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The BurmaNet News, September 30, 19



------------------------ BurmaNet ------------------------         
"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"         
----------------------------------------------------------         
     
The BurmaNet News: September 30, 1997            
Issue #832
 
Noted in Passing:

Burma is one of the very few countries left where the majority of citizens may 
know less about how their country is being run than the people who live outside 
it.    

--see THE NATION: A LOST GENERATION

HEADLINES:            
==========     
THE NATION: SUU KYI CALLS ON OPPOSITION, MILITARY JUNTA 
AP: PARTY ORGANIZERS TO MEET
ASIAWEEK: CHANGING PLACES
AP: U.N. TO DISCUSS EAST ASIAN ISSUES
INDEPENDENT REPORT: NO FUN IN BURMA
THE NATION: A LOST GENERATION
BKK POST: PM URGED TO CLARIFY BORDER ROW
AFP: CHINESE POLICE SEIZE 17.8 KILOS OF HEROIN FROM BURMA
THE NATION: CONFLICTING INTERESTS IN HUMAN RIGHTS
RADIO MYANMAR: CHANGE IN NATIONALITIES PROGRAM ORDER 
SLORC: REPORT ON KACHINLAND CHAPTER
TACDB UPDATE: BURMESE STUDENTS STILL DETAINED 
ICCR: TEXACO IS OUT OF BURMA
WOODROW WILSON CENTER: OCTOBER 8 PANEL DISCUSSION
--------------------------------------------------------------------------  

THE NATION: SUU KYI CALLS ON OPPOSITION, MILITARY JUNTA TO BEING DIALOGUE
September 29, 1997 [abridged]
AFP

RANGOON - Burma's opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) wrapped up
its first successful party congress in years yesterday with a call for the
ruling junta to enter a political dialogue with its leaders.

"There is no other means to solve the nation's problems other than a
meaningful  dialogue," the party announced in a nine-point resolution read
aloud at the end of the congress and adopted unanimously by more  than 700
delegates.

The delegates, packed into Aung San Suu Kyi's residential compound, had just
listened to a closing speech by the NLD leader, in which she thanked the
ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) for allowing the
event to take place.

The Nobel laureate noted that it was the first time in seven years the party
had been able to hold a Congress with complete nationwide representation,
and she requested that such cooperation and assistance continue.

The party reiterated that it had reinstated Suu Kyi and two other top
officials as members of the central executive committee following their
release from house arrest during the last few years.

The Slorc objected to their presence at the proposed talks because it has
not officially recognised the reinstatements.

"Meeting and talking with other organisations and choosing and nominating
their own representatives is the sole right of the party," one of the
reports adopted at the congress said.
     
The nine-point resolution calls for an official report from the Slorc's
election commission on the results of the 1990 elections, in which the NLD
won more than 80 percent of the seats, and the convening of a parliament on
the basis of those elections as soon as possible. 
     
A 54-page political report on the party's nine-year struggle under military
rule also concluded with a call for dialogue, despite repression and
intimidation suffered by NLD members across the country.

The resolutions also called for the release of all political prisoners, whom
Suu Kyi told diplomats at a briefing after the congress numbered in the
"thousands".

But in her closing speech, she called on those in the party who have
suffered at the hands of the Slorc to put aside their emotions and make
cool-headed political decisions.

**********************************************

AP: PARTY ORGANIZERS TO MEET
September 29, 1997

RANGOON, Burma (AP) - In a policy shift, Burma's military government allowed
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to confer with members of her party Monday
to discuss ways of stepping up their campaign for democracy. 

The meetings at Suu Kyi's lakeside Rangoon home were a rare chance for the
opposition leader to speak directly with activists of the National League for
Democracy from outside the capital. For the past year, the military regime
has blockaded her home and severely restricted access to her by arresting
party members. 

This weekend, the military changed course and permitted Suu Kyi to convene a
party congress at her Rangoon compound. It was the largest such gathering
since 1990. 

Suu Kyi, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, used the occasion to praise
the regime for allowing the meeting. 

``The fact that we have been able to hold this meeting is due to the
cooperation of the authorities to a large degree. If they cooperate more, we
will appreciate it more,'' she said. ``It's much more fun to be friends. We
should not be enemies. We all belong to the same country.'' 

It remains to be seen whether officials will keep up the more tolerant
approach, but diplomats and other observers in Rangoon said both the
military and the democrats came away winners from the party congress. 

The United Nations General Assembly is in session and an annual resolution
condemning the regime for its human rights abuses is on the agenda. 

