The BurmaNet News: June 9, 1998

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 "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"
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The BurmaNet News: June 9, 1998
Issue #1022

Noted in Passing: " I ... told them that if they did not allow me to
receive guests in my home, I would have my tea party out in the street." -
Aung San Suu Kyi (see THE BANGKOK POST: SUU KYI HOSTS TEA PARTY AT HOME.) 

HEADLINES:
==========
MAINICHI: ASSK LETTER FROM BURMA
BKK POST: OPPOSITION ACTIVISTS "JAILED FOR 14 YEARS" 
THE NATION: BURMESE JUNTA WARNS TEACHERS TO CURB UNREST 
BKK POST: SUU KYI HOSTS TEA PARTY AT HOME 
REUTERS: MYANMAR JUNTA, OPPOSITION TIES STILL COOL 
BKK POST: WA ARMY BECOMES MAJOR DRUG PRODUCER 
BKK POST: BURMA LIKELY TO ESCAPE THE BRICKS 
ANNOUNCEMENT: SUU KYI MESSAGE FOR WOMEN OF BURMA DAY
****************************************************************

Mainichi Daily News: Letter from Burma: Uncomfortable Mix of Climate and
Politics 
1 June, 1998 by Aung San Suu Kyi

In temperate climes, May is a merry month of darling buds and blossoms.  In
our monsoon land it is an uncomfortable month, searing hot and humid with
the impending rains.  This year the heat in Rangoon has been particularly
hard to bear.  People muttered about El Nino, electricity cuts, water
shortages and rising prices and got hotter and more distressed.  Then a few
days ago, clouds gathered to blot out the brazen sun and delicious cascades
of rain battened down the dust and washed away the heat.  Another rainy
season has come again.  And for the National League for Democracy (NLD),
another anniversary of the general elections that had so raised the hopes
of our people in 1990.

The position of the members of Parliament elected eight years ago can be
described as a political limbo.  Their names were announced in the state
media as the winning candidates and their election to Parliament recorded
in the Burma Gazette.  Yet Parliament has never been convened and the
elected representatives of the people still await the call to duty.  Eight
years is a long time to wait for a Parliament to be convened.  Some or our
representatives have died, some are languishing in prison, a number have
left Burma to carry the cause of Burma's democracy to other lands.  Of
those who remain here, some have been "persuaded" to discontinue their
activities, others persevere with the struggle.  During the past week, some
of these stalwarts have been detained to prevent them from attending the
NLD Congress, which was held on May 27 to commemorate the eighth
anniversary of the elections.  The authorities seem to be extremely averse
to the idea of elected representatives gathering.  Perhaps it is too
uncomfortable a reminder of their failure to convene Parliament.

This is not the first time the authorities have tried to sabotage an NLD
party congress.  Such work has become the norm.  Whenever we start
preparing for congress we know the authorities will do their utmost to
prevent it from taking place.  We write to inform the relevant Law and
Order Restoration Council or to use the new jargon, Peace and Development
Council, of our plan to hold a party congress.  Their usual response is
that we should limit the number of those attending the congress to a few
hundred, knowing full well that we had invited about a thousand or more.
Then on the day of the congress, a knot of people comprising members of the
NLD and members of the security forces would gather at the top of the road
to my house and, to use the most dignified expression, conduct negotiations
with regard to entry. On several occasions those of our people who refused
to turn back when denied admission were forcibly taken away to some distant
place such as a remote cemetery.

The last party congress, held in September 1997, went more smoothly than
expected after some initial hitches.  But there is no guarantee that the
authorities will be equally moderate this time around.  Will the political
changes that took place in Indonesia over the last few days move them to
take more repressive measures against opposition forces?  It was noticed
that the Burmese media did not carry news of the student demonstrations
that shook Indonesia during these last couple of weeks.  It was only
through foreign radio broadcasts that we knew of what was happening and
many Burmese followed developments avidly, drawing comparisons between the
situation in Indonesia now and the situation in Burma in 1988 when student
demonstrations led to the democratic revolution that resulted in the fall
of the Burma Socialist Programme Party Government.  When President Suharto
resigned, there was a small item in the official Burmese newspapers but
there was no mention of the events that had led to his resignation.

The world certainly has shrunk to proportions that at times feel a little
uncomfortable.  We cannot ignore the possibility that changes in the
political situation of one country could lead to reactionary measures in
another.  We wait to see.  In the meantime, we continue to grapple with
preparations for our congress.  Will it take place, people queried, as news
came in of nine people taken into custody here, four more there, a few more
over the other place.  We have been through all that before and we cannot
tell how many more times we shall have to go through it all again before we
gain the freedom to participate freely in the political process of our
country.

