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The BurmaNet News, November 19, 199

------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------           
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"           
The BurmaNet News: November 19, 1997              
Issue #871

November 18, 1997

A Karen non-government organization has called on the UN High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) to take action against Thai officials over the deaths
of two Karen refugees.

The Karen Refugee Committee alleges a Thai border task force tried to
repatriate some 1,000 Karens living in Ban Kui Lortor, about 80 km south of
Umphang district, last Friday.

When the refugees refused to cross the border the Thai officials fired shots
to frighten the Karen. The sound of gunfire caused panic and the refugees
managed to flee to safer areas. 

However, a 60-year-old and a new-born baby were trampled in the panic.

Sources said the refugees are among 2,500 Karen who fled fighting in Burma
to seek shelter in the border villages of Ban Lae Tongku, Kui Lortor and Tee
Jorchee, about two kilometres from the border.

Committee sources say local Thai officials issued an announcement on
November 13 ordering the refugees to return to Burma within three days. 


November 17, 1997 [excerpts only]
By V. Jayanth

BANGKOK, Nov. 16.  The ruling military junta in Myanmar has inducted new
blood and redefined its focus for the next phase of reforms, giving shape to
a three- tiered political and administrative- set-up that has emerged from
the redesignation of the State Law and Order Restoration Council as the
State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

Thai sources say that it is significant to see that the Ministers of Foreign
Affairs, Energy, Science and Technology and Education, among others, have
been retained in their positions to maintain some continuity in
administrative affairs.  Notable among the changes seems to be the dropping
of the Minister who was also in charge of the National Convention that is
drafting a new Constitution.

This last change is seen here as a conscious attempt to present a different
picture and possibly speed up the process of finalising the new Constitution
that has been under preparation for about five years now.

[related news]
November 17, 1997 

Rangoon, AFP --A source from the main opposition National League for
Democracy said the changes showed the junta appeared set on ensuring the
military's dominance in politics. "From the way the SPDC was announced, with
a statement saying it was heading towards democracy, it's clear they mean
democracy guided by the military not general democracy," the source said in


November 18, 1997

THE Foreign Ministry yesterday reacted cautiously to the disbanding of
Burma's State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc), which was renamed
the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as its top generals are
still at the helm. 

Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan said that it was too early to issue a
reaction and added that the ministry was closely watching the developments. 

''So far, the real intention of dissolving Slorc is still not clear. Maybe
they want to improve something," Surin said. 

Deputy Foreign Minister Sukhumbhand Paribatra said Burma should permit
''more constructive" development in the country in terms of democracy and
human rights. 

Sukhumbhand, who is a well-known critic of Burma said that Thailand expected
to see some positive improvement and development in the country. 

The replacement of Slorc came after the European Union opposed Burma's
participation as an Asean member in an Asean-Europe meeting that was
scheduled for this week, forcing an indefinite postponement by both sides. 

The two ministers were speaking after paying respect to the founding father
of diplomacy before beginning their first day at the ministry. 

Meanwhile, a senior Foreign Ministry source said that the change of name
from Slorc to SPDC was designed to test international reaction and
particularly that of the Asean grouping of which it is a member. 

The source said that Burma was aware that it was the centre of controversy
for causing the postponement of the Asean-Europe meeting, and therefore it
was trying to minimise the impact by offering a positive sign to the world

The source said Slorc was aware that Thailand was now administered by Chuan
Leekpai, who is known for being a strong supporter of democracy and respect
for human rights. 

''Therefore, Rangoon wanted to show that it has taken a positive step in the
democratisation process and in solving its negative human rights record,"
the source said adding that Thailand should welcome the development in
Burma, as both countries were in the same Asean grouping. 

The source said that the grouping had always insisted on continuing its
policy of constructive engagement in the expectation that it would restore
democracy in Burma. 


November 18, 1997
Regional Perspective 
By Kavi Chongkittavorn 

To many, last week's announcement that the State Law and Order Restoration
Council (Slorc) was dissolving itself and being replaced by a new ruling
body called the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) came as a
surprise. But for those who follow Burmese politics, the exercise was very
much a calculated move to appease Asean and the international community so
as to boost its sagging image and consolidate the regime's power base. 

