.
>
>The early status of women suffrage in Burma is comparable to other 
advanced
>democratic countries, for example, the United States where women won 
the
>right to vote in 1920, United Kingdom in 1918, and France and Italy in 
1944
>and 1945. And as the tempo of the Burmese nationalist movement 
heightened
>in late 1930s, women fought hand in hand with the men.
>
>During the famous 1936 University strike, 36 young women from Rangoon
>University linked arms with their male activists. Again when oil 
workers
>started national strikes in 1938, hundreds of women and Thakin Ma
>(patriotic women) were among the leading strikers.
>
>After independence, the role of women in national politics looked
>promising. One woman, Ba Maung Chein, was elected to the 
post-independence
>cabinet while not fewer than 15 women deputies sat in parliament. The
>socio-economic status of women was greatly improved and a lively 
democracy,
>in which more than 60 per cent of the electorate turned out to vote in
>national elections, ensured the political representation of diverse
>interests, including women's.
>
>NO PUSHOVER
>
>The issue of women leadership in Burma is not a novelty. Many observers
>regarded Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the democratic opposition National
>League for Democracy, as a mythical figure under the shadow of her late
>father and national hero, Gen Aung San. To a large extent, her charisma
>owes to her father's image, but her leadership would not be accepted by 
a
>majority of the people had there been no tradition of women's political
>activity in our society. This is the reason that the generals never 
treat
>her lightly nor ignore the sentiment of women constituents. The 
generals
>are well aware of her powers and in fact, they did establish women
>organisations just to counter her leadership.
>
>The generals' vehicle for women's acquiescence is Myanmar Maternal and
>Child Welfare Association (MMCWA) under the guidance of the powerful 
Gen
>Khin Nyunt. In fact, MMCWA is just a first-wives' club. Dr Khin Win 
Shwe,
>wife of Gen Khin Nyunt, took a vice-chair while the wives of other 
generals
>filled up the remaining executive seats in the national steering body.
>
>In the generals' world, they know what is best for Burma. That includes 
the
>women's needs and aspirations. Guided democracy, a guided market, and 
now,
>guided feminism. If guided feminism means a gradual improvement of 
women's
>status, such an objective might be regarded as better than nothing even
>though such retrogression is hard to accept for most Burmese women who 
have
>already enjoyed equal roles under parliamentary democracy.
>
>But in reality, this is not the case. In fact, these women's 
organisations
>are preoccupied with beauty contests, flower shows, and fashion galas. 
On
>the external front, MMCWA and other women's organisations are often
>presented as NGOs to help channel foreign aid. Thus, the women
>organisations become the perfect front organisations to funnel United
>Nations development aid and other humanitarian assistance to where the
>generals want. Having built upon a top-down model, these women's
>effectiveness in community-building activities is minimal and the 
element
>of empowerment is clearly missing.
>
>Sadly enough, these women are used to covering up the sins committed by
>their husbands. For instance, the MMCWA held a national conference to 
tone
>down the worsening situation of violence against women. The trend 
raises to
>alarming proportions in the frontlines where the army went to suppress
>various ethnic resistance groups in these areas.
>
>SILENT EMERGENCY
>
>During the Slorc's 10-year reign, thanks to their take-no-prisoners
>attitude, the crime rate has fallen in all categories except rape. The
>incidence of rape remains unchanged while other crimes have 
dramatically
>reduced. Take a look at the crime statistics between 1988 and 1996 -- 
the
>incidences of major violent crimes such as murder and robbery dropped 
an
>average annual rate of 7 per cent and 21 per cent respectively. What 
about
>rape? It remained at the same level as before.
>
>At another front, the silent emergency of the trafficking of women was
>labeled as a fabrication made by the 'destructionists'. Today, in 
Thailand
>alone, there are at least 50,000 Burmese women working in the thriving 
sex
>industry. Yet, the majority is very vulnerable to mistreatment and
>exploitation under slave-like conditions. The conditions for migrant 
female
>workers employed in other categories such as domestic servants and
>sweatshops are equally bad.