Regarding the history of the Jews, I was awed by the story of the diaspora,
the repeated exiles and migrations that scattered a people from a small
strip of the Middle East into different countries and civilizations around
the globe.  Elie Weisel wrote in a preface to the autobiography of the
sister of the Dalai Lama that His Holiness had asked him closely how the
Jews had managed to retain their identity through centuries of exile.  It
is a question that interests me as well.  What is the binding force that
keeps alive a sense of belonging to a particular group, the determination
to adhere to the beliefs and principles that set it apart from the others?
Those of us working for democracy in Burma are not a people in exile but we
are a group which has to work to keep alive our faith and goals, to renew
our resolve again and again in the wilderness of political repression.  Our
promised land has not been promised to us by a Supreme Being, only by our
own determination and perseverance.

The position of the NLD is not an enviable one.  The repression on one side
is matched by the expectations of the people on the other.  As the economic
difficulties of the country increase, they look to us to hasten the
democratization process of the country.  We have to explain to them that
democracy means government of the people, by the people, for the people, so
they also have to be involved in the process.  We have always been careful
not to give the impression that democracy could be achieved easily or that
once achieved it would instantly resolve all the problems of the country.
We have explained that hope has to be accompanied by endeavor.  Nothing
that is worthwhile comes free; there is always a price to pay and sometimes
that price is a high one.

Although we do not encourage empty hopes built on mere fancies, we need to
have a visions of our nation as it could be if we built a strong foundation
of democratic institutions.  A democratic government means a responsible
government that  must accept it has a duty to cope with any problem that
besets the country.  A responsible government cannot blame inflation on
"axe-handles." (This quaint expression, which the authorities use
interchangeably with "foreign stooges," appears frequently in official
diatribes and on signboards purporting to advertise the desires of the
people of Burma.)  Not can it shrug off the failure to open universities by
laying it at the door of "destructionist elements." A responsible
government has to answer to the people for the ills of the nation.

Where there is no Parliament and no freedom of the press, how are the
people to ask a government why their needs have not been addressed?  How
are they, in the first place, to indicate their desires, their genuine
desires, not those written up in large letters at street corners?  There
has to be a legitimate way for the people of Burma to give voice to their
troubles, their aspirations, their needs.  Their elected representatives
are the proper channel through which they can make their voice heard.  That
is why the elected representatives of the NLD remain at their posts,
braving all attempts to make them retreat from their responsibilities. 

****************************************************************

The Bangkok Post: Opposition Activists "Jailed for 14 Years"
8 June, 1998 

Charge tied to letter from Shan army chief

Burma's ruling junta has sentenced two opposition members to 14 years
imprisonment each for distributing copies of a letter from a rebel army,
sources said yesterday.

The members of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD)
handed out the copies at their party leader's compound on March 27, the
sources said.

The letter was from the Shan State army to Rangoon intelligence chief
Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt but details of its content were not
immediately available. The Shan State Army has struck a ceasefire deal with
Burmese authorities.

Intelligence agents later confiscated copies of the letter from journalists
who were at the compound.

Meanwhile, another 30 members of the NLD were detained in the Pago area,
some 80 kilometres north of Rangoon, the opposition sources said.

They were to be charged with "endangering the security of the state" after
attending events on May 27 to mark the eighth anniversary of elections
which the NLD won by a landslide. The junta has refused to accept the results.

Junta officials could not be reached for comment yesterday.

Mrs Suu Kyi was yesterday subject to another attack by the state-run media,
which reiterated Rangoon's position she had no role to play in any possible
dialogue between the junta and the opposition.

"How can we believe the democracy princess is really sincere in her call
for dialogue when even the simple matter of an official invitation was
rejected out of hand because she was not included in the invitation?" the
Mirror newspaper asked.

"Having a dialogue with the democracy princess and her party will therefore
merely be a waste of time and of no benefit to the nation," it said. 

****************************************************************

The Nation: Burmese Junta Warns Teachers to Curb Unrest 
7 June, 1998 

RANGOON -- One of Burma's most senior ruling generals has warned
schoolteachers to curb alleged attempts by dissidents to spark political
unrest in the country's education system, official newspapers reported
yesterday.

The warning by Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt precedes the return of students to
primary, middle and high schools after a three-month annual holiday on
Thursday. Universities have been closed since unrest in December 1996.

