The BurmaNet News, August 11, 1997

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"Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies"     
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The BurmaNet News: August 11, 1997        
Issue #794 

HEADLINES:        
========== 
REUTER: BURMA OPPOSITION CALLS FOR TALKS 
BORDER SOURCE: BORDER SITUATION UPDATE
THAILAND TIMES: WA REBELS TO SURRENDER TO RANGOON
ARAKAN BURMA: SITUATION IN ARAKAN
BKK POST: BRIDGE USERS BANNED FROM BURMESE TOWNS
UNHCR: THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES 1995
KCHC TRANSLATION: SAW BA U GYI: THE LAST DAYS 
THAILAND TIMES: KORN TO OPEN FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE
BKK POST: BURMESE REFUGEES NEED ASSISTANCE
JAPAN TIMES:  MYANMAR ACTIVIST END HUNGER STRIKE
FBC - PHILIPPINES: 8.8.88 COMMEMORATION
REUTER: BURMESE DISSIDENTS REMEMBER BLOODY 1988
---------------------------------------------------------------------------

REUTER: BURMA OPPOSITION CALLS FOR TALKS WITH MILITARY 
August 8, 1997
	  				 
	 RANGOON, Aug 8 (Reuter) - Burma's main opposition National  
League for Democracy (NLD) has asked for further talks with the military
government, saying the two sides share the same political goal. 
	 The NLD this week sent an 18-page open letter to Senior General Than Shwe,
the chairman of the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). 
	 ``The SLORC has repeatedly pledged to establish democracy in  
Myanmar (Burma)... As for the NLD, to build democracy in the country has
always been the main objective of the NLD,'' said the letter, signed by NLD
Chairman Aung Shwe. 
	 ``Since the two groups are sharing a common objective, there 
should be no reason that prevents them from holding talks for resolving the
problems which the country is facing.'' 
	 A meeting between Aung Shwe and the SLORC's Lieutenant  General Khin Nyunt
last month was the first high level contact between the two groups since NLD
leader and Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was released from six years
of house arrest in 1995. 
	 The NLD won a landslide election in 1990 that the SLORC has  
never recognised. The NLD has made repeated requests for dialogue since Suu
Kyi's release, but those calls went unanswered until last month. 
	 Further talks would help the two sides satisfy the wishes of the Burmese
people, the NLD letter said. 
	 ``By holding dialogue, both the SLORC and the NLD will be  
fulfilling the desire of the entire people,'' the letter said. 
	 The NLD stopped short of calling last month's talks with Khin Nyunt
``dialogue'' as they say true dialogue must include Suu Kyi. 

*****************************

BORDER SOURCE: BORDER SITUATION UPDATE
August 8, 1997

SITUATION UPDATE: REFUGEES ARRIVING AT KANCHANABURI, RATCHABURI AND
PROVINCES TO THE SOUTH

KANCHANABURI PROVINCE

Ban Don Yang
It was reported that on July 24 the Thai 9th Division took three refugee
leaders to meet with the SLORC at a border location near here, thought to be
Three Pagodas Pass.  Colonel Manat was reportedly present.  The three
reugees met with the SLORC and the topic of repatriation to Burma was
raised.  The SLORC are reported to have told them that the refugees should
return to Burma but that they should understand that the Burmese government
has 'no programme to feed and care for those who have fled outside to other
countries and brought disgrace to Burma.  Upon return those who have fled
must be punished.' After the meeting the three were returned to the camp.

The population at Htee Wah Doh have still not received permission to enter
Don Yang camp.

RATCHABURI PROVINCE

Tham Hin
The principle concern here remains that the 9th Division is continuing to
withold permission to build a school in the camp.  The residents of the camp
are increasingly concerned that the more than 2,000 children in the camp are
losing out on their education.  As time goes on it is becoming increasingly
difficult to retain teachers in the camp; those with families to support
will increasingly seek work outside the camp.  NGOs are ready to support
both a school building and school supplies once official permission has been
granted.

The area has been subjected to heavy rain recently and the camp still only
has plastic sheeting for cover.  The clinic is said to have many patinets
suffering malaria and diarrhoea.

