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HITTING BELOW THE BELT PRINCIPLE TA (r)



10 Disclaimer: For security reasons, I cannot disclose the names of the
student leaders involved in these activities. 

11 Bogyoke literally means "general" in Burmese. Here, it was used to refer
to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's father and the father of Burma's independence, who
attained the rank during World War 2 when he was commander in chief of the
Burmese Patriotic Forces. General Aung San was affectionately referred to as
"Our General" by people all over Burma. 




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not to resort to violence. Young monks were also appealed to for help in
controlling the masses. Day by day, the people had become increasingly
suspicious of the military clique's propaganda promising to allow the
formation of political parties and to work for the achievement of democracy
and human rights. All the military clique had done was consolidate its
power, and it had never been known for honouring its promises. As the people
believed that now also the military clique was not going to fufill its
promises, they had become more and more inclined to resort to violence
rather than continuing their reliance on peaceful means. 

A few days before the coup-d'etat on the 18th of September 1988, a meeting
was held with the elder leaders. The meeting was attended by Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, U Aung Gyi and 550 delegates from all over the country. I
was sitting with two other young monks in a position diagonally in front of
the elder leaders. The issue raised by the various delegates was, "A
coup-d'etat is going to take place soon. Therefore, we would like to know
what we should do. We will do whatever is necessary." Almost all the
delegates were deeply concerned. 

Daw Suu was the first to stand up to discuss the question. As usual, she
appealed for non-violence. "Saying that my father had commanded it, people
are shouting in the streets, if you don't get what you want, smash. My
father did not instruct us like that. My father would not want the killing
of Burmese by Burmese," she concluded. 

The delegates became quiet because of these words by Daw Suu. Other leaders
also discussed. It was a short meeting. About at the same time as this
meeting, a local meeting of an area took place at a high school where
thousands attended. I explained that, "All actions should not deviate too
much from the position of the elders, and becoming too over-excited could
cause victory to elude us." Thus, a compromise between the elders and the
youths was attempted. The truth was that I was much encouraged by the
participation of Daw Suu, and there was a wish to prevent chaos. 

However, the organizers and the youth forces did not fold up their
operation, but rather continued waiting and watching the steps of the
military. At that time a military officer came to see the me. He discussed
matters for only about five minutes and left quickly. 



"Use us in any place that your Holiness wants," were his 


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last words and he left his phone number and home address for me to contact
him. I know now who that officer was; there were many others like him from
the army, navy and the airforce who secretly offered their services to the
opposition forces. 

At that time, I gave deep consideration to the following: 

(a) The military's plan to seize power was known in advance; 

(b) Overtures were made by some military officers; 

(c) The students were very close to embarking on armed struggle. 

I muse sometimes that possibly by following a different strategy, losses
would have been minimised. Since I am a Buddhist monk, and also because the
`elders' (i.e. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo and U Aung Gyi) have strongly
urged against resorting to violent means, we advocated waiting, hesitating
and postponing plans. In the end, our movement was brutally crushed by the
military clique. 

For that reason, given the experiences related above, if the path of
non-violence had not been followed, the SLORC might not even exist today. In
short, it may almost appear as if Daw Suu inadvertantly saved the SLORC from
being overthrown and annihilated. The SLORC members make a point of showing
themselves on TV, serving as pall bearers at the funerals of ranking abbots,
and white-washing or repairing decayed pilgrimage rest-houses and pagodas.
Nevertheless, it cannot be assumed that they love and cherish the Buddhist
Order or that they have acquired religious cognizance and uprightness.
"Kata-nyuta, kata-way-di" (literally, "To show your gratitude to your
benefactors is a good way of living") in the teachings of Buddha, is the
instruction to believers to appreciate a good turn done by another, which is
a valuable precept. I would like to urge the SLORC to request, in the way of
abiding by that precept, the Nobel Prize Committee of Norway to award one
more Nobel Peace Prize to Daw Aung Suu Kyi. Otherwise, the SLORC would be no
better than the still, stone lion figures which guard the steps of our
pagodas, having not the least idea why they have been placed there. 




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To conclude: 



Daw Suu has been endeavoring for peace in Burma, appealing to the world
community for help. Courageous and selfless, she is working to promote peace
among all humanity. She has not the time to even respond to a letter. She is
too personally consumed with the struggle in the cause for peace. 




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MICHAEL ARIS, "A TIBETAN, A JEW" 



One day during the movement's activities, in the large guest room of Daw
Suu's house, I was enjoying a wine-colored drink in a tall glass presented
by a donor. After presenting the offering of the glass of juice, the man
just smiled without a word, raised his cupped palms together in obeisance in
the Buddhist way, and retreated by stepping backward to the place where he
had been sitting. 

While drinking the beverage, I was observing and thinking. The man who
presented me with the drink had European features. Yet from the way he
acted, he could have been a Buddhist. I presumed him to be a Buddhist,
because in the way he related to me, a monk; he paid respect in accordance
with the Buddhist culture practised by the Burmese and paid me every
respect. I had never seen a European Buddhist in Burma and was surprised and
delighted. 