It is also aimed at domestic consumption, the projection that Slorc has
changed after joining Asean and is ready to move forward and open up the
country a bit, just like its close neighbours ­ China and Vietnam. 

In addition, the name change is also indicative of the Rangoon regime's
readiness to proceed, albeit at its own pace, to engage the opposition
National League of Democracy. But it is still too early to tell how far and
how fast the regime would like to proceed in allowing the NLD a role to move
Burma towards democracy. 

It is not surprising that the Slorc dissolution should come at this moment,
two days after the European Union's refusal to allow the Burmese delegates
to attend the Asean-EU Joint Cooperation Council, scheduled to be held in
Bangkok this week. The stand-off between EU and Asean eventually led to the
indefinite postponement of the meeting. 

The unexpected cancellation must have sent shock waves through Asean's
capitals. It appears that the EU is willing to stand firm on its principle
of not recognising the pariah state. Thus, it is no wonder that Slorc
realised it has to change. 

The name change also coincides with the news report on the human rights
situation in Burma which was submitted to the UN General Assembly last week
by the Special Rapporteur to the Commission on Human Rights, Rajsoomer
Lallah. The report said that there has not been any improvement in human
rights in Burma over the past year. 

In addition, the junta's reorganisation came at the time of the newly
installed Thai government ­ from the pro-Slorc Chavalit Yongchaiyudh
government to a liberal government of Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai. Chuan
had irked the Burmese military junta during his premiership in 1992-95 by
allowing the visit to Thailand of a number of Nobel laureates to campaign
for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi. 

Chuan's response to this new development inside Burma will also demonstrate
how the two countries will interact with one another in the future. 

The SPDC consists of the commanders of Burma's 15 military regions, nine of
whom are younger leaders and the top four generals in the previous military
council. This new arrangement is expected to consolidate the power base of
the junta's chairman, Than Shwe, army chief Maung Aye, military intelligence
chief Khin Nyunt and army chief of staff Tin Oo. 

Guided democracy 

The new line-up will see to it that so-called ''disciplined democracy" is
implemented, as the junta is planning to promulgate the new constitution
early next year. ''Disciplined democracy" is a code name for democracy
guided by the military, something similar to the ''guided democracy" in

Since the military junta leaders clashed with democratically-inspired
students in 1988, they have always argued that it would need time to restore
law and order, especially to deal with the armed ethnic minorities which
comprise 35 per cent of the 44-million population. Now with only the
National Karen Union remaining as the sole hold-out, the junta is confident
the ethnic minorities have been sufficiently neutralised. 

According to Rangoon-based diplomats, the junta's latest move is in line
with the so-called three-step approach, which is aimed at marginalising the
pro-democratic elements and the defiant Karen rebels. Foreign dignitaries
visiting Rangoon in the last few weeks were briefed on the strategy. 

The first step, they said, will focus on initial contact between Slorc and
the targeted groups, be they opposition politicians or minority groups. A
case in point was the controversial contact between the junta and the NLD
last July. 

Later, the junta will move on to the second stage, an engagement period
which will witness the beginning of regular dialogue with the rival groups.
Several ethnic groups have gone through these stages, including those who
have signed the peace agreement with the regime. 

Diplomats say the dialogue between the SPDC and NLD is entering this crucial
stage, and increased engagement between the two groups could be expected, if
everything goes well. 

The stage could be accelerated as the junta's leaders prepare for the
scheduled informal Asean summit meeting in mid-December, which will also
include leaders from China, Japan and South Korea. 

The final step will involve the intensification of the first two stages in
order to ensure that the final conclusion of the plan will consolidate the
dominance of the military in Burmese politics under the new draft constitution. 

The international community will soon find out if the junta's reorganisation
is for real. One thing is certain. In the next few months, the junta must
change for the better and improve its dismal human rights record. Otherwise,
it will further harm its relations with Asean members as well as Asean's
ties with the EU and the West. 


November 18, 1997
Shogo Watanabe 

Special to Asahi Shimbun

Fearing political persecution, a number of Burmese (Myanmarese) have fled to
Japan since the 1988 coup d'etat staged by the country's present military

While campaigning for the democratization of their country in cooperation
with their compatriots elsewhere abroad, they are seeking protection by the
Japanese government as refugees. But none of them has been recognized as a

"With no legal status guaranteed, I go through everyday life feeling like an
exile," said an applicant for refugee status. I cannot forget his depressed
look as he said this.

