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The Nation, March 18, Editorial & O
- Subject: The Nation, March 18, Editorial & O
- From: suriya@xxxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Tue, 17 Mar 1998 20:13:00
Editorial & Opinion
Asem must deal with
human rights head on
A key challenge facing the Asia-Europe
Meeting in London next month is to what
extent human rights will be addressed,
writes Vitit Muntarbhorn.
The Asia-Europe Meeting's (Asem)
dealings with human rights so far has been
to explore the issue only in a very nascent
and guarded manner. In the first Asem in
Bangkok, human rights were only referred
to fleetingly. In the chairman's statement of
the 1996 Asem, the term ''human rights''
was actually avoided. The term
''fundamental rights'' was used instead as a
kind of euphemism for human rights.
The term was also set against the
backdrop of the phrase ''non-intervention,
whether direct or indirect, in each other's
internal affairs''. The latter is a favourite
among some Asian governments that seek
to classify human rights violations as only
internal matters, thereby aiming to exclude
the advocacy of human rights at the
international level.
However, the parochial and nationalistic
approach was dampened in the chairman's
statement by a more internationalist phrase
-- that the advocacy of non-intervention
must be seen in the light of that which is ''in
accordance with the rules of international
law and obligations''. As international law
advocates that human rights are
international concerns under international
jurisdiction, the advocacy of human rights
cannot and should not be thus seen as
meddling in the internal affairs of another
state.
Interestingly, the scope of international
human rights standards referred to in the
chairman's statement includes the ''strong
commitment'' to the ''United Nations
Charter, the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, the 1986 Declaration on the
Right to Development, the 1992 Rio
Declaration on Environment and
Development, the 1993 Declaration of
Vienna and Programme of Action of the
World Conference on Human Rights, the
1994 Cairo Programme of Action of the
International Conference on Population and
Development, the 1995 Copenhagen
Declaration on Social Development and
Programme, and the 1995 Beijing
Declaration and Platform of Action for the
Fourth World Conference on Women''.
Initially, reference to the 1993 Vienna
Declaration and its Programme of Action
was almost omitted. It was inserted at the
last minute, indicating some reticence,
particularly among Asian countries, to refer
to it in view of the measures suggested by
the Vienna document at the national level,
such as an effective framework for
redressing human rights grievances.
It should not pass unnoticed that several
Asian countries are still not parties to the
1996 international covenants on human
rights and other key human rights
instruments. Nor is there a regional treaty or
mechanism on human rights for the Asian
region. However, all countries in Asia and
Europe are now parties to the 1989
Convention on the Rights of the Child
(CRC) and an increasing number are
parties to the 1979 Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women (Cedaw).
At the national level, a welcomed
development is the growing number of
national human rights commissions. In
particular, among the Asian Asem
countries, there are such commissions or
committees in the Philippines, Indonesia
and Thailand which have often acted very
bravely in the face of tremendous political
pressures.
In regard to the measures proposed in the
government forum between Asia and
Europe, a variety of cooperative
programmes were noted in the chairman's
statement, principally concerning trade,
technical/technological help, the
environment, and university and youth
exchange. No projects specifically on
access to justice and human rights were
expressly singled out.
By contrast, the NGO forum, organised
parallel to the Asem summit, was much
more explicit in its demands based upon a
people-centred vision which is ''socially just,
economically equitable, ecologically
sustainable and politically participatory''.
They included the following:
- withdrawal of France from French
Polynesia and New Caledonia, and
withdrawal of Indonesia from East Timor;
- rebuttal of the multilateral investment
agreement linked with the World Trade
Organisation which would open up national
markets to foreign companies with little or
no safeguards for local interests;
- reprimand of human rights violations in
Northern Ireland, former Yugoslavia, East
Timor and Burma;
- action against the discrimination of
women;
- measures against racism;
- action against the trafficking in women
and children;
- protection of migrant workers;
- disarmament and banning of nuclear
weapons;
- banning of anti-personnel landmines;
- release of political prisoners in East Timor
and Burma.
Political convergence?
In such a setting, it is tempting to ask
whether, despite the various differences,
some programmes or projects of mutual
benefit to both Asia and Europe are
possible, granted that there is both a
governmental approach and a
non-governmental approach.
The political field is probably the most
difficult in terms of trying to identify a
degree of convergence, especially where it
is related to political conditions in Asia
where undemocratic government or
''opaque'' governance prevails over
transparency and accountability. However,
other political areas for cooperation are
possible, for instance in regard to the
banning of landmines.
An easier entry point for cooperation may
perhaps be found in the socio-economic,
cultural and environmental fields, at times
intermingling with the political and legal
fields. They include the following:
- training of law enforcers and other officials
on women's rights and child rights,
especially in the context of the CRC and
Cedaw;
- educational programmes to counter
discrimination and to promote access to
justice and respect for human rights;
- information and personnel exchange
against criminal activities in relation to
drugs, human trafficking, money-laundering
and exploitation via the commercial sex
sector;
- inter-varsity and inter-youth exchange on
human rights education and access to
justice;
- cross-cultural programmes to link law
enforcers, community leaders and others
who have direct impact on human rights
and access to justice;
- development of mechanisms to promote
access to justice in the legal/judicial
system, such as channels to promote more
public participation in the courts and more
mobile courts with more legal aid and
speedier services;
- development of mechanisms to monitor
access to justice and human rights and to
offer alternative dispute settlement, for
instance mediation, arbitration, national
ombudsmen, national human rights
commissions, public hearings and
inquiries;
- promotion of transparent processes to
review and reform laws, policies and
practices which hinder access to justice
and human rights, such as various
antiquated national security laws;
- interaction to amend judicial and other
procedures which are not sensitive to
victims and which may cause
revictimisation, for example, the
questioning of women and child-victims,
and the need to evolve more sensitive
procedures, such as videotaped evidence,
admission of early depositions of
witnesses, and reduction of the waiting
period for trials;
- capacity-building for national human rights
commissions and parallel mechanisms,
and exchange of experiences between the
regions on this issue;
- interchange of regional and sub-regional
experiences in the promotion of access to
justice and human rights, such as sharing
information on the work of the Council of
Europe and the European Union with
counterparts in Asean, and analysis of the
pros and cons of a regional human rights
treaty, mechanism and/or programme for
Asia;
- exchange of experiences on the
accession of countries to human rights
treaties and their effective implementation
at the national level;
- scholarships for students and others to
carry out field visits;
- increased dialogue and related
programmes between governments, civil
societies, NGOs, the business sector and
others involved with access to justice and
human rights.
If the first Asem seemed to tread rather
lightly on the issue of access to justice and
human rights, future meetings should not fail
to deal with it more constructively and in a
more sustainable manner. Where Asem
1996 offered us a momentary pause for
thought with a degree of hesitation towards
that issue, the challenge for 1998 and
thereafter will be to ensure that access to
justice and human rights becomes a
globalised cause, interlinking and
transcending both regions.
-----------------
Vitit Muntarbhorn is professor at the faculty
of law, Chulalongkorn University. He was
formerly special rapporteur for the United
Nations Human Rights Commission (on the
sale of children) and executive director of
Child Rights Asianet. He is author of the
forthcoming publication, ''Asem Summitry''.
This is the final part of his series on ''Asem,
Justice and Human Rights''.