>
>Of course, the conditions in Burma are equally bad. Prostitution is the
>only profitable spillover from the Visit Myanmar Year. The inflow of
>foreign companies did not generate good jobs for our sisters. Instead, 
they
>are forced to work as secretaries or office-maids, facing sexual
>discrimination and sexual harassment in the absence of any legal 
recourse
>for these abuses.
>
>Worse still, violence against women is not just an occurrence in remote
>Burma but it also effects our women activists who openly protest the
>military regime. Many of our sisters have sacrificed their lives in 
popular
>uprisings. In fact, it was the story of the rape of female activists in 
the
>prisons after they were arrested during the smaller demonstrations in 
early
>1988 that spark wider protests in the famous 8-8-88 uprisings.
>
>Indeed, the women's movement was revived in 1988. Those who witnessed 
the
>1988 uprisings vividly remember the scene of women carrying pots and 
pans
>along with placards to join a large group of housewives who went into 
the
>streets to demonstrate against the government's assertion that they had 
the
>support of the "silent majority", a lowly designation for women who 
make up
>half of the population. One result of the resurgent activism of women 
in
>politics is the filing of at least one woman candidate in every
>constituency in the last general election and the victory of at least 
15
>candidates.
>
>Given the potential danger of activism by one-half of the population, 
the
>generals took a very strong stand against the women who were involved 
in
>the opposition movement. Many women were arrested and imprisoned under
>martial law. There is an estimated 100 women political prisoners in 
Burma.
>Burma is likely to top the world with highest number of women prisoners 
of
>conscience.
>
>Dr Thida, a physician, was given a 15 year sentence for her writing 
because
>her words were powerful enough to sway the general's soldiers. Sann 
Sann, a
>labour leader and an NLD MP in her late 60s, was recently given a 
25-year
>sentence for exercising her freedom of expression during an interview 
with
>the British Broadcasting Corporation. She had already served an earlier
>prison term a few years ago for her role in forming a parallel 
government.
>
>A few months ago, a woman MP from the NLD, Nan Khin Htwe Myint, a 
popular
>grassroots leader from Karen State, was arrested and given two jail
>sentences by a mock jury. There are countless female activists who have
>done brave and unthinkable work, risking their lives in the process. 
Many
>were arrested and some are believed to be languishing in detention 
centres
>without any information from the outside world.
>
>Seventy years have passed since Mya Sein let the world know about the
>tradition of hard work and independence of women in Burma. Since then, 
the
>present status of the women of Burma has deteriorated. There is an 
urgent
>need to shed light on the darkest corners of Burma and the unknown
>struggles of countless women in the democratic movement.
>
>Here, the words of Aung San Suu Kyi give strong guidance for the tasks
>ahead. "It is only by creating conditions under which women are given 
an
>equal opportunity with men to develop their talents that our world will 
be
>able to reap the full benefits of a healthy community."
>MAY PYONE AUNG is member of Burmese Women Union based on the Thai-Burma
>border.. 
>
>****************************************************************
>
>The Bangkok Post: The Lady of Burma 
>19 June, 1998 by Sanitsuda Ekachai 
>
>Her homeland is still as fiery as when she returned to B10 years ago. 
In
>her honour, pro-democracy groups have chosen her birthday, June 19, to 
be
>Women of Burma Day.
>
>In 1988, the daughter of Burma's independence hero General Aung San
>returned to Burma to care for her dying mother. Since then, Aung San 
Suu
>Kyi has become Burma's democracy leader to free her motherland from
>military misrule.
>
>Despite six years of house arrest, separation from her family who live 
in
>Britain and constant intimidation from the authorities, the 1991 Nobel
>Peace laureate stays put to bring multiparty politics to Burma.