The Burmese are not the only ones who suffer from this
"close-the-door-against-refugees" policy. From 1982, when the refugee system
was established, until last year, Japan accepted 210 political refugees,
most of whom were Indo-Chinese refugees.

During the past three years, this country has accepted only one refugee
annually (not counting one who was recognized as a refugee in 1995 after a
dispute about his status). Based on the unique view that the Japanese are a
homogeneous nation the government's refugee policy appears to be geared
toward "national border control." This approach, however, is contrary to
international practice. Compared with European countries the number of
refugees accepted by Japan is abnormally low. In 1994, Germany took in
refugees by the tens of thousands, while France, the Netherlands,
Switzerland, Belgium and Britain accepted them by the thousands.

In addition to accepting dozens of refugees, Norway and Finland let in
hundreds more under a special system which gives displaced people the right
to stay in these countries temporarily for humanitarian reasons.
In a speech in Tokyo in July, Sadako Ogata, the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, noted that Japan accepted only one refugee last
year and urged the Japanese government to open its doors wider.

'This is a figure for which we have no excuse to make to the world," she said.

Not heeding the call, the government is becoming even more exclusionist
against refugees.

Applications for refugee status that have been filed for Burmese by a group
of lawyers which includes myself have been turned down because of a legal
provision that such applications must be filed within 60 days from the date
of entry (or from when applicants qualify for refugee status after entry).

Compared with other countries, it is unusual to turn down applications on
grounds of a provision limiting the period of application alone.

Even so, no applicant was held in custody until this August.

Then a Burmese person I will call "M," whose appeal for a review of the
government's original decision to reject his application for refugee status
had been turned down, was taken into custody by the immigration authorities.
The justice minister also rejected his request for a stay permit.

Given the fact that M was tortured while he was under arrest or in detention
back in Burma, he was amply qualified for refugee status.

He became even more qualified when the military government, holding Burmese
residents in Japan responsible for a bomb blast that took place in Rangoon
(Yangon) in April, published M's name and photograph and claimed he was one
of the parties involved.

After being taken into custody, M filed a second application for refugee
status. It was accepted at the end of Au gust. But despite supporting
lawyers' efforts to have him paroled, M was still in custody as of Nov. 10.
The Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has
recommended that governments should, in principle, not hold in custody
applicants for a refugee status. Yet, the Japanese government, even after
ratifying the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, refuses to
follow the UNHCR recommendation.

I find this approach to the refugee issue intolerable.

In a 1997 report to the United Nations, the government said that since the
refugee convention and the Protocol on the Status of Refugees came into
effect for Japan in 1982, this country has been enforcing their provisions
faithfully and strictly.

If this is true, the government should make positive efforts to open the
doors more wide for refugees.

It is a certainty that when Burma becomes a democracy in the future people
like M will play a prominent role. It is unthinkable that a country which
does not offer protection to them now will be able to forge genuinely
friendly relations with the future Burmese government. Besides working for
Burmese residents in Japan as a lawyer, I also participate in grassroots
activities to help them

This is because I believe grassroots efforts of this sort are essential to
help Burma democratize itself and induce the Japanese government to change
its refugee policy.

The author is a lawyer and secretary general of the People's Forum on Burma.


November 17, 1997

               YANGON (Nov. 18) XINHUA - Myanmar is making preparations
to act as a host in implementing ASEAN members' three-year narcotic drug
control project individually and collectively. 

               According to today's official newspaper The New Light of
Myanmar, local medical officers are being trained on drug abuse surveillance
and substance abuse management. 

               The training also includes collecting data for demand
reduction as well as statistics on drug addicts to support law enforcement
bodies in demand reduction measures. 

               The three-year ASEAN plan, which was worked out at the
18th meeting of ASEAN Senior Officials on Drug Matters (ASOD) in Bangkok in
1995, covers programs on education, treatment, rehabilitation, control,
eradication and research. 

               Myanmar last attended the 20th meeting of the ASOD in
Brunei in August as a full-fledged member of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN). 