Khin Nyunt, the powerful head of military intelligence, urged teachers in a
speech on Friday to be aware of "subversive elements" seeking to create
disturbances.

"It is necessary to be vigilant against attempts by internal traitors and
some neocolonialists to create disturbances in the education sector," Khin
Nyunt said.

Though he did not mention her by name, Khin Nyunt appeared to be referring
to pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace
Prize.

Suu Kyi's advocacy of democracy and human rights is viewed by ruling State
Peace and Development Council, the latest incarnation of 36 years of
military rule, as a plot orchestrated by foreign powers to subjugate Burma.

A student-led uprising against military rule was bloodily crushed in 1988.
Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, rose to prominence amid
the unrest.

Suu Kyi's National League of Democracy party last month held its first
congress allowed by the government to mark a landslide victory in
parliamentary elections in 1990. The military never allowed the legislature
to convene. 

****************************************************************

The Bangkok Post: Suu Kyi Holds Tea Party at Home
8 June, 1998 by Sanitsuda Ekachai 

Entertains women from Asean nations

Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's democracy leader, had a chance to do what women
in free societies take for granted -- she hosted a tea party at her home --
entertaining a group of women from Asean countries.

The Nobel laureate looked radiant for the get-together, wearing a green
traditional dress with orange embroidery and a flower decoration in her hair.

The gathering at her blockaded residence on Friday was a pre-birthday party
for Mrs Suu Kyi who will turn 53 on July 19 [sic Suu Kyi's birthday is June
19].  Pro-democracy groups celebrate it as Burmese Women's Day in honour of
women who have struggled for democracy in Burma.

Although officially released from a six-year house arrest in 1995, her
movements are severely restricted. The military does not allow her to
receive guests or to travel outside Rangoon. They strictly monitor her
outings.

Telephone conversations are tapped and regularly cut off to prevent her
talking to the media. Except for diplomats, anyone who sees her is
followed, photographed, barred from entering Burma again or has his or her
personal belongings confiscated.

It was the first time in nearly a decade that the ruling junta loosened the
restrictions and allowed Mrs Suu Kyi to receive guests. It followed her
demand that she be allowed to have friends around. The military might also
want to show it is not intimidated by a "hen party".

"I also told them that if they did not allow me to receive guests in my
home, I would have my tea party out in the street," said Mrs Suu Kyi with a
mischievous smile.

The opposition leader sat on the living room floor with her guests and
engaged in a women-to-women talk. The room is decorated with old family
pictures and a wall-sized portrait of her father, General Aung San, the
hero of Burma's independence from Britain and the founder of the Burmese army.

Small talk while sipping tea and snacking quickly gave way to discussion
about women's rights, spirituality, her daily life, how she coped with long
separations from her family, and her concerns with the sorry state of
education in Burma.

She also answered questions about female political prisoners in Burma, the
impact of military oppression on women's lives, foreign aid and investment,
and the crackdown on Burmese illegal workers and the role of the UNHCR in
Burmese refugee camps in Thailand.

Asked to convey messages [to] new leaders in the Philippines and Indonesia,
Mrs Suu Kyi said their help in reaching a political settlement in Burma
would strengthen peace in the region.

On the impact of the military dictatorship on women's lives, she said the
situation was particularly bad for ethnic women on the borders.

Apart from being raped by troops, many ethnic women, as well as poor
Burmese, fled poverty and oppression and ended up being sold into
prostitution and "treated like animals".

She expressed sorrow that the Burmese, once considered the most educated
and progressive in Southeast Asia, now faced widespread prejudices and
exploitation as illegal migrant workers.

Thailand's crackdown on them was "understandable given its economic
crisis," she said. But to solve the problem of illegal migrant workers,
Thailand must tackle the source of repression by the despotic military
which forced them to leave home as workers or refugees.

On Burmese refugees in Thailand, Mrs Suu Kyi said more involvement by the
UNCHR in refugee camps "would be of great help to our people who are living
in difficult situations, particularly the children".

On women's rights, she said her political party, the National League for
Democracy, was aware of women's special vulnerabilities. But for now, the
priority was to struggle for democracy and human rights.

"If you ask wives, and daughters of political prisoners about what they
think of women's rights, they would probably say they want their husbands
or fathers back first," she said. It is estimated that there are about
1,500 political prisoners in Burma. Although few are women, they suffer
equally at the hands of warders.

