Too Late to Learn

[nin@xxxxxx]

TOO LATE TO LEARN
         by Moe Aye

You may think there may not be a country where criminals such as murders,
rapists and drug traffickers are sentenced from one to seven years while
the students who write a history of the student movement are sentenced to
15 years imprisonment. But it is not strange in Burma under the ruling
military regime where the number of human rights violations is at a record
high.

Ko Aung Htun, a former Rangoon Institute of Technology student and Central
Executive Committee of All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), was
arrested in January 1998 and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment for
compiling a book - The History of Burmese Students Movement. For the junta,
the charge is high treason. For Ko Aung Tun, it is his second prison term
under the junta. 

He was first arrested in November 1990 and sentenced to five years
imprisonment for his involvement in the ABFSU. In October 1991, he was
transferred from Insein to Tharyawadi prison. In prison, he was kept in
solitary confinement for a long time and as a
result he now suffered from asthma. In 1994 he was released from prison.
                                      

There are many students such as Htun who are forcibly sent to prison for
the second time. And there are many students, including Min Ko Naing the
chairman of the ABFSU, who have been kept in solitary confinement for a
long time. For over nine years Min Ko Naing has been living in a solitary
confinement cell. A sad result of the long periods spent in solitary
confinement is that most political prisoners suffer from tuberculosis and
asthma.
 
Just after the SPDC claimed that they would re-open all Universities,
Colleges and Institutes, they conducted a major crackdown on student
activists. In a press conference on March 1, 1998, the junta accused them
of involvement with terrorist activities and being communist underground
cells.              

In reality, some of them were arrested because of their assistance to Ko
Aung Htun to compile the book. Ko Khun Sai (a former Medical student, a
prominent student leader of U Thant's funeral riot in 1974, and former
political prisoner from 1989 to 1993), Soe Lwin (Central Executive
Committee of All Burma Basic Educational Students of Union and a former
political prisoner from 1990 to 1993), Dr.Maung Maung Kyaw (a lawyer and
former political prisoner from 1989 to 1992), U Thar Bann (a lawyer and
former political prisoner from 1991 to 1995), Ms. Su Su Win and Ms. Khin
Moe Aye were imprisoned from seven to ten years for helping Htun.

Some were arrested because they tried to send some documents to UN special
envoy to Mr. Kofi Annan. Why did the junta claim that compiling a book -
The History of the Burmese Students Movement - is to commit terrorism? Are
those who love freedom of expression and hate dictatorships, communists?

In the press conference, Col. Kyaw Thein said that Htun is a communist
because he has been familiar with former communists. In saying so, the SPDC
is the closest friend of Communist China in this Southeast Asian region. In
fact, the book documents the student movement on 7 July 1962, U Thant's
funeral riot and the 1988 uprising with file photos that shames the Burmese
military rulers. To get the true story, Htun had to go and meet the people
who participated in the movements and ask what really happened. If U Ne Win
and the former Generals agree, Htun would go and ask them who really
ordered the destruction of the Students Union on 7 July 1962. He would
continue to ask why they did not pay respect to U Thant (former Secretary
General of UN) and hold a State-funeral for U Thant. Is Thant a communist too?

After the press conference, the authorities continued to oppress the
students both in prison and outside. For the time being, the MIS (Military
Intelligent Service) are re-interrogating the students in prison,
especially those who are close to finishing their prison terms. The
questions the MIS are asking are: 
(1) What will you do after you are released from prison?
(2) Will you continue to be involved in politics?
(3) Will you try to go and meet with Daw Su after being released?
(4) Do you think Daw Su could solve the country's problems?
(5) What do you think of changing the name from SLORC to SPDC? 

The MIS's re-interrogations have annoyed the parents whose sons are about
to finish their prison term because it could bring  another extension to
their sentence. If a political prisoner's answers are not acceptable to the
MIS, the result may turn out badly for the prisoner instead of him or her
being released. The prisoner could be sentenced for violating Prison Rules.
He or she is in the junta's hands.   

In November 1995, U Win Tin (NLD), Ko Myo Myint Nyein (the former head of
information of Daw Su) and other political prisoners were accused of
violating Prison Rules. Although they declared they were not guilty, they
were all sentenced to seven years in March 1996. At that time, Ko Myo Myint
Nyein and some students needed only three weeks to finish their prison term.

Sometimes the MIS re-interrogate prominent activists in prison, by
reasoning that the junta leaders want to know their opinions. In reality,
the authorities want to test whether their beliefs are still strong or not.
While being interrogated in prison in September 1994, one student who lead
the December 1991 demonstration in Rangoon University campus was threatened
that he would be held in prison as long as the junta rules the country
because he criticized U Ne Win and the SPDC leaders. Moreover, he firmly
demanded to have the right to form the Students Union in order to protect
student's rights.

The students were all transferred to different prisons. If a student's
family lives in Rangoon, he will be transferred to a prison far from there.
The authorities deliberately send political prisoners to prisons far from
his family. The MIS want the families to have difficulties in visiting
their sons, daughters, wives and husbands in prison. Every time the
families request whether it is possible to transfer their relative to a
prison nearer their residence, the authorities always reply that it is not
their fault the prisoner was involved in politics. The junta thinks that
this is the best way to pressure the families to tell their sons and
daughters to keep quiet in prison and not to continue with politics after
their release. However, the dictators don't know that this only hurts the
families more.     

At the same time, the township MIS is checking the list of students who
will attend their classes when the Universities are re-opened. The MIS is
checking for students who are relatives of former political prisoners as
well as students in prison and in exile. The township SPDC are also trying
to get a guarantee from parents that their sons and daughters must not
participate in any political movement. 

It is sad that most former student political prisoners have not the right
to continue their education. As well as university students, even the high
and middle school students have not the right to do so. In January 1990,
three students from the high school of South Okkalapa Township, Rangoon,
were arrested and sentenced to three years imprisonment for their
involvement in the Student Union. At that time they were in only eighth
standard and were 15 years old. Their parents appealed to the military
tribunal to release their sons because of their age. As usual it was
rejected. In 1993, they were released from prison and their parents
requested  the authorities to allow their sons to continue their education.
But their sons were banned from attending the school forever.   

They were not criminals or terrorists. Why was the punishment so harsh? Now
they are over 23 years old. Do they have to stop learning at only eighth
standard? There are many young students such as them. What is the meaning
of re-opening or closing the universities for those? Their classmates
before being arrested were close to having a degree.
 
On 10 December 1991, When Daw Aung San Su Kyi was awarded the Peace Nobel
Prize, the students peacefully demonstrated in the Rangoon university
campus and demanded  the release of Daw Aung San Su Kyi from house arrest.
Those students were sentenced from ten years to twenty years imprisonment
in March 1992. They have been kept in prison for over six years. At that
time, the youngest student was only 17 years and in ninth standard. If the
junta do not try to extend the prison term, the youngest student may be
released when he is over 26 years old. But his education had to stop at
only ninth standard. 

It is not only the jailed Members of Parliament who are banned from running
in any future elections but also the students who are banned from attending
school. 

There is a saying, it is never too late to learn. However, as long as
Democracy eludes Burma, this cannot be said for Burmese students under the
SPDC (SLORC) who are banned from attending their schools.
 
Moe Aye
                   
PO Box 42
Huamark  PO
Bangkok 10243
Tel; 01-6544984