Military winners and losers-The Tra (r)

[kabaraye@xxxxxxxxxxx]

                    RE: Garry Prior

Prior's narrative of the situation of Burma seems warped with a strong 
tendancy to sympathise with the military dictators , whom he shows a 
high regard for. Is this because of the capacity in which he visited 
Burma, with the primary objective of setting up a business venture and  
obviously requiring him to have close contact and pampered reception 
from the present powers that be.
 
His "new vision" that the SLORC is not a "stupid and brutal regime" can 
arise only from the view he was exposed to. They were not stupid as in " 
morons and imbeciles " and on the contrary are full of cunning. Their 
"stupidity " is in trying to govern a country by the use of force and 
managing to to drag the economy and status of Burma to hit rock bottom 
during their dictatorial reign. We were a strong nation 30 years ago and 
while others in the region have moved forwards in this period we went 
the other way. 

As for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal to meet Khin Nyunt, where does he 
get this information which he "believes" and yet dares to put it to 
print. It is a well known fact that SLORC/SPDC refuses to accept Daw 
ASSK in any likely talks with the NLD and that has always been one of 
the main obstacles.

Since when did a businessman, with one year's exposure in the bosom of 
the miltary government get to become an expert on the economy and 
politics of Burma , that Asiaweek should use his article.

As for Brutality, he should make another visit to the country and meet 
the people who are denied freedom of speech, movement and news, people 
who are uprooted and displaced , people who serve as slaves and human 
fodder for the army, people who are raped and pillaged, people who have 
lost their loved ones for no reason at all - and then , maybe he will 
begin to see what the description applies to .

You can fool some of the people all of the time - or all of the people 
some of the time- , and it seems Prior has fallen into the first 
category. International outcries and condemnations are not made based on 
rumours but on facts as well as eyewitness accounts of the long 
suffering population.

I would be most grateful ,if anyone can communicate this message to 
Prior.

K A.