Support for democracy in Burma from Asean women would benefit political
prisoners regardless of gender, she said.

The party leader also demanded better treatment for political prisoners,
that they be kept separately from criminals and given access to reading
materials and legal rights.

Despite a widespread poverty problem, she discouraged aid from UN agencies
or non-governmental organisations because it ultimately strengthened the
regime.

Short of political change, such aid was a "mere drop in the ocean" and
hindered long-term change for democracy, she explained.

Mrs Suu Kyi said she was busier than ever trying to finish an NLD plan
within one month to pressure the government to implement the results of the
1990 election, which her party won with a landslide victory.

To relax, she said she exercised 20 minutes a day and meditated for an hour.

Her family's supportiveness had also helped her cope with a long separation
from her husband and two sons who live in Britain.

"If they were the sort of family who kept getting at me, things would have
been difficult," she said.

 ... [P]hone conversations with them had become "very, very irregular," she
complained. "I used to get phone calls from them regularly once every week.
But in the past six, seven months, our phone has been cut off."

Her husband and eldest son are not allowed to visit her. Her youngest son's
last visit was in September last year and he was denied a visa to visit her
in December.

Foreign journalists are not allowed to meet her, either. Every time they
call, the phone, which is tapped, is immediately cut, she said.

"Compared to a lot of Burmese, I'm living a more comfortable life. But then
again, I'm also less free. Why am I deprived the rights to see people I
want to see? What they are doing now is absurd," she said.

Asked about the impact of the Indonesian uprising and political change on
Burmese politics, Mrs Suu Kyi said the Burmese authorities must learn that
they cannot go on against the world forever.

Asked what she would do if in power, she said one of the first things would
be to open the universities which the government has closed for nearly two
years. She would also focus on serving the basic needs of the poor majority.

Asked for her birthday wishes, she replied promptly "a peaceful settlement
and dialogue in this country".

Although the tea party had state approval, the attendants were photographed
and thoroughly checked, including a body check, at the airport on departure.

Films, pictures and books with Aung San Suu Kyi's autographs as well as
personal letters were confiscated.

****************************************************************

Reuters: Myanmar Junta, Opposition Ties Still Cool -- Suu Kyi 
8 June, 1998 

YANGON -- Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi says it is too early
to declare if ties with the ruling military junta have thawed just because
it allowed her political party to hold a controversial gathering last month.

But she noted both sides had benefited mutually from the military's
permission for the National League for Democracy (NLD) party to hold the
May 27-28 meeting. The gathering marked the eighth anniversary of the NLD's
1990 election victory, which was never officially recognised.

``I hope this has made the authorities realise that we are prepared to
cooperate with them and if they are prepared to cooperate with us there is
no reason why we cannot achieve harmony,'' Suu Kyi said in a amateur video
interview recorded in Yangon on Friday. The video was brought to Thailand
over the weekend and seen by Reuters on Monday.

``I think it is too early to say whether the arrangements of May mean that
the authorities have become so flexible that they are prepared to go for
dialogue,'' Suu Kyi added.

The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), which had in the
past banned gatherings to mark the sensitive NLD polls victory, made a
surprise move by letting 400 NLD members take part in the gathering in Suu
Kyi's residence in the capital.

In May 1997, the military drew international criticism when it detained
hundreds of NLD members to prevent them from attending a similar gathering.

The NLD has charged that the military abuses human rights on a large scale
and has curbed political activities.

Political analysts and diplomats had speculated soon after the gathering
was allowed last month that it could be the harbinger of dialogue between
the two sides -- dialogue that has been elusive in the past few years.

Before last month's gathering there was little evidence to suggest the SPDC
was taking a softer line, Suu Kyi said.

``Since last September, repression has increased, repression of our
political party has increased a great deal so you cannot say that just
because things worked out well with the congress that the military regime
is more flexible,'' she said.

``But I hope that because now they have had quite a bit of experience of
dealing with us they will be able to understand better we are not being
just difficult,'' Suu Kyi added.

The NLD has frequently asked for a dialogue with the ruling junta but the
SPDC has said it will only open talks with the opposition if Suu Kyi does
not represent the NLD. But the NLD has refused this condition.

Over the weekend, the state run press suggested there was no imminent
change in this pre-condition for talks.

``How can I believe that the dialogue called for by the democracy princess
is sincere?'' questioned one column, but it added that the SPDC
acknowledged the NLD as a political party but did not recognise Suu Kyi.