By allowing the opposition congress, the government gave its new allies in
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which admitted Burma as a member
in July, some ammunition to use in opposing the resolution. 

********************************************

ASIAWEEK: CHANGING PLACES
October 3, 1997

Two generals from the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council -
Lt.-Gen. Tin U and armed forces chief Gen. Maung Aye - moved their homes
into the Yangon neighborhood of former junta strongman Gen. Ne Win, who is
in Singapore for a medical check-up after visiting Indonesia. 

They live off heavily guarded Maylekha Road, across the Inya Lake from the
U.S. ambassador's residence. Dissident Aung San Sun Kyi's house is on the
southern shore. Tin U's move can be explained by last April's parcel bomb at
his prior address which killed his eldest daughter. 

But Maung Aye is believed to have settled into Ne Win's compound itself. It
is interesting because he is seen to be jousting with SLORC First Secretary
Khin Nyunt. Seeking closer ties to Ne Win may have more to do with real
politik than real estate.

*************************************************

AP: U.N. TO DISCUSS EAST ASIAN ISSUES
September 29, 1997 [abridged]
By Robert H. Reid 

UNITED NATIONS (AP) -- The divided Korean peninsula, economic globalization
and human rights in Cambodia, East Timor and Burma figure in the U.N. agenda
this week when East Asians address the General Assembly. 
Perspective on those issues sometimes divides the United States and Europe 
from the emerging economic powerhouses of East Asia. 
Foreign ministers of South Korea, Singapore, the Philippines and Thailand are 
among those scheduled to address the General Assembly today as its annual 
debate enters a second week. 
They will be followed later in the week by senior diplomats from Brunei, 
Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos, North Korea, Australia and New Zealand. Foreign 
ministers of Japan, China, Burma and Malaysia spoke last week. 
But speakers during the opening week were mostly from Western developed 
countries, such as President Clinton and the foreign ministers of Russia, 
Germany, Britain, France and Italy. 
With East Asian officials taking the podium, topics are expected to include 
major Asian themes such as the situation in Korea, the recent Cambodia coup, 
Burma's junta and the disputed territory of East Timor. 
The massive haze over Southeast Asia, caused by fires lit to clear land in 
Indonesia, has emphasized the need for international cooperation to protect 
the environment at a time of economic growth. 
In Cambodia, the international community has deferred to the Association of 
Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, in diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis 
after Prime Minister Hun Sen ousted his co-premier, Prince Norodom
Ranariddh, last July. 
The U.N. Security Council refused to condemn the coup or demand Ranariddh's 
restoration. The General Assembly decided Cambodia's seat would remain
vacant for the debate. 
In July, ASEAN admitted Burma to the regional trading bloc despite objections 
by the Clinton administration and the European Union. Washington has linked 
trade with respect for human rights in Burma. 
But Southeast Asian nations believe the best way to promote civil liberties in 
Burma is to bring the military regime into the global market. 
Southeast Asians are also uneasy about pressure on Indonesia, the largest 
ASEAN power, to solve the East Timor issue in a way favored by Portugal, 
Western Europe, human rights activists and East Timorese opposition groups. 
U.N.-brokered talks between Portugal and Indonesia have been cordial but have 
made little progress. Portugal, the former colonial power, wants a referendum 
in East Timor to decide the territory's status. 
Jakarta, which sent troops to East Timor after the Portuguese left in 1974, 
insists the territory is an integral part of Indonesia. 

********************************************

INDEPENDENT REPORT: NO FUN IN BURMA
September 29, 1997
by Etain McDonnell 

[Sent to New Zealand press]

A New Zealand woman, Jude Smith, was assaulted by military authorities and
deported from Burma yesterday evening (Sunday, 28 September 1997) after a
run in with the totalitarian regime for trying to attend the National
League for Democracy Congress called by democracy leader and Nobel peace
prize winner, Aung San Suu Kyi.

Despite trying to present a good image by allowing the NLD Congress to go
ahead, reports are coming out of Rangoon of military harassment of Suu Kyi's
supporters.  Jude Smith, who organizes juggling festivals in South East
Asia, was visiting Rangoon to check out possible locations for a festival
when she got caught up in the Slorc (State Law and Order Restoration
Council) tactics to disperse invited guests trying to attend the Congress in
Suu Kyi's compound.  

The New Zealander was caught up in the authorities crack down on a group of
approximately 50 NLD supporters who were refused entry to the congress.  A
squadron of riot police was mobilized to force them to disperse.  Police
with shields marched them down the road, and scuffles broke out as they were
loaded onto a truck.  