>
>Last month, Suu Kyi held a party congress to mark the National League 
for
>Democracy's landslide victory in the 1990 general election, declaring 
that
>NLD would set a target date for the military junta to implement the
>election results.
>
>In honour of her courage and vision, the pro-democracy movement has 
chosen
>Suu Kyi's birthday, June 19, to celebrate Women of Burma Day which is 
also
>a tribute to the women's roles in their struggle.
>
>To show solidarity, a group of representatives from the women's 
movements
>in ASEAN countries recently met with the charismatic Suu Kyi to wish 
her a
>Happy Birthday.
>
>After interrogation at checkpoints in front of Suu Kyi's blockaded 
home,
>and after being repeatedly photographed, the visiting group was 
eventually
>allowed to enter No. 54 University Road, Burma's most famous residence.
>
>There is no mistaking the house. Although hidden behind big shady 
trees,
>the fence is marked with the NLD's flag and "The Lady" was waiting
>patiently in her old, family home overlooking the lake.
>
>Looking regal, Aung San Suu Kyi's 160-cm and 48-kg slender frame is 
radiant
>in a traditional, silky green dress with orange embroidery. The steely 
lady
>looked like a princess with pink roses and jasmine-like garlands in her 
hair.
>
>"Welcome everyone!" Her vivacious greeting with a big smile immediately
>restored a sense of normalcy for the guests who were still shaken by 
the
>authorities' intimidations which are routine in Burma.
>
>To relax her guests, the youthful looking Suu Kyi showed them around 
the
>living room, answering questions about family pictures and 
paraphernalia
>while urging them to take more snacks and tea.
>
>"The Burmese don't like it when you don't eat as much as the hosts ask 
you
>to," she said jokingly.
>
>When complimented for her beauty, the Opposition leader gave a shy 
smile
>and played it down by pointing at reddish areas on her forehead and 
neck.
>"You must see this, though. It must be some kind of allergy. Something 
I
>ate, do you think?"
>
>With a wall-sized painting of her father behind her, Suu Kyi and guests
>sipped tea and ate Burmese snacks on the living room floor. She beamed 
and
>thanked them for the birthday gifts. But it was apparent that what 
pleased
>her more was a chance to have some "normal" moments with a group of 
women.
>
>The following is a shortened version of Suu Kyi's conversation with the
>ASEAN women visitors.
>
><How did you convince the military to allow this tea party?>
>
>Maybe because I'm stubborn. I also told them that if they don't allow 
me to
>receive guests in my own home, I would have the tea party out in the 
street.
>
><How free are you?>
>
>Well, if I wanted to go out of Rangoon, they would probably fell a tree
>across the road or something. I can go around but there are always two 
cars
>following me.
>
><Why there are so many restrictions?>
>
>That's exactly what I want to know. Those men in my garden always say 
it's
>an order from the top to stop any visitors from coming in.
>
><How's your life now?>
>
>Busy!
>
><What are NLD plans now?>
>
>We want to implement the resolutions of the party congress. We should 
be
>able to go through the agenda in a month. It's going to be quite a big 
job
>as we have to do it in quite a short time.
>
><What if the military does not follow the target date you set?>
>
>We have plans. But I can't tell you.
>
><What's the situation of female political prisoners?>
>
>On the whole, there's no problem of sexual harassment. But they are
>detained with criminals and prostitutes. Sometimes they were even put 
in
>the same cell as male prisoners who actually protested against it.
>
>Male and female political prisoners face the same persecution. But 
women
>tend to be treated a little bit better.
>
><Can you go see them?>
>
>No, only their family members can visit them once every fortnight. But 
this
>visiting right is often cut and becomes irregular.
>
><How can women in ASEAN help?>
>
>Help is needed for women and men. Actually, female political prisoners 
are
>much fewer.
>
><How to improve their situation?>
>
>Political prisoners must be treated differently and kept separately 
from
>ordinary prisoners. Even during the colonial period, political 
prisoners
>got lots of rights. They had access to the library, for example.