Suu Kyi said the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the
regional economic grouping to which Myanmar belongs, should try to persuade
the SPDC to begin unconditional dialogue with the NLD.

She said the recent unrest in Indonesia illustrated the potential for
conflict in countries where people were denied a legitimate democratic
voice and how destabilising to the region that could be.

``I have always maintained that unrest in one country in the region means
unrest for the whole region...the cause of democracy in Burma is the cause
of peace and harmony for the whole ASEAN region,'' she said.

****************************************************************

The Bangkok Post: Wa Army Becomes Major Drug Producer 
6 June, 1998 by Subin Khuenkaew 

Slowly Seizes Control Of Khun Sa Bases

The United Wa State Army has gained enough military strength to dominate
areas formerly controlled by the once-mighty Mong Tai Army of Khun Sa.
Also, it is slowly taking over narcotics production from the MTA.

A military source said the Wa army has joined forces with the Khun Sa old
guard to expand its network along the trail of the MTA. The UWSA is also
entrusted by Rangoon to police the Thai-Burmese border.

The United States is trying to block the rise of UWSA leader Wei Hsuehkang,
alias Prasit Chivinnitipanya with a handsome reward offer for his capture.

There are also rewards for three other men -- two Burmese and a Thai --
wanted on drug charges in New York. This is in addition to a longstanding
reward for the capture of Khun Sa, who claims to have washed his hands of
the narcotics business.

Feared as a new Khun Sa in the making, Wei is said to have enough
influence, ammunition and ambition to gain similar notoriety.

"He certainly has what it takes to succeed Khun Sa as a drug warlord," said
the source, adding the UWSA has increased its weapons stockpile in a bid to
consolidate its military power.

The UWSA now controls a wide area encompassing the MTA's former bastions
opposite Chiang Rai's Mae Sai, Mae Chan, and Mae Fah Luang districts, and
Chiang Mai's Mae Ai, Fang and Chiang Dao districts.

Its influence is slowly spreading over parts of the border opposite Mae
Hong Son. The source believes the UWSA is aiming to spread its domination
further south into Myawaddy opposite Tak province in order to facilitate
its amphetamine production and export.

Gen Chettha Thanajaro, the army chief, yesterday maintained Thailand did
not have to hand over Khun Sa to the United States if he was arrested on
Thai soil.

He said Thailand was an independent country with total freedom to treat its
foreign criminals as it saw fit.

Meanwhile, a massive manhunt has been launched for a gang of drug dealers
who tools two policemen hostage during a bungled sting operation.

More than 100 officers including volunteers combed the area near Mae
Sot-Umphang road in Mae Sot district of Tak province yesterday looking for
four members of the drug gang and their hostages.

The gang had demanded a ransom of 3 million baht and a getaway car in
exchange for the two officers, police said.

The officers were attacked and taken hostage after the gang discovered that
the two were undercover officers, police said.

Police yesterday arrested Amporn Parptip, a suspected gang member, but he
denied knowing the whereabouts of the others. article.

****************************************************************

The Bangkok Post: Burma Likely to Escape the Bricks
8 June, 1998 by Nusara Thaitawat 

The United States and other rich countries have always been weak in their
demand for a serious suppression drive in developing countries.

Burma is not expected to come under harsh criticism -- at least not alone
-- at a special anti-drug session of the UN General Assembly which opens
today in New York.

Afghanistan, whose internal political conflicts have hampered anti-drug
efforts is the second largest producer of opium and heroin after Burma. Its
primary market is Europe, both western and the former "east bloc" countries.

The European Union on the other hand is notoriously more concerned about
protecting its chemical industry's trade secrets amid international efforts
to stop the divergence of precursor chemicals needed to produce illicit drugs.

The United States and other rich consumer countries have always been weak
in their demand for a serious suppression drive in developing countries
where most of the illicit drugs are produced.

Burmese authorities insist that theirs is a "realistic" approach to
resolving the drugs problem, according to an official booklet released in
March 1998 by the Office of Strategic Studies, Ministry of Defence.

"The US prosecuted former Panamanian strongman Gen Noriega and Colombia's
Medellin cartel boss Escobar as a great public relations showcase... but
did it stop or reduce the flow of drugs into the US from those two
countries?" the booklet's author Lt Col Hla Min asked.

Burma's "strategy" was to disband Khun Sa's army after his surrender,
return them to their villages and assist their reintegration as "normal
citizens" while his top aides were taken under government control.

Burmese authorities have also concluded ceasefire agreements with armed
ethnic groups involved in the drug trade to complement the government's
policy against drug suppression and developing the region.