The displaced persons at Meh Pya Kee mentioned in the last report have still
not recived permission to enter the camp.  On July 26 some of this group had
crossed over the border and settled at the Border Patrol Police checkpoint,
behind the old Bo Wi site, fleeing the SLORC troops advancing on their
position from the north at Htaw Ma Maw and from the south up the river from
Withuray.  Some 150 had crossed by July 30 but the 9th Division is still
refusing them permission to enter Htam Hin camp where they could be provided
for.  The area is now enduring heavy rain.

*****************************************

THAILAND TIMES: WA REBELS TO SURRENDER TO RANGOON JUNTA
August 10, 1997
BY KHACHORN BOONPHAT 

MAE HONG SON- One of the last ethnic rebel groups to have held out against
the Burmese junta is to surrender in exchange for control of territory in
Shan state, a rebel source said.

The move, however, has come under fierce criticism from ethnic groups who
are still fighting for autonomy  from the Burmese government.

Speaking from the Burmese border town of Tachilek, the source said the Wa
National Organization  (WNO) led by Col Chao Maha San has agreed to lay down
their arms to the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) and give
up the struggle for autonomy.

The source said negotiations last month, when the rebel army expressed its
intention to surrender, paved the way for a final ceasefire deal on July 29.

Col Chao Maha San and his brother Col Maha Cha arranged the peace pact with
Maj Cho Aung Thein, a SLORC military intelligence official, he said.
     
After the second round of talks the WNO leader confirmed that his group will
surrender to the junta, but the rebels would not give exact timing or
location for the surrender ceremony.
     
The source said the event is expected to take place in Mong Tong township
opposite Thailand's Chiang Mai province, as more than 500 WNO soldiers are
based there.
     
Other ethic rebel groups however said the WNO has been trapped into
surrendering by the junta, which will use the ceasefire to further its
brutal suppression of the ethnic minorities.

They said that while WNO leaders will reap benefits from the peace
settlement, ordinary Wa people will be subjected to more human rights abuses
at the hands of the SLORC.

A key figure of former drug lord Khun Sa's Mong Tai Army (MTA), which
surrendered to the junta early last year, said the WNO have always been
halfhearted freedom fighters who have exploited the MTA's reputation for
involvement in the illegal drug trade.

********************************************

ARAKAN BURMA: SITUATION IN ARAKAN
August 9, 1997

        Arakan-Burma's back water north western province remains as
neglected as before, undeveloped and unaffected by the present superficial
economic openness witnessed by other parts of Burma. Foreigners are not
allowed to visit Arakan except at certain tourist points in guided tours.
Northern Arakan with a Muslim ( Rohingya ) majority population remains tense
and volatile. SLORC's policy of genocide and ethnic cleansing against
Rohingyas Muslims continues with more ferocity.  The Muslims in Arakan have
been passing their days in sub-human condition in utter misery, fear and
extreme poverty. Ninety five percent of the Muslims population are under-fed
and in an environment of continuous fear and lack access to health
facilities make them physically crippled.  Because of poverty, lack of
educational institutions in Muslim villages and a discouraging political and
social environment the number of educated Muslims is sharply falling.
        Except cultivation and fishing, Muslims have no other employment as
the government prohibits employing Muslims in any governmental service.  The
Rohingyas have been declared as foreign residents by the SLORC.
Whatever the farmers produce from their land, most of it has to be
given to the government in the name of tax imposed only on the Muslims.
If one fails to surrender the fixed quantity, one is either jailed or one's
entire land is confiscated.  Added to this the poor cultivators who maintain
their living as manual day labourers are often rounded up by the security
forces to engage them as slave labourers without payment for a long time
making them hand to mouth or to face complete starvation.  Only a handful of
Muslims who can afford to act as government's informers or spies could
engage themselves in the local and cross border trade.
        No Muslims are allowed to move freely from one locality to another.
They are kept under constant surveillance.  Youths are subjected to
summary execution, arrest and torture often with allegations of links
with rebel groups.  Many Muslims who have been detained by various law
enforcing agencies never return home, presumably killed and dumped in mass
graves.  On May, 1994 a bomb was exploded in Maungdaw township More than 300
people have either been executed extrajudicially or disappeared completely.
In 1996 alone there were more than one hundred
case of summary executions and disappearance after arrest in different
parts of Arakan.  Long sentences ranging from 5 to 20 years imprisonment
have been awarded to people without any proven guilt or for commiting
minor offences.  Extortion from the Muslims after indictment on false
charges is a regular phenomenon.
        Rohingyas women happened to be the most vulnerable among the
oppressed. They have virtually no human rights.  Being deprived of
education, they are totally dependent on their husband or their sons for
protection of their modesty and safety.  When the male members of the family
are taken away to perform forced labour, the woman are often subjected to
violations of their modesty at the hands of the security personnel. Besides,
religious personalities are often humiliated and in 1996 many religious
schools were forced to close down in the township of
Kyauktaw, Minbya, and Mrohaung.  Recently, the Jamiah Islamiyah, the
biggest religious school in Maungdaw was forced to close down at the
order of local SLORC authorities.
        Another remarkable feature taking place in northern Arakan is
expulsion of the Muslims from their centuries old villages without giving
them any alternative site for resettlement.  There are relocation of Muslim
villages too.  More Buddhists villages are being established in Muslim
majority areas and Buddhists are appointed by the authorities as head of
Muslims villages.
        Out of 300,000 Rohingyas refugees who fled to Bangladesh in 1991-92
because of persecution by the SLORC, about 250,000 have been returned to
their homes in spite of uncertain future back in Arakan. Meanwhile, about
20,000 disappeared in Bangladesh and rest are awaiting repartition in four
camps along Burma-Bangladesh border.  While the repartition  of the
aforesaid refugees is yet to finish, a fresh batch of about 15,000 refugees
entered into Bangladesh again since early 1997 because of
forced labour, torture, starvation etc.  Some of them were detained and
sent them back to Burma. Their fate are not known since they were forced
back to Burma.  And most of them are disappeared in Bangladesh.