               According to official statistics, there were 56,847
registered addicts in Myanmar in 1996. Of them, 62 percent are opium
addicts, 29 percent heroin addicts and 9 percent addicted to other drugs. 

               Six major drug treatment centers have been set up in the
country covering Yangon, Mandalay, Myitkyina, Taunggyi, Lashio and Kengtung,
the statistics showed.


July 9, 1997


1. The Second General Conference of the Chin National Front was held
successfully at Victoria Camp in Chinland on June 20-July 8, 1997. A total
of 65 participants, including Chin National Front delegates representing
different regions and observers of Chin nationals from different countries
attended the Conference.

2. The Conference was held with three objectives- the consolidation of the
Chin National Front, which is the leading Chin national political party,
the promotion of people's participation in the Chin national struggle, and
the achievement of closer cooperation with the international community and
the allied forces.

3. The Conference profoundly resolved to uphold and implement the agreement
reached at the Ethnic Seminar held at Mae Tha Raw Hta on January 7-14, 1997
and to strengthen the unity with the fellow ethnic revolutionary forces.
At the same time, in struggling to bring a complete end to the rule by the
common enemy, the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council) military
clique, the Chin National Front resolved to continue the struggle by
joining hands or through mutual support for each other with the democracy
forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

4. The cease-fire offered by the SLORC did not include political dialogue
and hence it would not establish genuine peace in the country. Therefore,
the Conference believed that the political problems being encountered today
could only be solved through a Tripartite Dialogue called by the United
Nations and supported by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

5. The Second Party Conference laid down the following aims and objectives:

I. To establish genuine democracy. In doing so,

(a) to establish a Federal Union based on national states

(b) to enshrine the right of secession of the national states in the Union

(c) to form the Union Armed Forces with the national states providing an
equal number of Armed Forces.

II. to regain the right of self-determination of the Chin people.

III. to further consolidate the unity and solidarity of all Chin nationals
and the people of Chinland.

IV. to safeguard peace, rule of law, justice and equality within the Chin
national territory.

V. to work together with the people of Chinland to promote the political,
economic and social affairs, and the living standard of the Chin people as
a whole.

6. In accordance with democratic practices, the second Conference of the
Chin National Front elected, through secret ballots, the following Central
Comrnittee members to lead the Chin National Front:

 Thomas Thang No	Chairman
 Zing Cung	Vice Chairman
Benjamin Turing	General Secretary
Khua Uk Lian	Joint General Secretary
Sui Khar	Member
Thang Zen	"
That Ci	"
Ral Hnin	"
Paul Smith	"
Malsawmliana	"
 Solomon	"
 Sunny Ngun Awi	"

Kam Do Dal	"

Uk Lian Thang	"
Chan Hmung	"

July 9, 1997
	Central Committee
	Chin National Front


November 18, 1997

Members of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers International Union (OCAW),
who are employed at the major ARCO refinery in Los Angeles, have been
circulating handbills and other education materials about ARCO's role in
supporting the narco-regime in Burma.  In addition, three OCAW members and
ARCO employees have submitted a shareholders' resolution, similar to the one
submitted last year to Unocal, which calls for an investigation of ARCO's
ties to drug-money laundering.

The headline of one handbill, circulated by OCAW members, was "Oil and
Heroin, Do They Really Mix?"  The line at the bottom of the handbill read,
"We Don't Want To Be Known as (N)ARCO."

Also, OCAW President Robert Wages wrote a letter on November 12, 1997 to
ARCO Chairman and CEO Mike Bowlin in which he condemned ARCO's action in
Australia to fire 312 union miners in central Queensland and replace them
with scabs.  Wages wrote, "This action, when coupled with your insistence of
continuing to do business with the SLORC narco-regime in Burma, is

"The veneer is being rapidly stripped from ARCO's so-called squeeky-clean
image, and we don't like what we see," said Joe Drexler, OCAW Special
Projects Director.