>
>Now they are treated very badly. Legal assistance is not allowed. They
>cannot meet even their own relatives until they are sentenced as 
guilty.
>
><Why are there very few women out of about 1,500 political prisoners?>
>
>It's something I haven't worked out if it's a question of women not 
doing
>enough or because women are being very careful.
>
><What are the impacts of military dictatorship on women?>
>
>Oh, that's terrible, especially for our ethnic women. You must have 
heard
>of murder, rape and torture. 
><Does that happen to Burmese women too?>
>
>Not so often with Burmese women. The troops are a bit more careful. 
Also,
>our ethnic women are in the border areas and the troops can do what 
they do
>and get away with it. Because our country has been ruined by the 
military
>regime, many women fled and are forced into prostitution in Thailand 
and
>they are treated like animals.
>
><What do you think of the current economic crisis in ASEAN?>
>
>The governments once believed they would go from strength to strength. 
The
>economic crisis will make them realise, though, that everyone is 
vulnerable.
>
><How does it affect democracy movements in Burma?>
>
>Before, there was a belief that a government could bring economic
>development without political change. Now I think a lot of ASEAN 
countries
>are realising that this is not possible.
>
><What can the Burmese military learn from Indonesia?>
>
>The Burmese authorities must learn that they can't go against the will 
of
>the people forever. That it's time to accommodate the people's will. On 
the
>other hand, there is a possibility some hardliners will use it as a 
reason
>to be even more tough and repressive.
>
><What do you want to see?>
>
>For us, settlement is dialogue. The military must open a dialogue with 
NLD
>because we represent the will of the people. We shall stand by the 
results
>of the 1990 election.
>
><Anything you want to say to the Indonesian government?>
>
>They can help encourage the Burmese government to come to a settlement
>because they have seen for themselves the problems that emerge when the
>government is not in harmony with the people. Peace will prevail in the
>region if there is peace in Burma.
>
><And to the newly-elected President of the Philippines?>
>
>The Philippines is among few democracies in the region. It'd be of 
great
>help if there are more democracies in Asia, to help the cause of 
democracy
>in Burma.
>
><Are there difference's of opinion within the military junta?>
>
>To a certain extent. After all, they are not robots. No two thinking 
people
>think alike all the time. With the Indonesian experience, some of them 
must
>start thinking.
>
><Why did the military allow you to organise a party congress?>
>
>At first they didn't. But we insisted on our legal rights. We then had
>discussions. It's a good thing to have discussions.
>
><Is it true that the constitution your father wrote also prevents those
>with foreign ties from taking national leadership?>
>
>At that time, Burma did not yet win independence. All Burmese were 
British
>subjects. That clause was to sort out who would choose to be British 
and
>Burmese citizens, to make sure only the Burmese citizens were allowed 
to
>run in elections.
>
><In your case?>
>
>The military disqualified me on the grounds that I received foreign
>assistance because the BBC and VOA had broadcast programmes in my 
favour.
>This is simply silly.
>
>They also try to put a clause in the new constitution that a head of 
state
>cannot be married to a foreigner. But we will not accept the 
constitution
>which is written under an undemocratic process.
>
><How do you view foreign investment in Burma?>
>
>Foreign investment hurts us because it helps the authorities. The vast
>majority of profits go to the military and those connected with the
>government. The trickle-down effect is negligible.
>
><What will you say to the investors?>
>
>For the sake of your profits, don't invest in Burma now. Because the
>necessary framework to sustain economic development does not exist. Or 
you
>will come across problems.
>
>Actually, many businesses are losing money now. If they don't want to 
go on
>losing money, they should help us come to a settlement which would lead 
to
>a democratisation of the country.
>
><Will there be punitive measures against these investors when NLD comes 
to
>power?>
>
>No. We'll deal fairly by everybody. We have no intention to punish them 
nor
>to grant undeserved privileges (to companies not dealing with the 
military).