Smith, who was in Burma on a tourist visa, told reporters in Bangkok that
she was bruised as she was forced on to the Dyna truck which had been
commandeered by the military.  Along with approximately 30 NLD members, she
was dumped nearly one hour out of the city on the road to Mandalay.  After
taking pictures of dejected NLD delegates walking down the road, military
officers refusing to show ID tried to steal her camera.  When she refused to
hand it over she was detained along with two NLD members and taken to a
military base and then later released.
 
On Sunday afternoon she was again detained by military intelligence while
attempting to attend the closing ceremony of the NLD Congress to which
foreign diplomats and other foreigners had been invited.  

She said that diplomats had been informed by authorities that they could not
attend the NLD closing ceremony, and she saw several waiting at road blocks
to Suu Kyi's compound.  Jude was also denied entry to the leader's house on
University Avenue.  "I said fine, if that was their rules, and tried to
leave, but they wouldn't let me," she said.  She was detained in full view
of the American Charge de Affairs and other diplomats as she tried to leave
the road block.   Her passport was taken and she was held and interrogated
for several hours before being deported on the flight to Bangkok at 8
o'clock Sunday evening.

Smith is filing a complaint with the New Zealand Embassy in Bangkok over the
Burmese authorities denial of her repeated requests to contact embassy
officials.  New Zealand citizens are represented by the British as NZ does
not have an embassy in Rangoon, although it does have a Tradenz office set
up to serve New Zealand business interests.  Western governments are
currently discouraging investment in the military ruled country because of
the military regimes appalling human rights records and suppression of the
democracy movement.

"Foreigners had been invited and it seemed like a great opportunity to meet
with Suu Kyi and maybe find out if she liked the idea of a festival in
Burma.  It seems to me that the generals have lost their sense of humour and
that the NLD and their supporters are the only people who have any sense of
fun around here," said Jude on arrival in Bangkok Sunday night. 

Smith mentioned the famous Burmese comedian Par Par Lay who was arrested
along with his fellow performers for making jokes at a private function
inside Suu Kyi's compound in January 1996.    They were sentenced to seven
years hard labour, and Par Par Lay almost died this year after ill-treatment
and abuse by the prison authorities. 

Officials told her that she had broken immigration rules by attempting to
see Aung San Suu Kyi,  although the NLD is not illegal under the military
regime's own laws.  The NLD won the 1990 general election, by an
overwhelming 84 % majority but was prevented from taking office.  

"I told them to put a big sign up at the airport telling tourists that it
was a deportable offense to try to visit Suu Kyi.  I didn't break any rules.
I didn't even get to see her."

Jude was photographed by security police and video camera men every step of
the way, including her impromptu juggling show as customs went through her
baggage at the airport on deportation.

The coordinator of the volunteer based Serious Fun Committee said she hoped
her lone juggling act would convince the Burmese that a festival would be a
good idea.  "We would really like to have some fun in Burma.  We staged
successful festivals in Thailand in 1993, and in Laos 1996 where we even
had approval of the Prime Minister himself.  All the Burmese seemed to like
the juggling so I'm sure we're going to have a great festival there some
day.  I hope it is soon." 

The NLD Congress, celebrating the 9th Anniversary of the founding of the
party which won the 1990 general elections went ahead as planned.  Suu Kyi
called for dialogue with the military junta, which has refused to negotiate
with her since releasing her from six years of house arrest in July 1995.  

***********************************************

THE NATION: A LOST GENERATION
September 28, 1997
Roger Beaumont 

What makes young students give up everything to spend the best years of their 
lives as poverty-stricken, jungle-bound revolutionaries? Bangkok-based Jeanne 
Hallacy found out over a half decade visiting the Thai-Burma border. Her new 
film premieres in Los Angeles next week. Roger Beaumont reports.
                                                                  
Burma is one of the very few countries left where the majority of citizens may 
know less about how their country is being run than the people who live outside 
it. Yet the Burmese know only too well that the State Law and Order
Restoration Council (Slorc), which has governed their lives with such an iron
fist and casual brutality for the last nine years, was certainly not elected
to do so.

It is still hard to reconcile just what happened. On May 27, 1990, the
people of 
Burma went to the polls and voted overwhelmingly for the National League of 
Democracy (NLD), founded and led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Slorc was at first 
stunned, then enraged and immediately took control of the country. One of
its first actions was to seek out and punish the parents of the students who
had 
defied them. Most of their sons and daughters had fled into the jungle.

"They tried elections," said native New Yorker and photojournalist Jeanne 
Hallacy, "but the Burmese army, who hadn't quite got the hang of democracy, 
arrested the winner."