********************************************

BKK POST: BRIDGE USERS BANNED FROM VISITING BURMESE TOWNS
August 10, 1997
Supamart Kasem, Tak

People crossing the border at Mae Sot district into Burma after the
Thai-Burmese Friendship Bridge opens on August 15 will not be allowed to
enter any Burmese towns, except Myawaddy, for security reasons.

According to a border official, the travel restrictions apparently stemmed
from Burma's concern for safety of visitors due to ongoing clashes between
Rangoon forces and rebels of the Karen National Union.

Deputy provincial governor Somboon Ngamlak, its MP Chaiyawuth Bannawat,
adviser to the panel overseeing construction of the bridge, Udon
Tantisunthorn, and concerned government officials met in Mae Sot recently to
discuss preparations for opening of the bridge.

The meeting reaffirmed that Mae Sot-Myawaddy, Mae Sai-Tachilek and
Ranong-Kawthaung checkpoints as well as the friendship bridge will open on
August 15 according to the cabinet resolution of July 29.

Both Burma and Thailand will erect temporary shelters to house Immigration,
Customs, Public Health, and Livestock Department offices pending
construction of permanent buildings:

Burmese authorities in Myawaddy also requested that Thai officials provide
250 flag poles and 20 tents to be used during the bridge opening, Mr
Chaiyawuth said.

Thais living in border areas can apply for a border pass which will be valid
for two years. It will entitle them to a two-week stay in Burma, while
tourists can request a temporary pass valid for a week's stay.

Thai representatives will soon discuss with Burmese authorities regulations
on cross-border trade and immigration procedures for foreign passport holders.

They will also push for access to other Burmese towns.

******************************************

UNHCR: THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES 1995
1995
THE STATE OF THE WORLD'S REFUGEES 1995
IN SEARCH OF SOLUTIONS
(UNHCR, Oxford University Press, paperbacks $A24.95)

Although the information in this book is from 1995, the excerpts provide
relevant background information on Rohingyan repatriation, a current topic
of concern.
		-- BurmaNet Note

IN SEARCH OF SOLUTIONS, BOX 2.2 PP-62.

Repatriation to Myanmar
-----------------------
Between late 1991 and the middle of 1992, more than 250,000 people fled
from the Rakhine State of Myanmar (formerly Burma) to neighbouring
Bangladesh. Almost all of the refugees were Rohingyas, a Muslim minority
group living in a predominantly Buddhist country. Although accurate
statistics are not available, the Rohingyas are thought to constitute just
under half of Rakhine State's population, which is estimated to be some 4.5
million.