>
>Under a democratic government, there'll be transparency and 
accountability.
>Investors will be better off because they don't have to bribe their way 
to
>get where they want to go. 
>
><What kind of meditation are you practising?>
>
>I'm using vipassana, or awareness meditation. It has taught me a sense 
of
>awareness. That's very important. It's what keeps you in check. It 
keeps
>you from going astray. Or when you do, you don't do it again.
>
><What about loving kindness and your policy of non-violence?>
>
>For loving kindness, that comes to me from my own experiences. In our
>struggles, what else do we have? We only have people who support our 
cause
>out of a sense of sympathy, a sense of solidarity. That's loving 
kindness,
>feelings for others.
>
>This is what our whole movement is based on. We don't have any weapons, 
no
>money, no rights. The laws in this country are used to crush us. What 
can
>we rely on? How can we keep together? We keep together because we 
believe
>in what we are doing.
>
>Some people get burnt out. We have to help each other keep going. And 
we
>cannot do that unless we have some basis of loving kindness.
>
><How do you cope with separation from your family?>
>
>I cope, to a large extent, because my family is very good about it. If 
they
>are a sort of family who keep getting at me, it would be very 
difficult.
>But they are very, very supportive.
>
><How does it affect the children?>
>
>Well, they take it in their stride. For them, that's life. They are now 
24
>and 20.
>
><They must be proud of you.>
>
>A lot of children think their life is quite normal. (laughs)
>
><Do you know their girlfriends?>
>
>Of course, I know about their girlfriends. (laughs.) I know who they 
are
>and what they're like, at least from what I heard from them. I only get 
one
>side of the picture, though. (laughs.)
>
><Is it really that easy to cope?>
>
>Don't forget that I lived alone for six years under house arrest. Put
>simply, I got used to it.
>
>There was only a girl who came to prepare my food. The only visitors 
were
>my family when they were allowed to come see me. And there was a doctor 
who
>came to check me from time to time.
>
><How often do you get in touch?>
>
>I used to get phone calls from them regularly once a week. But for 
about
>six-seven-eight months, my phone has been cut off so often that phone 
calls
>from my family are very irregular.
>
><How often do they come to visit?>
>
>After they arrested me (in September 1988) my family was still here. 
But
>they left in December. After that none were allowed to come for more 
than
>two years, until April 1992. After that, they were allowed to come
>sometimes once or twice a year. There were even times when it became 
three
>times. My husband and eldest son have not been here since January 1996.
>They have not been given visas. That's two years now. My youngest son 
came
>last September but they wouldn't give him a visa for Christmas.
>
><One of the ASEAN leaders once commented that you are comfortable in 
your
>home, that you don't look strung-up or anything.>
>
>I don't think you wait until people are strung up to help them.
>
>Compared to a lot of Burmese, I'm very comfortable. But then again, I'm 
a
>lot less free.
>
>If they brought up some sod of law to detain me, that will be legal, 
though
>unjust. But what they're doing right now is illegal. They have no right 
to
>stop me from going anywhere I want to go or stop people from seeing me. 
>
><When in power, what will NLD do?>
>
>One of the first things is to do something about our education system. 
The
>universities have been closed for about two years now. You cannot go on
>like that.
>
>The government must also do something with the economy. We should be
>practical. We should not go for big, ambitious projects. What we need 
to do
>is meet basic requirement of our people. And security.
>
>Our health system is in ruins. We have to do something about that too.
>
>About 80 percent of our people are in rural areas. We'll do what we can 
for
>this 80 per cent. It will be irresponsible to do things only for the 20
>percent in the city. Also, in the long run, it will create a lot of
>discontent which leads to social upheavals, even revolutionary 
situations.
>
><What [are] your thoughts on education?>
>
>Students now have to pay for computers. The joke is that they must keep
>computers like a shrine. Nobody can touch it. That's very silly when a 
lot
>of children don't even have books.