>Asiaweek (June 5, 1998)
>THE TRAGEDY OF MYANMAR
>Asia's downturn threatens a reformist breakthrough 
>GARRY PRIOR, a British businessman, 
>has lived and worked
>in East Asia for the past quarter century 
>and is now based in Kuala Lumpur. 
>
>MUCH TO MY REGRET, a year-long stay in Myanmar ended in February when 
my
>planned business venture was not able to raise the requisite funds 
because
>of the regional economic downturn. But I maintain my interest in 
Myanmar
>and I hope that its people will be spared the pain of purely 
exploitative
>modernization. No matter how unfashionable the view, I believe that a
>strong degree of central control is necessary to help nations make the
>initial transition from agricultural subsistence to a modernizing
>semi-industrial economy and that it is the job of other nations, 
through
>their governments, investors and commentators, to try to ensure that
>oppression is ameliorated and that the benefits of development are 
shared
>with the populace. 
>Local oppositionists are inevitably weakened during such a transition, 
and
>their audience is quite rightly the international media, who do much to
>shape perceptions. In one sense, that is an extension of the 
marketplace.
>I do not share the view that Asian Values are dead or never existed. 
They
>served their purpose in most countries - without them Asia would not 
have
>been taken seriously on the world stage - and they should now be 
adapted
>to meet the new circumstances. Myanmar is among countries that still 
need
>to complete the initial transition. A so-called open democracy will not
>lead to a utopia but instead allow the economy to be hijacked by vested
>interests who may prove more unattractive than the military. Whatever 
its
>faults (and they are legion), the military at least recognizes that it 
is
>a transitional government. 
>Until I went to Myanmar (and despite spending 26 years in the region), 
I
>believed what I read: that it was ruled by a stupid, brutal regime. I 
was
>pleasantly surprised on nearly all fronts. When I got to know them, I
>found that most members of the State Law and Order Restoration Council
>(SLORC) wanted workable solutions. They juggled within a collective
>responsibility to achieve a consensus between the wildly disparate 
views
>of fighting generals who want the fruits of victory and the genuine
>reformers who want more durable benefits. The ensuing inertia led to 
the
>virtual coup last November which brought in the State Peace and
>Development Council (SPDC) - and possibly a temporary victory for the
>moderates. This breakthrough came as Asia's economy slumped, drying up
>investment. Now there is a risk that without economic progress, the
>reformers will be rejected by the military, who were not pleased to see
>SLORC colleagues put under house arrest. 
>The tragedy: I believe that Lt.-Gen. Khin Nyunt, the SPDC's 
secretary-1,
>was trying to create a dialogue with the National League for Democracy
>that would have led to some accommodation with Aung San Suu Kyi. But 
she
>flatly rejected the overture for rather selfish reasons and put him in 
an
>impossible position in the SPDC and the international community. It is
>never good negotiating tactics to totally alienate the most sympathetic
>party in the opposing camp and yet that is what she did, encouraged by
>some but not all of the diplomatic community. The military is a fact of
>life in Myanmar. Although it is widely detested, even its hardcore
>opponents know that sooner or later they will have to negotiate with 
the
>soldiers and co-exist. 
>That Suu Kyi is treated as an international icon who is above criticism
>and therefore the SPDC is seen as an international pariah, only makes 
it
>harder to reach a sensible solution. The SPDC is no worse than many
>regimes and a great deal better than some. By demonizing it, the 
(mostly
>Western) press makes a dialogue more difficult. SPDC members feel the
>abuse personally and it warps their perceptions of what is worthwhile 
and
>doable. I have talked with several of the more moderate figures shortly
>after an attack; deeply angry and hurt, they expressed themselves in
>understandably emotional terms. Repeated abuse makes it more difficult 
for
>them to defend their moderate stance and may force them to take a 
harder
>line just to stay in the game. Myanmar's people are not helped by this. 
>Disenchantment with the polarity of Suu Kyi's and the SPDC's positions 
is
>evident among an increasing number of former "radicals" in Yangon who 
want
>to see some progress. In my year in Myanmar, I came to admire the 
people's
>cheerfulness in the face of poverty and the fear of repression. It is
>testament to their decency that after 50 years of civil wars, there is 
no
>general resort to terrorism. In my year there were three bombs and one
>fatality. During one week I was in Hong Kong when there were bomb 
scares.
>No one in the media suggested that Hong Kong was becoming unsafe. But
>after the Myanmar blasts, the State Department warned Americans against
>visiting, much to the indignation of some I knew who went in anyway to