He did not say a word in the discussion, sitting at a distance, but it
appeared that he took interest in what I and the others were discussing. I
met Michael Aris just this once, and I have never seen him again since. 

Before and in the early days of the 1988 movement, few people knew of Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi. Only after August 16 did she become suddenly famous. That
is why Daw Suu's husband was even less well-known than Daw Suu. It was only
after 1988 that the people of Burma came to know more about him. The truth
is that, though Michael Aris was seen at Daw Suu's house, nothing definite
was known of him, apart from the speculation that he was Daw Suu's husband.
In time, the people of Burma came to know about Michael Aris and his
personal history, in detail, during the period of the election campaign
prior to the 1990 general election. The people of Burma came to know more
and more about Michael Aris as the SLORC was launching extensively a
campaign of slander against him. 




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In fact, Michael Aris is: 

Daw Suu's husband; 

An Englishman; 

A Buddhist; 

A person who can speak the Pali language; 

A Western academic. 

Though the people of Burma knew these truths about Daw Suu and Michael Aris,
I do not think that they in any way adversely affected Daw Suu's leadership,
and her work for the achievement of human rights, democracy and peace in
Burma. The members of the Sangha, students, youth, as well as people from
all walks of life, continued to come and see her, both for advice and to
support her. It may be said that the result of the 1990 election was an
eminent testimony to this fact. 

It is known that the delegates of the SLORC's National Convention, which
began on January 9, 1993, debated and adopted principles concerning the head
of state that would bar Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from becoming the president.12
Had the delegates done the same in 1975-76 , there was a possibility that
they might have been sentenced to death, because at that time U Ne Win
himself took a foreigner as his wife. The high-ranking officers of the
military who regarded themselves as the saviours of the country, far from
making a critical comment about this marriage, blessed and praised it.
Whatever U Ne Win did was correct. 




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Dr. Michael Aris 


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12 The articles mentioned proscribe any Burmese married to a foreigner from
holding presidential office. 


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At that time, a writer by the name of Maung Pe Nge dared to write in his
book "paddy after paddy, wife after wife".13 For that, he was sentenced to
life imprisonment. The SLORC will not gain any benefit by attacking, in a
low-down way, Daw Suu and her family. As it has been mentioned earlier, Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi was neither the creator nor the originator of the
pro-democracy movement. She only inherited it. 

Even if there were no Daw Suu, the effort for democracy and human rights in
Burma would not lose its momentum. So long as the oppressive military
dictatorship is in existence, the resistance against it will continue to be
active. The SLORC will make no gain by attempting to confuse and weaken the
people's struggle for democracy, human rights and peace by diverting
attention to the family affairs of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, through defamation. 

Furthermore, the SLORC, under the assumed name of Htoon Shwe, in their
writing asked, "Had the Queen of England married a black Indian, would she
be accepted as the Queen of Britain and had the American President married a
black Muslim woman, would he also be accepted as the president?" It should
be asked why the SLORC did not raise such a question with regard to Rajiv
Gandhi of India, which has the second largest population in the world and is
one of the nearest countries to Burma. 

I would like to say, according to my personal view, that as Daw Suu is the
people's leader during a time of struggle and through the demands of the
situation of the present day, the people would still support her fully even
if her husband Michael Aris were not a prominent person but an ordinary
foreigner of no means. For that reason, it must be said that the slanderous
propaganda spread by the SLORC under the assumed name of Mr. Htoon Shwe is
petty, because it has no political standard and it is based on personal hatred. 




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13 In Burmese agricultural practice, rice is planted and harvested from the
same field over and over again. In the same way, Ne Win married again and
again. This popular saying reflects the public's disapproval of Ne Win's
many marriages. 




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In a Nut Shell 



It is hoped that this short account of the my experience and personal views
resulting from my brief contact with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will help throw
light on the extraordinary nature, sagacity, courage and mental power of Daw
Suu. Moreover, since the international community, in addition to the people
of Burma, has accorded various kinds of awards and honours to her, it will
be clear before long, as in the Mahawthada story of Buddhist scriptures, who
is the real mother and who is the ogre.14 

The attempt to suppress true events in the historical development of the
people's struggle by the use of personal attacks can only bring adversity.
In accordance with the saying in the Buddhist doctrine "Hatred begets
detriment", the handful of SLORC officials who have been using this cowardly
method of vilification are bound to be at the receiving end, sooner or
later. It will be a case of being "a victim of one's own doing", a good
lesson for us to learn, and from it, become enlightened. 



Thuki-attaman Paviha-randu 

(May everyone have peace and joy) 





Ashin Khaymar Sarra 

All Burma Young Monks' Union 




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14In the Buddhist story referred to, Mahawthada is one of the ten
incarnations of the Buddha before he achieved enlightenment. When a woman
and a demon disguised as a woman both lay claim to an infant, it falls to
Mahawthada to determine who is the real mother of the child. He does so and
restores the infant to the rightful parent. 

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