>
>What I'd rather do is concentrate on children having adequate books 
before
>I look at computers. It just doesn't make sense.
>
>There are schools without enough teachers. Many even without desks. 
This
>morning someone told me about a pupil having to pay 4-500 kyats for his 
chair.
>
><What about your foreign aid policy?>
>
>We're confident that we'll get all the aid we need. But we're not going 
to
>be greedy. We'll only receive what we can cope with.
>
><What about getting some development aid now?>
>
>We don't encourage any kind of aid now, either from NGOs or UN 
agencies.
>Because the military can influence how the aid money is spent in a way 
to
>help sustain their power.
>
><Won't development aid help strengthen the grassroots movements?>
>
>No, I don't think so, Because the aid is not given to every one equally 
at
>the grassroots. The NGOs cannot work freely either.
>
><Not even programmes to help improve women's reproductive health? It
>doesn't have to go through the military.>
>
>Who says so? If the programmes concern women, they will have to go 
through
>SLORC wives group.
>
>I also need to ask who runs the programme, who chooses them, how they 
are
>chosen.
>
>We must separate short-term and long-term results. The NGOs projects 
are a
>mere drop in the ocean, if its long-term result is to strengthen the
>stranglehold of the authorities. It's not worth it.
>
>The NGOs and UN agencies won't be able to bring sustainable development 
to
>Burma. We've got to do it ourselves. We don't want NGOs to help our 
people.
>What we want is our people to be able to help themselves. We want to be 
in
>the situation that we can help ourselves.
>
><Are you against all kinds of foreign aid now?>
>
>We reject direct financial aid to the authorities. The aid from NGOs 
and UN
>agencies has to be scrutinised very carefully.
>
>Even in family planning, you will never know if they will use money to 
buy
>a few tanks. The system is so opaque that you won't know what happens 
to
>the money.
>
>We've come across projects in which the activities were assisting the
>authorities' influence.
>
>For example, digging wells. The authorities is in the position to 
decide
>who gets the contract to dig the well and where. All these details are
>overlooked.
>
><Do you think parliamentary politics is a panacea for Burma?>
>
>Whether it is presidential or parliamentary system, there'll still be
>problems. What you need is responsible politicians. A lot depends on
>parties and leadership of parties concerned.
>
>It also depends very much on public awareness. Political education of 
the
>people is very important.
>
><Burma seems to slip from world attention. What makes you carry on?>
>
>There is still a tremendous awareness of Burma all over the world. 
There
>are always articles about Burma in major newspapers. Burma may not be 
at
>the top of CNN news all the time. But then you cannot expect it. In 
fact,
>if you are in the top news of CNN, it means you are in serious trouble.
>
>When we first started this movement to bring democracy to Burma, we 
were
>not thinking of support of the world. Although we welcome the support, 
we
>thought of what primarily needs to be done in Burma.
>
>If we have the support of the international community, it's a great 
help.
>But we don't depend on it. We keep on going with a belief that we can
>create change in this country.
>
><The Burmese people are practically paralysed by fear of the military. 
How
>to fight that?>
>
>It's not an easy, quick process. People have lived for a long time 
under
>the military regime. They have become fearful by nature. They think 
that
>it's a natural state of affairs, to be frightened.
>
>It's an educational process, not something to be achieved overnight.
>
><Do you think Buddhism makes people resigned and passive?>
>
>There is a lot of violence in Sri Lanka. And I don't think the Sri 
Lankans
>are passive.
>
>I don't think it has to do with Buddhism. Life in my country is so 
easy.
>It's always easy to get enough, to live on. Even poor villagers don't
>starve to death in Burma. Sometimes I think it has something to do with 
the
>weather. It's so hot you don't want to do anything. (smiles).
>
><The Thai government is launching a crackdown on illegal Burmese 
workers.
>What do you think?>
>
>The crackdown is understandable because of the problems of the Thai
>economy. But we have to look at the problems of migrant workers; why 
are
>they forced to flee across the border to find work or to be some kind 
of
>political refugees.