>find no troops on the streets and smiles on people's faces. 
>U.S. Embassy reports are driven by a political agenda, not shared by 
the
>embassy staff, that interprets facts in the most hostile manner. Sadly,
>this is not unusual in Western analysis of Myanmar today. I suppose 
that
>is why the very small band of us who try to look beyond stereotypes and
>political correctness sometimes go too far in the other direction in
>trying to present a more balanced picture.
>
>Letters and Comments in June 5 Asiaweek
>HISTORY IS REPEATING ITSELF in Indonesia [COVER STORY, May 29]. World
>leaders like Suharto rise and fall, some in a few years, others in 
several
>decades. There are several creative ways of "over-staying." One has 
only
>to review the recent history of Asia to appreciate this. One thing is
>consistent, though: excessive and prolonged power can and will corrupt
>anyone who receives it. It blinds the perception of human dignity,
>reality, justice and honor. Whether it is dollars, rupiah, yen, peso or
>ringgit, the results are always the same - corruption, nepotism, guns,
>goons, and gold for the "powerful one." But did we ever learn? 
>Percival Punzal
>via the Internet
>Philippines 
>
>A LONG-SUFFERING BURMESE, I will always remember the live broadcast of 
the
>resignation of Suharto on the morning of May 21. I was thrilled for the
>Indonesian people. But my happiness was tinged with jealousy as the
>Burmese are still firmly under the military yoke. The ruling Burmese
>generals unashamedly tried to copy the Indonesian military's dwifungsi
>[dual function] principle and are tampering with the constitution to
>enshrine their political role. After eight years of drafting by their
>handpicked body, they still refuse to come up with a constitution. 
>Who would have thought that Indonesia's endgame would come so swiftly, 
and
>almost bloodless compared to the 1965 massacres? Having witnessed the
>terrible nationwide killings by the Burmese army in 1988, I was
>psychologically preparing myself for a bloodbath in Indonesia. Credit 
must
>go to the leaders of both sides for pulling it off in such a civilized
>way. 
>Perhaps Suharto's biggest blind spot was the obscene greed of his 
family.
>His longtime friend, Gen. Ne Win, is wiser on that front. He 
distributed
>corrupt wealth among the rank and file of his army and created a new 
class
>of Burmese belonging to the military. The only advantage the Burmese 
have
>over the Indonesians is Aung San Suu Kyi, a leader waiting in the 
wings.
>The price the Burmese will have to pay for Indonesian People Power is 
more
>paranoid and repressive military rulers, who will now close the 
institutes
>of higher learning - already shuttered for years - indefinitely. 
>Maung Maung
>[real name, address provided]
>Hong Kong 
>
>YOUR COVERAGE OF INDONESIA is excellent [May 29]. The explosive 
situation
>was contained by the professionalism of Gen. Wiranto and the Indonesian
>Army. The reports of President Suharto's family having a net worth of 
up
>to $30 billion may be exaggerated. Companies affiliated with the 
Suharto
>family may have total capitalization of that amount. But much of this 
may
>be bank debt, not equity. 
>The $80 billion foreign debt of Indonesian companies is not the
>responsibility of the people. It is, however, a big problem for the
>foreign banks that made the huge loans. The government should assist 
the
>conversion of this debt to equity and help the banks collect the
>outstanding loans. If the loans have insufficient collateral, the banks
>should be held responsible for lending foolishly. Indonesia is
>resource-rich with a big domestic market. With good government and a
>financial lifeline from the International Monetary Fund, the economic
>problems can be resolved. 
>I have always felt that Indonesia and Burma were in a tight race for 
the
>third Asian government to be toppled by the regional financial crisis.
>Next to go will be the military regime in Burma. 
>Myint Thein
>Dallas, Texas
>
>Saturday May 30 1998
>
>Letter 
>Sweeping political reforms needed in China
>
>I read with interest Elsie Tu's letter headlined, "Stand behind 
diligent
>and effective leader" (South China Morning Post, May 22). 
>It seems to me that Mrs Tu has taken a very one-sided view of things. 
>If I am not mistaken, Mrs Tu (then Elsie Elliot) won a landslide 
victory
>in the 1967 Urban Council elections due mainly to her popularity with 
the
>Hong Kong people at the grassroots level. Since then, there has been a
>change of tack, a move towards leftism and this resulted in her losing 
in
>the Legco elections in 1995. It is a pity she did not learn from
>experience and then she would have understood Tung Chee-hwa's slump in
>popularity. 
>The "97 phobia" spread after the June 4 crackdown in China. The memory 
of
>that crackdown still lingers in the minds of Hong Kong people. They 
will
>continue to think about it, unless a thorough programme of reform is
>implemented in China. 
>By subordinating himself and the people of Hong Kong to mainland 
political
>thinking, Mr Tung has forfeited their confidence. They are also unhappy