For someone who has just spent five emotionally taxing years making Burma 
Diary, a film about the students and others on the border who suffered because 
of Slorc's reaction, her composure is impressive. Hallacy, in her mid-30s, is 
well-attuned to the dangers that children and young people face when caught 
up in adult conflicts. In her 20s, she spent six years in the Philippines as a 
photographer, where she gave up much of her free time to comfort children 
caught up in the country's internal conflicts.

Why did she decide to make a film about what happened to the Burmese 
students who fled to the border? "I have a fascination about what compels 
young people to join revolutionary movements," she said.

Her purpose was to shed light on the motivation, development and perhaps the 
destinies of those she would meet in the student camps. In December 1992, 
underfunded and overloaded, Hallacy made the first of countless trips to the 
border, initially to Manerplaw  at that time the Karen headquarters. It had 
become a shelter and then a centre for the students who were to form the
All Burmese Student Democratic Front (ABSDF). The Karen would teach them 
how to fight.
     
Hallacy soon met Tin Aung, a university student who - along with the workers 
teachers, monks and children - joined the protests in 1988 calling for an
end to 
26 years of military rule. Among the thousands killed by the army were some of 
Tin Aung's friends. It was the fortunes of Tin Aung and his family that would 
become the heart of Burma Diary. The border is a hard place. Sickness, 
especially malaria, is rife. Even finding enough to eat can sometimes be 
difficult. One Karen mother told a journalist that, while under attack by the 
Burmese forces, the only nutritional thing she'd had for a week was a blood 
transfusion given to her by a Norwegian field doctor.

Hallacy came to know the daily struggles of these young revolutionaries, to 
understand how their dignity and humour held up against the odds, and to 
comprehend their passion for what they were doing.

Says Kevin, a volunteer teacher in a Karen camp, who appears in Burma Diary. 
"People overseas say, 'It's good to oppose Slorc by non-violent means.' But
I ask 
you to put yourself in their position. Your father was taken as a porter and 
beaten to death. Your cousin was captured and thrown off a cliff. The soldiers
raped your mother, six of them at once, and forced you to watch. You end up an 
orphan. Your sister's been sold into a brothel by Slorc officers in Thailand. 
What would you do?"

When appearing on film, the young people and children are shy and polite. 
Their English is halting but their message is not: We have lost family and 
friends, the country is divided, separated and battered and it's about time
some 
bad things happened to the bad people who control this country.

In March 1993, Hallacy met Chatay ("Little Brother"), who thinks he was nine 
when his house was shelled during a Slorc offensive. When he regained 
consciousness after the shell blast, his parents were lying in front of him,
dead. 
Slorc soldiers took him and it was years before he escaped and met up with a 
group of ABSDF soldiers. He told the film-maker he was no longer afraid of 
being killed because "I'm not holding a stick anymore, I'm holding a gun".

The following year, Hallacy discovered that Tin Aung had moved into the 
ABSDF  information department - he had become the father of twin girls and 
was worried about his babies' future. Decisions had to be made.

As the film draws to its climax, it follows dramatic events as they were 
unfolding along the border. One camp after another (Tin Aung's among them) 
was falling to Slorc forces, and he and his young family joined thousands of 
other refugees on the Thai side of the border.

A year later, Tin Aung was an intense mixture of emotion. Sad because he 
could not go back to Burma and relieved because he had finally secured visas 
for his family to enter Australia. In the film, a poignant moment records a Tin 
Aung torn by the huge consequences of his decision.
     
Burma  Diary, which Hallacy wrote, directed and narrated, is a well-told 
documentary that primarily concerns the fortunes of one family while 
illuminating the tragedy of countless others. It is not designed to shock, but 
does anyway because of the steely and human reality it portrays. The story 
reveals itself without being forced. It is gritty and sensitive, and it
leaves one 
feeling chastened, centred and incredibly lucky.
     
It is not a film about  solutions - although it hints at possibilities. It
is a true 
diary of a certain time, but is also a work in progress that' visually
prolongs the 
echo of Aung San Suu Kyi's own words and present predicament:

"Liberty is always an unfinished  business "

*************************************************

BKK POST: PM URGED TO CLARIFY BORDER ROW
September 29, 1997
Suebpong Unarat

Thailand may lose territory to Burma

A Democrat Party MP yesterday repeated his call for Prime Minister Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh to deny he did not give Burma permission to dig up a channel to
mark the border line inside Thai territory on the Moei River.

Bangkok MP Preecha Suwannathat said that if the prime minister did not deny
it to the world community Thailand might end up losing a piece of its
territory the same way that happened to Khao Phra Viharn.