When the refugee exodus took place, the new arrivals in Bangladesh said
that they had been subjected to a variety of human rights violations by the
Myanmar security forces. According to refugee accounts, these abuses took
place amidst efforts to conscript military porters, to recruit unpaid
labour for public works projects and to relocate some of teh Muslim
population within Rakhine State. The Myanmar government has denied these
accusations.

>From the early days of the exodus, it became apparent that voluntary
repatriation represented the only viable solution for the vast majority of
the refugees. But before UNHCR could participate in the repatriation
process, the organization had to be sure that the refugees were willing to
return and that their safety and welfare could be monitored once they had
gone back to their homes.

Proactive role

For many years, the timing of UNHCR's involvement in voluntary repatriation
programmes was determined largely by refugees themselve. They decided when
to return, and received protection and assistance from the international
community until the day when they chose to return. During the 1980s,
however, UNHCR began to play a more proactive role in the search for
solutions, actively assisting refugees to return to and reintegrate in their
homeland once conditions there had substantially improved.

More recently, the implementation of comprehansive peace settlements in a
number of war-torn countries, supervised by UN peacekeeping forces and
civilian personnel, has enabled UNHCR to go one step further in the
repatriation process. Thus in countries such as Cambodia and Mozambique, the
organization's repatriation programmes have been based on the premise that
the vast majority of refugees will be able to - and want to return to their
own country and participate in the election of a new government.

The question of safety and voluntaryness have been more problematic in
relation to the Rohingya refugee situation. On the Bangladesh side of the
border, UNHCR did not initially have full access to the camps where the
refugees were accommodated. And in MYanmar, unlike Cambodia and Mozambique,
the political situation remained unchanged at the national level.
Furthermore, UNHCR did not have a presence in the country and was therefore
unable to monitor the situation within the refugee's area of origin.

The repatriation of the Myanmar refugees was further complicated by social,
economic and legal factors. The people who fled to Bangladesh were
predominantly landless day labourers, with very limited income-generating
opportunities available to them in Rakhine State. As a result of the
country's nationality laws, the Rohingyas were generally not recognized as
citizens of Myanmar, nor did they have the right to move freely around the
country.

The majority of population of Myanmar generally regard the Rohingyas as
aliens, a view which has been coloured by a variety of different factors:
the aincient Arab and Persian origins of the Rohingyas; their loyalty to
the Britain during the colonial period; fears of illegal immigration from
the overcrowded and overwhelming Muslim country of Bangladesh; and concern
over the security threat posed by two groups of armed Rohingya rebels, which
are said to be supported by foreign governments. The integration of this
group after their return therefore promised to be a difficult undertaking.

Despite all of these uncertainities, in April 1994, UNHCR initiated an
organized repatriation programme for the refugees, which has allowed many
thousands to go home under the organization's auspicious. At current rates
of return, the vast majority of the refugees will have returned to Myanmar
before the end of 1995.

Long-term option

UNHCR's readiness to organize this repatriation programme - and the
refugees' willingness to participate in it - is the result of several
considerations. Bangladesh is one of the poorest and most densely populated
counties in the world, and has neither the land nor the resources to absorb
so many people. Local settlement in Bangladesh does not represent a
realistic long-term option.

A number of safeguards have been built into the repatriation programme.
Under the current arrangements, the refugees indicate their willingness to
return to Myanmar by registering for repatriation. Once registered, they
are free to change their minds for any reason and at any point before they
cross the border - a right which many refugees have exercised, usually for
a temporary reason such as illness in the family.

Within Myanmar, the government has invited UNHCR to establish a presence,
both in the capital city of Yangon and in Rakhine State itself. As a result,
the organization is now in a position to monitor the welfare of the
returnees. At the same time, the organization is providing the refugees
with food, a cash grant and other form of assistance upon their return to
Myanmar, as well as implementing community-based rehabilitation projects in
their home areas. According to UNHCR staff in the region, these initiatives
have played a major part in the refugees' willingness to return to Myanmar.
While their situation in Rakhine State may not be an easy one, the refugees
appear to have recognized that it is better to go home now and to benefit
from UNHCR's presence and programme, rather than to remain in refugee camps
which can offer then no future.