>that he lays so much stress on business interests, especially those of
>property developers, who were also much admired by the colonial
>administration. Current property prices are still prohibitive and far
>beyond the means of the average wage earner. 
>I hope that the Indonesian crisis and the student demonstrations there
>will serve as an example to us and help the PRC leadership to wake up 
and
>recognise its past mistakes. 
>PETER WEI 
>Kwun Tong 
>
>The Straits Time
>MAY 31 1998 
>Myanmar and Brunei to boost ties in wide range of areas 
>YANGON -- Myanmar and Brunei have agreed to strengthen bilateral 
relations
>in various fields, the Myanmar Foreign Ministry said yesterday. 
>It said the two countries pledged to boost ties during a meeting on 
Friday
>between Senior General Than Shwe, the chairman of Myanmar's ruling 
State
>Peace and Development Council (SPDC), and Brunei's visiting ruler, 
Sultan
>Hassanal Bolkiah. 
>It said in a statement that the two countries had agreed to form a 
joint
>commission for promoting bilateral cooperation in the economic, trade,
>social and cultural fields. 
>>From June 28, Myanmar and Brunei citizens holding diplomatic and 
official
>passports will enjoy a 14-day visa exemption, the ministry said. 
>Meanwhile, sources said that when the Sultan arrived on Friday, there 
was
>a small hiccup as his entourage apparently found the state guesthouse
>below the standard expected for their leader. 
>The advance party from Brunei arranged for him to stay at a modern 
hotel
>built with foreign funds, the sources said. 
>His visit, a largely ceremonial one, is the latest in a series by 
regional
>leaders since Myanmar joined Asean last July. Reuters, AFP 
>
>MAY 31 1998 
>Calls grow for return of 'Suharto trillions' 
>JAKARTA -- Attacks are intensifying on the Suharto family amid moves by
>the new government to curb the economic favouritism that allowed the
>family's fortunes to flourish. 
>As Suharto rested at his Jakarta home on Friday, playing golf and 
jogging,
>according to his half-brother, a groundswell grew for the return of the
>fortune of up to US$40 billion (S$64 billion) that he and his six 
children
>allegedly siphoned from their country's economy. 
>Newly-liberated newspapers competed to display ever-bolder headlines 
about
>the "Suharto trillions" -- counted in Indonesian rupiah -- and street
>vendors passed out photocopied lists of the Suharto holdings, complete
>with mugshots of family members. 
>The mood here echoes the weeks following the 1986 ouster of former
>Philippine strongman Ferdinand Marcos. 
>Critics called for an investigation into the Suharto family's wealth, a
>cancellation of questionable contracts and the return of any ill-gotten
>gains. 
>Public anger is particularly keen because the family's extensive wealth 
--
>estimated at between US$16 billion and US$40 billion -- is coming to 
light
>at a time when Indonesia faces its worst economic crisis in three 
decades. 
>"Can you imagine how many people that would feed?" asked an angry taxi
>driver, pointing to an Indonesia newspaper article on the topic. 
>Given the public discontent, members of the Suharto family, friends and
>business partners should be prepared for increased criticism and 
possibly
>even prosecution, according to Mr Roderick Brazier, who had just 
completed
>an extensive study of the first family holdings for the Castle Group, a
>Jakarta-based consulting group. 
>"Someone is going to be made an example of," he said. 
>"Suharto will be spared because many people believe he did much good 
for
>the country. In his case, the good outweighs the bad. But his kids, if
>they stay in the country, they will suffer." 
>With a wave of reform sweeping Indonesia, government ministers are
>responding to the popular mood by initiating moves to dismantle the
>family's economic grip. 
>Arrangements in which a well-connected Suharto family member was 
included
>as a partner, and exclusive government-backed contracts for businesses
>related to the family, are coming under increasing scrutiny. 
>Pressure has also mounted to remove the former leader's children from
>corporate boards and other positions of influence. 
>On Friday, Chief Economics Minister Ginandjar Kartasasmita, himself a
>Suharto appointee, announced a series of steps aimed at ending the kind 
of
>manipulation that produced huge profits for the former President's
>relatives and friends. 
>On one front, he said procedures for approving investments would be
>streamlined, ending a long tangle of red tape that allowed Suharto 
family
>members to step in as silent partners, at huge fees. 
>On a second, he said tax holidays would be made public and would be
>available on the basis of merit, rather than being handed out, as in 
the
>past, as presents to Suharto family members. 
>On a third, he said factories would be allowed to open anywhere, as 
long
>as land regulations were obeyed, and not be restricted to industrial 
zones
>owned by favourites of the Suharto family. New York Times, Los Angeles
>Times 
>
>
>
>
>
>


______________________________________________________
Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com