During last week's censure debate, Mr Preecha claimed that after Gen
Chavalit returned from his Rangoon visit, Burma dug up a channel to mark the
border on a piece of land which has been extended from the Moei River bank
inside Thai territory. This part of land is in front of the Khok Chang Phuak
temple of Mae Sot district.

If Gen Chavalit did not officially deny any knowledge of the digging,
Thailand might end up losing over 200 rai of land, said Mr Preecha, who is a
legal expert.

Mr Preecha said he heard that some people wanted to build a casino on that
piece of land but this would not be possible if the land was part of Thai
territory. So there was an attempt to make the land part of Burma so that
Thai businessmen could lease the land to build the casino  and a hotel.

However, the MP admitted he had no evidence to confirm this. Gen Chavalit
should clarify this matter, Mr Preecha said.

Democrat MP for Tak,  Chaiwuth Ban a at, said he would continue to
investigate this matter.

Bangkok MP Akrapol Sorasuchart claimed, that Gen Chavalit had said he would
clarify the situation in parliament regarding the Mae Sot land but failed to
keep his promise.

Concerning this matter, Deputy Foreign  Minister Pithak Intrawithayanunt
said that Thailand had not lost an inch of land because Thailand and Burma
have greed to demarcate the ill-defined border.

"I can officially confirm that the prime minister did not allow Burma to do
the digging in that area," Mr Pitak said.

Thailand will use a 1994 map in the demarcation  of that area because in
that year there was a major flood that eroded the river bank on the Thai
side and washed away the demarcation posts and Burma has agreed to this, he
said.
     
***********************************************

AFP: CHINESE POLICE SEIZE 17.8 KILOS OF HEROIN FROM BURMA-LINKED GANG
September 26, 1997
  	  				 
   BEIJING, Sept 26 (AFP) - Police have seized 17.8 kilogrammes (39 pounds)
of heroin and detained nine people accused of trafficking drugs into China
from neighbouring Burma, the China Daily reported Friday. 
   The nine, arrested during an undercover operation in southwestern Sichuan
province from September 6-7, had 170,000 yuan (20,481 dollars) of alleged
illegal income with them, the report said. 
   On September 5, police in southern Guangzhou seized 6.7 kilogrammes (15
pounds) or heroin and arrested four people in a similar raid. 
   Drug addiction and trafficking are growing problems in China, where the
opening up of the economy has allowed for a much freer flow of heroin from
the southwestern and northwestern border regions. 
	   	
******************************************

THE NATION: CONFLICTING INTERESTS IN HUMAN RIGHTS
September 27, 1997
Puangthong Rungswasdisab

Thailand's country report on human rights to the United Nations will have to be 
negotiated through a mine field, comments the Nation's Puangthong 
Rungswasdisab

The House Committee of Justice and Human Rights is preparing a report on the 
state of human rights in Thailand, which will be submitted to the Human 
Rights Committee early next year under the International Covenant on Civil; 
and Political Rights (ICPR). It is part of the country's obligation as a
signatory 
to the ICPR.

Last week, the committee invited about 100 people who work in various areas 
of civil and political rights, children, women, elderly people, the disabled, 
minority groups, labour, refugees, and foreign workers to provide information 
and share opinions in a seminar organised by the committee. 
     
However, the concept of human rights is varied and elusive and is being 
constantly interpreted, and reinterpreted, by contending political groups with 
diverging interests and standpoints.

During the Cold War, the communist bloc led by the Soviet Union considered 
the call for protection of human rights as a means to criticise communist rule 
and to shape the world into the capitalist mold.

More recently, Asean defended criticism of its engagement policy with the 
Burmese military junta as an "Asian way" to regional cooperation and 
development. On the other hand, the West and human rights advocates charge 
that Asean is using the argument as an excuse for ignoring human rights 
violations in Burma, and at the same time protecting their investment and trade
with the regime.

To clarify its concept of human rights, the committee responsible for writing 
the country report will have to start by asking itself a basic question - whose 
rights are to be protected and by whom? The answer for that should conform 
with the principle derived from the contemporary international debate on 
human rights, that every individual's rights should be protected from
being abused by the state.

No doubt, human rights protection involves the conflicting interests between 
the state and its citizens. Thus, the planned report will not be able to
fulfil one 
of the committee's wishes - that it is to "present an overall picture of human 
rights practices in Thailand that will be acceptable to all parties in the
society".
     