Coerced returns

UNHCR's involvement in the refugees' return to Myanmar has assumed a
particular significance in view of the events which preceded the launch of
the organization's repatriation programme. In April 1992, the governments
of Bangladesh and Myanmar signed a bilateral repatriation agreement,
without the participation of UNHCR. Refugees began to repatriate to Myanmar
five months later, and in October 1992, UNHCR was formally given permission
to interview the refugees and to ascertain the voluntariness of their
return. The organization quickly withdrew from this role, however, because
of difficulties in gaining access to the refugees as well as widespread
reports that they were being subjected to abuses by camp officials and
forced to go back to Myanmar.

UNHCR and other members of the international community protested vigorously
against these developments, with the result that the violations were
subquently halted and the camp officials concerned were removed from their
posts. At the same time, UNHCR negotiated new agreements with the Bangladesh
authorities, which provided the organization with better access to the camps
and which enabled UNHCR staff to interview potential returnees.

In November 1993, after nearly 50,000 refugees had returned under the
bilateral repatriation programme, UNHCR was also granted access to Rakhine
state by the Myanmar authorities. The organization was subsequently given
permission to travel freely throughout the area (although logistically this
can be difficult) and to monitor the situation of the returnees. UNHCR's
efforts to help the returnees re-establish themselves in MYanmar by means of
water, health, education and income-generating projects provide an
additional means of promoting and monitoring the welfare of former refugees.
By mid-1995, UNHCR had found no evidence to suggest that the returnees were
being subjected to persecution or discrimination, although some incidents
have taken place involving the detention and relocation of former refugees.

Despite these encouraging results, two important issues remain to be
resolved. First, an unknown but in all likelihood relatively small number
of the remaining refugees may choose not to go back to Myanmar because of
their political activities and allegiances. Another category of 'residual
cases' whose future will have to be determined consists of refugee camp
residents who migrated illegally from Bangladesh to Myanmar prior to 1991,
and who consequently have no right to return to Rakhine State.

A second and perhaps more significant issue concerns the prevention of any
further exoduses or expulsions from Myanmar to Bangladesh. To avert any
further occurrences of this type, efforts will evidently be needed to
provide Myanmar's Muslim minority with greater security, by protecting
their human rights, by improving their legal and social status and by
providing htem with greater income-earning opportunities. While UNHCR is
currently attempting to address these concerns, ultimate responsibility for
such issues must be assumed by the country of origin.
 .
*******************************************************

KCHC TRANSLATION: SAW BA U GYI: THE LAST DAYS OF A KAREN REVOLUTIONARY
August 10, 1997

Note- 

The following essay is about Saw Ba U Kyi, an early leader of the Karen
nationalist cause and an Oxford educated barrister.  Saw Ba U Gyi, founding
chairman of the Karen National Union in 1947, took part in negotiations with
the British and Burmese to secure Karen rights. Dissatisfied with the
provisions for a Karen state, he eventually resigned from the Governor's
Executive Council.  In 1949 he led the KNU insurrection.  In 1950, at the
age of 38, Saw Ba U Gyi was killed by the Tatmadaw in an ambush. The Karen
people lost an important spokesperson.

		--BurmaNet

MY LAST MEETING WITH GAW KHO* SAW BA U GYI IN THE REVOLUTION AREA
ON AUGUST 9, 1950 ,  BY Saw Johny Htoo

        It was on August 8, 1950, when I was stationed at Ka Ter Ti village,
Papun District, an urgent matter came up and I had to go to Papun.  We left
Ka Ter Ti with two bullockcarts and stopped by Htwee Thee Ou village on our
way.  Whenever I stop by there I used to stay at my aunt Mu Yah Dah house,
but this time as soon as I entered the village and saw my aunt, she ran to
me and told me: "Can you please go stay with village headman this time,
because my house is already filled with Gaw Koh Ba U Gyi and his men?  They
came with two bullockcarts too."

        As I was traveling with a few other people, I went to stay at the
village headman's house.  Then, I decided to go and meet with Saw Ba U Gyi
at my aunt's house.  He was there with his other nine friends including
General Saw San Kay and a secretary from British Embassy.  After a short
discussion with him, I found out that they were on their way to Bangkok for
the meeting with some foreign officials there.  And just before I left the
place, I asked him when he was going to leave, and he told me, "early in the
morning."  Then I asked him if he wanted some tea, and he asked me in
return, "do you bring me just plain tea or tea?"  "Of course, sweet tea," I
answered.  He then said, "good! let's have some tea before we leave
tomorrow."  "we will pray for you that your next child be a boy," he
uttered, because until then I had only daughters.