>
>It's because the situation is not right in Burma. The government cannot
>manage the economy to give people enough opportunities.
>
>So if they are not happy with the problem of Burmese migrant workers, 
they
>need to look at the source of the problem and try to do what they can 
to
>help us resolve our political problems.
>
><What do you think of the roles of UNHCR for refugee camps in 
Thailand?>
>
>The UNHCR should do more. We would like the UNHCR to take more
>responsibility for refugee camps. It will be of great help to our 
refugees.
>They are in a very difficult situation, especially the children.
>
>But the stance of Thailand is not very clear on allowing in the UNHCR 
to
>work with Burmese refugees.
>
><Why do you think women's rights always take a back seat in liberation
>movements?>
>
>It is so because in such circumstances, men have no rights, either. 
Nobody
>has any rights at all. We have to think in terms of human rights 
because
>women's rights are part of human rights. This is how NLD sees it.
>
>Of course, we see special vulnerability of women, especially our women 
in
>the ethnic areas. But human rights have to be our top priorities.
>
>Most political prisoners are men. They were arrested because they don't
>have basic rights. The women they left behind, their wives and 
daughters,
>are suffering.
>
>Unless we can do something with this situation, we cannot start talking
>about women's rights.
>
>If we ask the wives of political prisoners what they think of women's
>rights, they'd probably say: I want my husband back first. I want my
>husband to be free.
>
><Does being a woman make it more difficult to work in male-dominated
>politics?>
>
>I don't think so. It's almost an Asian phenomenon, women leaders. I 
don't
>think being a woman makes that much difference.
>
>Of course, there are disadvantages. In most societies of the world, we 
are
>still underprivileged compared to men. There are those who tend to 
think
>men would do better, especially men. But that's something we have to 
cope
>with.
>
><Will it help if there are women in all levels of decision making, not 
only
>at the top?>
>
>There is a small percentage of women in parliament even in western
>countries. It's a world situation.
>
><If men are not used to working with women, won't it give women leaders 
a
>more difficult time?>
>
>Well ... There's something of that problem. But that's not such a major
>problem. There are some who feel that women are inferior and therefore
>there's something not quite right about giving her a superior role. But 
I
>don't think it's such a serious problem.
>
><It's common for female politicians to face smear campaigns. What is 
your
>advice?>
>
>Ignore them. Don't get entangled in it.
>
><Do you think the military treat you differently because you are a 
woman?>
>
>I think one of the reasons they don't put me in straightaway in prison 
is
>because I'm a woman.
>
><Does your mother have a big influence on you?>
>
>Of course, she brought me up. My father died when I was two. She was a
>disciplinarian.
>
><What would your mother have said if she were still alive?>
>
>Keep regular hours! Eat your meals on time!
>
><You don't have regular hours now?>
>
>I used to when I was under house arrest when everything went like
>clockwork. But now it depends on how much work I have to do. Six hours 
of
>good sleep is enough for me. But the rains are so noisy. I am a light
>sleeper. It keeps me awake, especially when it comes down suddenly in 
the
>middle of the night. (smiles)
><Do doctors come to see you regularly?>
>
>Yes, I have two doctor friends who come see me twice a week to give me 
a
>regular check-up.
>
><Do you have visitors often?>
>
>I have visitors all the time. Diplomats. Visitors from abroad. But the
>authorities don't like journalists to come. It doesn't make any sense
>because I can always meet them somewhere else.
>
>But they are doing this to discourage people so that they stop coming.
>That's why they keep cutting my phone off. No journalists can get me on 
the
>phone. It gets immediately cut off.
>
><Is it always tapped?>
>
>Of course. Another reason why the phone is not working for a long 
period of
>time is those people just get bored. They cut it so that they can go 
out to
>have lunch or whatever. No calls. No reason for them to sit there.