"Pressuring others to accept and use methods which have undeniably failed
in the past and constantly put the blame solely on a small developing
nation already being victimised by past colonial rule and overwhelming
superpower actions will definitely not help in our fight to suppress the
narcotics trade.

"On top of it, in Myanmar's case the US government's unreasonable refusal
to recognise the anti-narcotics activities and efforts of the drug-
producing countries and at the same time not doing and also caring enough
to stop or at least curb the consumer or demand-side are also
excruciatingly unrealistic and foolhardy," said Lt Col Hla Min.

The US State Department's annual Report on International Narcotics Control
Strategy for 1997, released last March estimated 155,150 hectares were
under opium poppy cultivation in Burma, which could yield up to 2,365
metric tons of opium gum, enough to produce some 197 metric tons of heroin.

Burma has been the world's biggest producer for many years, its production
doubled in 1989 when the State Law and Order Restoration Council, now known
as the State Peace and Development Council, took power.

The report also said that the ceasefire agreements which the Burmese
government concluded with armed ethnic minority armies such as the United
Wa State Army and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (Kokang
Chinese) "appear" to have given them "a free hand continue their trade."

Sai Lin (whose Chinese name is Lin Mingxian) of the Eastern Shan State Army
topped the list of ethnic leaders whose groups, the US government believes,
is involved in the heroin and/ or amphetamine trade.

Money laundering and the return of narcotics profits laundered elsewhere is
a significant factor in the overall Burmese economy, the report also said.

An increasing number of drug experts in the region confirmed that since the
middle of last year, Burma has shown "seriousness" in fighting drugs and
that world pressure so far has hurt the international community more than
Burma.

"That amount of energy that has gone into international pressure does not
equal the amount of result," said Richard Dickins, recently appointed UN
International Drug Control Programme representative in Rangoon.

"Had the donor countries taken a strict but a more benevolent position they
would have achieved a lot by now. They have to a degree hurt themselves
because by isolating Burma, they have contributed to maintaining the drug
problem," he said, during a recent interview.

While agreeing there needs to be some pressure, Mr Dickins said so far "the
tactics have been too strong, Burma also needs to be encouraged to change,
if you're too harsh then it does backfire."

He stressed that the efforts being made by Burmese authorities must not be
looked at as static but as a start of a potentially successful anti-drugs
efforts which take time to show results, just like Thailand 20-30 years ago.

"The ceasefires are a start. Ten years ago there was no thought of that,
they were just fighting. They have moved to ceasefires, they may not be
perfect, but they are a start.

"Nothing is frozen, you have to look ahead ten years and there will be at
least equal movement," he said.

For Thailand, which suffers directly from Burma's drug problems with
millions of amphetamine tablets literally flowing into the country each
year, "Burma is doing its best," according to both the Secretary General of
the Office of Narcotics Control Board and its deputy in charge of suppression.

Kitti Limchaikit, ONCB deputy secretary general explained during a recent
interview that the change of attitude came after the Burmese military
government managed to tackle its ethnic minority problems.

"For the Burmese government political stability is the priority, drugs
control comes later. If the two can go hand in hand, then fine but if a
choice is to be made, it will be political stability," he said.

But though some ethnic conflicts still remain today the last big hurdle was
removed when Khun Sa gave himself up in 1996.

The Burmese government spent another year tackling the remaining pockets of
ethnic conflicts before moving ahead by renaming itself from the authority
aimed to "restore law and order" to "development and peace."

Cooperation with Thailand, initiated under the first Anand Panyarachun
government in 1991 got off to a slow start because of the lack of
confidence. Now, Burmese authorities raid amphetamine factories on their
border following tips from their Thai counterparts.

****************************************************************

Announcement: Suu Kyi Message for Women of Burma Day 
8 June, 1998 from <altsean@xxxxxxxxxx>

A 3-minute informal message from Aung San Suu Kyi for Women of Burma Day
(June 19) will be available soon on VHS PAL video cassette. They will cost
US10 each to cover the price of duplication and delivery.

If you are planning to launch the new book, "Burma: Voices of Women in the
Struggle," or organise any other event for Women of Burma Day, please
contact us soon to obtain a copy of the message.

The video is for use at community events and not meant for broadcast.

---------------------------------
A L T S E A N - B U R M A
Alternative Asean Network on Burma
Tel/Fax: 66 2 693 4515 * <altsean@xxxxxxxxxx>

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