For example, how is the committee going to present the recent expulsion of 
thousands of Burmese ethnic minorities to the trouble-plagued country by the 
Thai Army? This week, the London-based human rights group Amnesty 
International (AI) slammed the Army's action in its monthly report. If the 
House committee finds the evidence produced by AI true and includes it in its 
report, it is likely to be accused by the Army as well as other security
agents of 
helping foreign organisations ruin Thailand's integrity.

The same can be said about the extrajudicial execution of six suspected drug 
traffickers led by senior police officers in Suphan Buri, widespread corruption 
in the government, torture and execution of suspected criminals and prisoners 
by police - all of which are waiting for the committee's consideration.

On the other hand, if the committee believes that its role is to help put a
gloss 
on the country's human rights image, then its report would eventually lose 
credibility in the eyes of the international community. Thus, without a clear 
concept of human rights protection, the committee could find itself caught in a 
dilemma.

The next question the members of the House committee should ask themselves 
is who they represent, because they are part of the state apparatus and, at the 
same time, the peoples' representatives. Parliamentarians are part of the 
legislative state mechanism, but it is the people who elect them. But in the
final analysis, their duty must be to work for the benefit of the people.

To gain credibility, the committee members need to be independent, honest, 
and transparent in their work. Prof Vitit Mantraphond, a key human rights 
campaigner, also suggested that the information the committee is compiling 
should be pluralistic in nature.

The framework of the country report is another factor. The country report 
should not be limited to three international treaties that Thailand has signed -
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against 
Women, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Constitution of the
International Labour Organisation. The committee should take into account the 
local laws and the Constitution as well as newly emerging problems not 
protected by law. To achieve such an objective, the committee will need to 
consider setting up a database and a research team of its own so that it
will be 
able to investigate the issues on a case-by-case basis, instead of depending on 
second-hand information which is often disputable.

But for the time being, it appears that it may have to seek cooperation with
the 
existing NGOs which have been diligently monitoring the abuse of human 
rights.

**********************************************

RANGOON RADIO MYANMAR: QUARTERLY CHANGE IN BURMESE NATIONALITIES PROGRAM ORDER 
September 24, 1997 [translated from Burmese]

The Nationalities Program broadcast by Radio Myanmar which is changed
quarterly in [Burmese] alphabetical order will be presented in the
following order for the period 1 October to 31 December on Short Wave 63.49
meters.
   Mon          1600-1630 [0930-1000 GMT]
   Rakhine      1630-1700 [1000-1030 GMT]
   Shan         1700-1730 [1030-1100 GMT]
   Kachin       1730-1800 [1100-1130 GMT]
   Kayah        1800-1830 [1130-1200 GMT]
   Sgaw Karen   1830-1900 [1200-1230 GMT]
   Pwo Karen    1900-1930 [1230-1300 GMT]
   Chin         1930-2000 [1300-1330 GMT]

***************************************

SLORC: REPORT ON KACHINLAND CHAPTER
September 26, 1997

                   REPORT ON KACHINLAND CHAPTER
                    **********************************************

THE 29TH WORLD LEAGUE FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY 
CONFERENCE WASHINGTON D.C.,
SEPTEMBER 26-29, 1997

        On this auspicious day of the 29th World League for Freedom and 
Democracy conference, I, as a representative of ethnic Kachin people of the 
Union of Myanmar (Burma), greatly appreciate the privilege and honor to 
present the situation in the Union of Myanmar to the world leaders who are 
striving for world peace.

        For almost half a century, Myanmar has been ravaged by a civil war that
continues unabated. An armed solution "if successful", would have by this time
resulted in one or the other side succeeding militarily against the other
during this civil war. This no-win situation between the warring parties and
factions, has only devastated the nation, while the people remain the ultimate
losers in this endless armed conflict. For this reason, Kachin independence
Organization (KIO) perceives that to achieve justice, human rights, peace,
democracy, and equal opportunities for the whole nation, now is the time for
everyone to have a conscience and for all concerned people of Myanmar to join
hands and to focus, in spiritual and intellectual reconciliation, on one
common direction for the betterment of all peoples as a nation.

        The KIO has previously attempted to jointly achieve the above objectives
with the other warring ethnic races. But, due to preconditions placed by
various organizations and alliances on such negotiations, the KIO was unable
to secure a joint consensus or agreement to participate together in such
negotiations. For this reason and from our own convictions, the KIO decided
to negotiate separately. Commencing in 1993, we conducted organization with
the SLORC on numerous occasions. These negotiations resulted in a cease-fire
agreement being entered into on the 24 February 1994 with SLORC. Following
the ceasefire agreement, close cooperation and friendship has achieved the
resettling of refugees, and the beginning of the development process in
Kachin State, along with all other matters as well. Similarly, most of other
ethnic nationality insurgent organizations have entered ceasefire with the
SLORC. Naturally, where there is civil war, there can be no human rights,
peace and democracy. Only a nationwide ceasefire will lead to the peace
conditions necessarily to allow the nation to develop further.