        That night I came back to the place where I stay and asked one of my
lieutenants to boil me a pot of water the next day before 4 o'clock in the
morning.  For some reasons, I had a strange dream that night.   In my dream
I saw Saw Ba U Gyi with his head shaved, and he shaved his beard too.  I
thought he did that probably because he is going to a foreign country.  I
then suddenly woke up.  I was going to go and see him so that I could have a
final talk with him before he leaves.  But I looked at my watch and it was
too early, only 3 o'clock in the morning, so I went to sleep again.

        The next day, I woke up at 4 a.m. and then I made some tea and took
it to him.  Soon after the breakfast we departed: he continued his trip as I
headed to Papun.  At first I thought, in my mind,  to tell him about my
dream but I didn't, because I knew that he does not believe in that type of
things like dreams or omens.  Karen people used to  say that if we dreamed
of someone naked, he or she will lose his or her position or rank, and if we
dreamed of somebody with shaved he or she will lose his or her life.

        The day I met with Saw  Ba U Gyi was August 8, 1950, and we departed
on the next day.  On August 12, 1950, at no one's expectation, my first
cousin Saw Kye The who was then Signal In-charge in Papun Area intercepted a
message which says that the enemy captured and murdered Saw  Ba U Gyi and
his colleagues at Hto Kaw Koe village.

        The news came to my surprise and I was trying to find out what went
wrong with them.  I found out that they left for Hlaine Bwe the next day.
Before they took off from Hlaine Bwe, Maj. Gen. Ta Ka Baw who was the
Division Commander of that area told Saw Ba U Gyi that he would arrange for
him one company to take with him for security reason.  Yet, Saw Ba U Gyi
flatly replied that he did not want to disturb the soldiers.  Then Maj. Gen.
Ta Ka Baw insisted again that he better accept at least one platoon, should
he not want to take a whole company of troops with him.  Saw Ba U Gyi did
not even accept one platoon.  It was during August and the rain was heavy so
he did not want to bother the soldiers, and they continued their trip,
heading to another village by themselves with no security arrangement.

        The next day, Saw Ba U Gyi and his group headed to Hto Kaw Koe
village.  However, before they got to Hto Kaw Koe, their trip was delayed
unexpectedly by a heavy August rain somewhere on the outskirts of Hto Kaw
Koe.  Unfortunately, that very news was informed by a Karen traitor to the
enemy company which stationed near Hlaine Bwe.  It was later found out that
the company commander was Sein Lwin.  While Saw Ba U Gyi and his group were
stuck,  they were attacked and murdered by the enemy, the then Maj. Sein
Lwin and his troops.  The remains of Saw Ba U Gyi was brought back to
Moulmain and was later dumped into the river at Kaung Say Kyung, a village
near Moulmain.

        Saw Ba U Gyi sacrificed his life for his people.  He solemnly had to
died in the hands of his enemy, but his principles for Karen people will
remain alive forever.  His words that he used to tell me, "brother, justice
will lift our people up," will always stay in my heart and mind.

*Gaw Kho in Karen stands for President.

Roughly translated from Karen to English by Saw Kapi of Karen Cultural and
Historical Center in Bakersfield, California.

***********************************************

THAILAND TIMES: KORN TO OPEN FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE INSTEAD OF PM
August 10, 1997 [excerpts only]
By Assawin Pinitwong

TAK/BANGKOK: Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was initially expected to
officially open the bridge with his Burmese counterpart, Gen Than Shwe.

However, Foreign Minister Prachuab Chaiyasan said yesterday that Gen
Chavalit had appointed Deputy Prime Minister Korn Dabbarangsi to preside
over the opening ceremony with Lt Gen Khin Nyunt, Secretary 1 of the State
Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).
     
Prachuab said the idea was proposed by the bridge construction committee,
which is led by Deputy Foreign Minister Pitak Intrawityanunt following
reports that Burmese military leader Than Shwe would not attend the ceremony.

A source from the bridge construction committee said that the committee is
working with other agencies in an attempt to persuade Premier Chavalit to
open the bridge with Khin Nyunt.