November 18, 1997

For immediate release

College of the Atlantic Social Environmental Action
(207) 288-5015 (d), (207) 244-9353 (n)

College of the Atlantic Sanctions Boycotts Acer Computers Over Burma

Company's involvement with brutal military regime results in loss of $9,000

Bar Harbor, Maine.  In the first application of a policy passed last winter,
College of the Atlantic recently rejected a nine thousand dollar contract
with the Taiwan based Acer Computer Company as a result of the company's
dealings with the military government of Burma. The company will also be
ineligible for bidding for the fifteen to twenty more computers the school
will be purchasing later in the year.  The "Burma Policy" was adopted last
winter after students expressed concern over the increasing human rights
violations in the country and relayed calls by Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader
of the party that
won the 1990 Burmese elections but was never allowed assume power, for the
immediate withdrawal of international investment in Burma.   The policy
effectively bans the school from purchasing goods from companies that do
business in Burma.

According to College of the Atlantic President Steve Katona, Decisions about
where to spend money are among the most direct messages that individuals and
institutions send.  In addition to procuring the goods or services needed,
such decisions can support appropriate environmental or social goals or
causes, reward preferred ways of conducting business or accomplish other
desired actions."
[passage giving background on Burma omitted]

According to the Washington DC based Investor Responsibility Research
Center, since 1996 Acer Computer Company has donated computers to the
Burmese government and has been distributing computers in Burma through its
authorized dealer Myanmar Computer Technology.
"In a country where it's illegal to own a modem without a permit, Acer's
presence only serves to maintain and support the status quo." declares Rob
Fish, organizer for the campaign at College of the Atlantic, "The Burma
selective purchasing policies seek to make it costly for companies, such as
Acer, Mitsubishi, Best Western, ARCO, and Unocal, who by investing in the
country are in essence cohorts with a brutal military government that is
forcing people into slavery."

In addition to College of the Atlantic, Seventeen U.S cities, one county and
the state of Massachusetts have also answered Aung San Suu Kyi's call for an
end to foreign investment.  This type of law proved highly effective in
bringing democracy to South Africa. The rapidly-growing number of selective
purchasing laws concerning Burma have already persuaded a number of
companies -- including Apple Computer, Eastman Kodak, Hewlett-Packard,
Motorola, and Philips Electronics, PepsiCo and most recently Texaco-- to end
their  support of the military regime in Burma by withdrawing from that


November 18, 1997

A headline in Bangkok Post on November 3 reads "President Jiang hints
Tiananmen  ?a mistake?. So why did he say that?

The following is a fact that much of the world does not know about. From
whom and from where did China get the idea to crack down on pro-democracy
protesters on 1989 in Tiananmen Square, with hundreds, perhaps thousands, dying.

· When protesters grouped in their thousands in Tiananmen Square, the
Chinese central government did not know how to disperse those led by
pro-democracy student demonstrators.

· The Chinese central government or their representative asked the Burmese
Embassy and the military attaché in Beijing how Slorc had controlled the
same situation in 1988.

· The suggestion from Burma, probably from Rangoon command, relayed through
the Burma Embassy in China was to shoot the crowd.

The fact came to light in a normal conversation involving the wife of the
Burmese military attaché who was stationed in Beijing at the time. Upon her
return to Burma after her husband?s stint of duty, the story was told to an
inner friends and relatives.

Friends who know call her "Ma Ma Aye". She is the eldest sister of U Aye Zaw
Win (son-in-law of U Ne Win).

President Jiang hinted (the crackdown at Tiananmen Square)was "a mistake"
because the idea was from despots.

Ma Ma Aye knows best. She is a lady who has spoken the truth all her life.
She is well respected by friends and family who know her well. 

Forgive China for listening to despots. Forgive the late Gen Saw Maung.
Forgive generals Than Shwe, Maung Aye and Khin Nyunt or Tin Oo. All followed
the orders of one despot, someone who wants to make a good name before he dies.

U Ne Win knows his mistakes. Will anyone forgive him? 

-- A True Storyteller


November 16, 1997

On 14th November, 1996 we, the Overseas Arakan Youth Association,  held our
third annual meeting in Mae Sot, Thailand, elected a new executive committee
and advisory board, and resolved to continue to struggle to meet our aims
and objectives.