>
><What do you do to relax?>
>
>I exercise regularly, about 20 minutes a day, on an exercise machine my
>husband gave me. It's for my back actually. During house arrest, I sat
>sewing and reading too much and developed back injuries. Now, they no
>longer trouble me. I also meditate an hour every day.
>
><Meditation is extremely difficult.>
>
>Keep practising. It's difficult at first. I was so frustrated that I 
wanted
>to cry. I didn't want to go on. But I read the advice of a meditation
>master, that meditation is what you must do whether you like it or not. 
So
>I gritted my teeth and did it.
>
><It gets easier now?>
>
>It's never what you call easy. It's never like sitting there doing 
nothing.
>It's never like that. Well, it's not meant to be easy.
>
><Have you ever cried?>
>
>Oh, yes. I'm not a weeper, but yes I've cried in my life.
>
><No, not during your childhood. In the past few years?>
>
>Yes, there have been occasions like that. I was wondering whether I 
cried
>at my mom's funeral. Yes, but not too much.
>
><What [are] your birthday wishes?>
>
>A peaceful settlement in my country. 
>
>****************************************************************
>
>The Nation: Golden Triangle Serves as Car Smugglers' Route
>19 June, 1998 
>
>Mae Sai -- Hundreds of cars stolen in Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore 
are
>being smuggled through this Golden Triangle border area into Burma for 
use
>by drug lords, army officers and others, Thai police say.
>
>The trade enables the rich and powerful living in the remote, 
mountainous
>area -- one of the world's top production zones of opium and heroin -- 
to
>buy a Mercedes-Benz or comfortable four-wheel-drive vehicles relatively
>cheap. Such vehicles would be far more expensive to obtain legitimately 
in
>the main legal port of entry, the Burmese capital of Rangoon, and would
>take a beating on the country's cratered roads to reach the Triangle 
area
>hundreds of kilometres away.
>
>A senior Thai officer monitoring the crossing between the towns of Mae 
Sai
>and Tachilek in Burma, said this week that over 800 stolen cars have 
been
>registered by Burmese authorities this year.
>
>The officer, speaking on condition, of anonymity, said that most of the
>cars have been bought by high-ranking Burmese army officers, along with
>ethnic minority warlords and drug traffickers.
>
>He said the vast majority are four-wheel drive pick ups, while a 
handful
>are luxury European cars. Most roads outside Tachilek itself are 
extremely
>rough and virtually impassable in the rainy season.
>
>The officer said there are 20 locations in Mae Sai district where cars 
can
>be surreptitiously driven across the usually shallow Sai river to 
Burma,
>one of Asia's poorest countries.
>
>Another police spokesman said more than 20 stolen cars have been
>confiscated in the past year by officers in Mae Sai, some 680 
kilometres
>north of Bangkok.
>
>It is virtually impossible to get stolen cars back from Burma, the
>spokesman said.
>
>****************************************************************
>
>Announcement: Mun Awng Album Release 
>19 June, 1998 from < bsgnor@xxxxxxx>
>
>The Burmese singer Mun Awng is releasing a new album to commemorate the
>10th anniversary of the 8.8.88 uprising. "Path to Freedom" will be his 
2nd
>album in exile, and his 6th since he established himself as a 
well-known
>singer in Burma in 1984. 
>
>His previous albums include "Battle for Peace" from 1992, from which 
songs
>were sung during the December 1996 demonstrations. 
>
>The album will be available from the Burma Support Group/Norway (BSG).
>Organisations and groups who would like to participate in the 
distribution
>worldwide should contact the BSG.
>
>Further information can be found at: http://www.communique.no/freedom/
>
>Please contact:
>
>Burma Support Group/Norway
>P.O.Box 6906 St. Olavs plass
>N-0130 Oslo, Norway
>Email: freedom@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
>Phone: +47-88 00 19 43
>Fax: +47-22 20 78 15
>
>****************************************************************
>
>
>


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