        As a matter of fact, the 199l Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Daw Aung San 
Suu Kyi, whose release on July 10, 1995 topped news headlines around the 
world has announced her intention to continue political dialogue with the 
SLORC. She said, "the aim of the SLORC is to return the power to the people. 
This is exactly our aim as well and that SLORC Chairman Gen. Than Shwe 
stated that he would like me to help achieve peace and stability in the
nation. -
I intended to help SLORC in every way so that we can return power to the 
people. This is not only my intention. It is the intention of all who want 
democracy, and it is obviously the intention of SLORC. There is no hostility 
between me and SLORC". However, for some reason. her original vision was 
altered to accelerate the process of democratization thereby confronting with 
the SLORC since then.

        This era marks the beginning of peace in several countries in South-east
Asia region. Some countries in this region including Myanmar are just
beginning to learn the self-responsibilities inherent in the foundations of
democracy. If we look at the democracy system in the west, we will see that
most Western countries have enjoyed independence for hundreds of years and
have established democratic systems of government for centuries. In such
systems. the people are taught since they are children the essence of
self-responsibility democracy and human rights. Consequently, they appreciate
and value the principles of democracy and human rights, which now most 
regard as sacrosanct. For this reason, and arising from different realities,
western and Southeast Asian peoples view these concepts differently.

        Today, the situation in Myanmar and Cambodia are quite similar in terms 
of the political struggle among different groups. Under such circumstances, it
is extremely important ::hat only appropriate advice and support from the
outside world will restore peace to these warring neighbouring countries
rather than introducing a new high-tech democratic process.

        Recently, ASEAN, the grouping of neighbouring Southeast Asian 
countries granted Myanmar membership. It was because all the neighboring 
countries have good intentions for harmony and peaceful co-existence. They 
also want to bring about the same level of economic development in the region. 
ASEAN leaders deserve recognition for providing constructive assistance and 
adopting a broad minded attitude.

        Ladies and Gentlemen; in attendance at this conference today, are
various
leaders from all over the world who desire world peace, and who are prepared
to personally work towards the achievement of peace and security
in the world. In the sense of world peace, Myanmar forms an integral part of
such global strategy. We call upon you to support and to advise us in
achieving peace in Myanmar as well as the whole region. Firstly, we will
need your support on the establishment of  talks leading to a nationwide
ceasefire in Myanmar. The final step in this process will be nationwide peace
talks, which will include leaders of all political parties and revolutionary
forces in good faith.

        If the international community will be willing to co-assist us in this
regard, we believe that Myanmar will, within a certain period of time
achieve a secure peace for all future generations of Myanmar. At the same
time, a secure peace in this region will take us one step closer to achieving
the goal of world peace.

******************************************

TACDB UPDATE: BURMESE STUDENTS STILL DETAINED IN 
BANGKOK'S SPECIAL DETENTION CENTRE (SDC), THAILAND.
September 27, 1997

Dear friends,

Here's some information about the Burmese students that are still being
detained at the Special Detention Centre in Bangkok. We need to work on
getting them out as most of them have now been detained for longer than
they should have been detained under relevant Thai law concerning Burmese
students in Thailand. Does anybody have any suggestions of how we should
campaign for their release or what they would like seen done???

1. THANT ZIN HTUN was arrested during Bill Clinton's visit to Thailand in
1996. A group of students staged a demonstration and tried to hand an open
letter to Mr. Clinton. He has been incarcerated since this time. He
applied for resettlement to Australia and was granted an interview but
could not attend as he was in SDC at the time. Authorities for not permit
Burmese to be interviewed for protection (UNHCR) or for resettlement whilst
under detention here.

2. TAY AZA THURA was arrested at the same time for the same reasons. He
applied to the Canadian embassy, and could not attend the interview for
the same reason as above.

3. AUNG ZAW and 4. SHWE OO were arrested at the same time. Same 
reasons. They had applied to the Canadian embassy, but heard nothing more 
about their application.