Our Executive Committee are;

1. K-Aye Maung		Chairman
2. K-Sein Kyaw Myint	Vice chairman
3. K-Kyaw Naing	General Secretary
4. K-Than Win		Joint General Secretary
5. K-Kyaw Tun		Treasurer
6. K-Myo Minn Aung	Treasurer & Coordinator.
7. K-Kyaw Soe		Literature and culture
8. K-Lwun Thu		Social Welfare
9. K-Maung Phyu	Auditor

Advisory Group are,

K-Soe Naing Aung.  K-Soe Nyint . K-Tin Aye.

Aims and Objectives of OAYA.

1. To assist those who come to Thailand and suffer social problems.
2. To achieve unity and friendship among the Arakanese staying overseas.
3. To uplift Arakan history, literature, culture and language.
4. To maintain and develop our tradition .
5. To try to achieve unity with other ethnic youth from Burma.

At that meeting also made the following decisions;

We will set up one office in Mae Sot, Thailand. Last year we had no office
for our organization so we had some difficulties.  We will have a collection
and documentation from inside Arakan, Burma. We will publish an Arakan Youth
magazine biannually, including our  history, art, literature, culture and
traditions. We will publish  a pamphlet every three months to educate
Arakanese people on human rights, women rights and indigenous rights. We
have to assist our people to ensure their survival.

We need your support!

Currently, we lack funds for our activities. We are attempting to get
funding for our activities. If any persons or organization is interested in
our activities, please contact the following address. 

Thank you very much for your attention.

<K-Myo Minn Aung>
P.O Box 21,
Mae Sot, Tak 63110, Thailand.
Tel/Fax C/O 66 55 532791
Email. Win5@loxinfo .co.th


November 14, 1997


Come to the EarthRights International Holiday Fundraiser, December 4!

Due to the holidays, we have decided to skip the November New England 
Burma Roundtable, which had been planned for November 18.

Instead we will round off our successful year on Thursday, December 4 with
a Holiday Fundraiser for EarthRights International. Full details of the
event are below. I hope to see you there!

Simon Billenness
* for the New England Burma Roundtable *
Franklin Research & Development
711 Atlantic Avenue, Boston, MA 02111
(617) 423-6655 x 225
(617) 482-6179 fax

EarthRights International - Holiday Fundraiser

Come and support EarthRights International's work to protect human rights
and the environment in Burma and Southeast Asia - and enjoy regional food,
music and festivities

Date:	Thursday, December 4, 1997

Time:	6.00 to 8.30pm

Place: First Parish Church, 3 Church Street, Harvard Square
(on the corner of Church Street and Massachusetts Avenue, across from The
Body Shop and the Harvard Square T stop)

Beginning at 7pm, there will be a showing of rare slide pictures about
human rights and environmental protection in Burma presented by EarthRights
International's Directors Katharine Redford and Ka Hsaw Wa.

About EarthRights International

Earthrights International (ERI) is a nongovernmental, nonprofit
organization working with the peoples of Southeast Asia to protect human
rights and the environment and develop the rule of law. Because many of the
region's human rights abuses arise out of natural resource development, ERI
believes that human rights and environmentalism are inextricably linked and
must be addressed together

ERI depends on events like this - and your generous contributions - to
support its work in Southeast Asia. Your tax-deductible donation will help
ERI carry out its important programs.


Please consider attending the EarthRights International Fundraiser as a:

Sponsor: 	$25
Patron:		$50
Benefactor	$100

If you are unable to attend, please consider sending a tax-deductible
donation to:

EarthRights International, PO Box 2726, Arlington, VA 22202-0726

Please make all checks payable to EarthRights International. EarthRights
International is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. All donations are tax
deductible in the United States. Thank you for your support!


November 14, 1997

Pax Christi Presents:

"Spotlight on Burma"

St. Benedict's Library
1 St. Benedict's Street, Newton
New Zealand

Sunday, 30 November 1997
>From 11:30 am to 4 p.m.

Paul Hitchfield and Paul Robertson have both visited the Thai/Burma Border
and worked in Japan with groups trying to assist victims of continuing SLORC
oppression, including refugees and those struggling for liberation.

They will be assisted by Jonathon, a Burmese national, a videotape and

All Welcome     Shared Lunch    Refreshments supplied

Contacts:  Paul Robertson 827-4503 or Paul Hitchfield 489-5642