5. SWHE HLA was detained in April of 97 after being arrested outside of
the Malaysian embassy in Bangkok for peacefully demonstrating against
ASEAN's acceptance of Burma. Three other young men were arrested with
him-one had an official outpass from the safe area so the authorities sent him
back to the camp and all of his privileges were suspended as a result
(this is in keeping with the provincial rules governing the safe area). T

6. WIN MYINT has been detained for ALOMST THREE YEARS. He was 
arrested in the safe area for fighting with other Burmese. It is widely 
understood in the camp that Win Myint suffers from some psychological 
impairment and that he needs medical attention for as he sometimes hurts 
himself. He apparently sleeps most of the time, but then gets aggressive off an 
on. Burmese students in the camp understand his condition and are concerned
for his well-being. He is not receiving any medical attention in SDC
(well- no proper medication etc- I think they give out paracetamol on a
routine basis to placate medical NGO's etc). The Prison authorities want
to release him and return him to the Safe area but the Camp Commander has
said that he will not accept him back. Actually, the camp commander is not
fully empowered to make such decisions and there is nothing that I can
see in the provincial rules governing the safe area that restrict this guy
from entering the safe area.

7. SAN SHAR has been detained almost two years. His case is a strange one
actually. He was asked in the camp if he had left illegally (without pass)
to Bangkok. He admitted to this being so and he was arrested and sent to
the SDC in Bangkok directly from the Safe Area, WITHOUT being to court.

Please note that all of the above students have NI numbers and were
residents of the Burmese Students Area (Safe Area) in Ratchaburi Province.
Safe Area regulations (I can provide you with a copy of them if you need),
only provide for imprisonment of students for between 3 and 6 months
periods- NOTHING LONGER. The Thai's actually have no right to detain 
them any longer. They should release them back into the safe area or to IDC
etc.

------------------------------------------------------------------
Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB),
328 Phayathai Road,
Rajthevee,
Bangkok 10400,
THAILAND.

tel/fax:  (+662) 216 4463
email:    tacdb@xxxxxxxxxx

******************************************************

ICCR: TEXACO IS OUT OF BURMA
September 25, 1997 [abridged]

Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
475 Riverside Dr., Rm 550, New York, NY 10115 ph (212) 8702295 fx (212)
870 2023

for more information contact:
Rev. John Paarlberg, (212) 870 3020
Fr. Joseph P. La Mar, (914) 941 7636 x2516
Rev. David M Schilling (212) 870 2928

TEXACO IS OUT OF BURMA; RELIGIOUS SHAREHOLDERS REJOICE

New York, September 25,1997 -- On September 23, 1997 TEXACO announced 
it had sold its assets in a natural gas project in Yetagun, Burma to
Premier Oil of Britain. While the sale awaits government and partnership
approval, it is anticipated that such will be completed this November.

"TEXACO's decision is a tremendous victory for the Burmese people,"
commented Rev. John Paarlberg of the Reformed Church in America, one of
the religious shareholders which has sponsored shareholder resolutions
pressing Texaco to withdraw from Burma. "This sends a strong message to
Burma's military dictators that there will be no 'business as usual'
until democracy returns."

Texaco's decision to withdraw from Burma is a product of the combined
efforts of the Burma democratic movement as well as students, religious
groups, human rights organizations, unions and others around the world.
President Clinton's decision in April to bar new investments in the
military-ruled Burma in the interest of human rights has also promoted
U.S. companies doing business in Burma to critically evaluate their
continued presence.

"The move by TEXACO will definitely increase pressure on other companies
with business in Burma," predicted Fr. Joseph P. La Mar of the Maryknoll
Fathers and Brothers, a community of Roman Catholic missioners, who have
participated in shareholder dialogues with Texaco. "We plan to press for
the withdrawal from Burma of ATLANTIC RICHFIELD and UNOCAL.
Multinational oil company investment in Burma provides the largest legal
source of foreign currency to the regime."

"We are heartened by TEXACO's decision to leave Burma," explained Rev.
David Schilling, director of Global Corporate Accountability Programs for
the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, an association of 275
Protestant, Catholic and Jewish denominations, religious communities,
pension funds, health care corporations and other institutions. "Premier Oil
of Britain, however, should not move into Burma as Texaco moves out.  We
have contacted our colleagues at the Ecumenical Committee on Corporate
Responsibility in Great Britain to press Premier Oil to respect the human
rights of the Burmese people and refuse to do business in Burma until
democracy is restored."

In 1997 religious and other investors submitted shareholder resolutions
related to the Burma operations of ATLANTIC RICHFIELD, CATERPILLAR, UNOCAL,
PEPSICO and TEXACO.  After a successful campaign and dialogue, PEPSICO
withdrew from Burma in May 1997.  Other companies that 
refuse to do business in Burma include AMOCO, EDDIE BAUER, LEVI 
Strauss and LIZ CLAIBORNE.

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