The source said as Khin Nyunt, the powerful chief of Burmese military
intelligence, is expected to become the next prime minister of Burma,
Chavalit should in turn move with respect to ensure warm relations with that
country.

************************************************************

BKK POST: BURMESE REFUGEES NEED ASSISTANCE
August 10, 1997

Karen, Karenni, Shan and Mon refugees have fled Burma in response to well
documented persecution including forced labour, portering, torture and
murder. About 100,000 people are currently living in the camps. Thai
authorities are facing a serious humanitarian challenge. We, like other
members of the community of nations, are well aware of the generous
sacrifices you have already made in response to these destitute refugees.  
     
I beg you to treat these refugees from Burma well and provide protection for
the 100,000 Burmese refugees from attacks and intimidation from across the
border.

I am concerned at reports that the so-called "safe corridor" cannot be
considered safe given the movements of the Burmese army.

I urge you to sign the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees
and to its 1967 Protocol, in order to better ensure the protection of
refugees and asylum-seekers in Thailand. This would demonstrate to the
international community the commitment to the principle of refugee
protection which you have already shown.

Amnesty International will be encouraging other governments to assist
Thailand in its handling of the refugee crisis.

Human Rights Have No Borders

**********************************************

JAPAN TIMES:  MYANMAR ACTIVIST END HUNGER STRIKE
August 10, 1997

        Over 30 Myanmarese activists ended a one-day hunger strike in
Tokyo's Hibiya Park at noon Saturday after mourning those who were silenced
in the country's democracy uprising nine years ago.
        "The military regime has been tormenting the people of the country
since 1962.  Let's do what we can here to represent the 45 million people
who continue to suffer at home," the activists shouted in chorus as they
ended the hunger strike.
        They began their protest at noon Friday, the ninth anniversary of
the 1988 democracy uprising.
        Thousands of antigovernment activists are believed to have been
killed by the military junta on Aug. 8, 1988, during a general strike and
demonstrations by protesters calling for democracy.
        "The political and economic situations in our country have worsened
since then," then Aung Thu, vice chairman of the Burma Youth Volunteer
Association, which organized the strike [sic:  it was organized by the Joint
Action Committee, which includes Students' Organization for the Liberation
of Burma and NLD-LA (Japan Branch), as well as BYVA].
        "We wanted to remind the world that 45 million people there are
still suffering," he said.
        He also said that last month's decision by the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations to admit Myanmar's State Law and Order Restoration
Council, the military regime, has harmed the people of Myanmar by letting
the junta put more pressure on them.
        The so-called constructive engagement by other countries in Asia has
not worked, he argued, and a harder line against the military regime -- as
has been adopted by the United States and some European countries -- is
necessary.
        This year's strike, the second in Japan, was conducted
simultaneously in Australia, Canada, India, Thailand and the United States.
        "Although there are some Japanese people who support the democracy
movement, not enough attention has been given to the issue in Japan," said
Shogo Watanabe, a lawyer who assisted the strike.  "Gaining more Japanese
support is important in the sense that it builds a bigger momentum for the
democracy movement."

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FBC - PHILIPPINES: 8.8.88 COMMEMORATION
August 8, 1997

FREE BURMA COALITION
 c/o Initiatives for International Dialogue

 MEDIA RELEASE
 9TH YEAR ANNIVERSARY OF AUGUST 8, 1988 BURMA UPRISING COMMEMORATED

 Makati, Friday, August 8, 1997: FREE BURMA COALITION-Philippines
picketed the Burmese embassy at 8:00 A.M. today. The picket was in
commemoration of the August 8, 1988 massacre in Rangoon. A photo montage of
massacre victims served as an altar where the picketers offered flowers and
prayers. Candles and incense were lit in front of the embassy steps.
     A joint statement by the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma and the
Free Burma Coalition was read by FBC members. The statement expressed the
challenge to ASEAN's newest member , Burma's State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) regime to cooperate with ASEAN
and ASEAN Regional Forum by promptly commencing dialogue with
democracy movement led by Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationality
groups.
     It also challenged ASEAN and its dialogue partners to implement a
coordinated  and comprehensive strategy to insure the prompt cessation of
human rights violations and the restoration of democracy in Burma. It
condemned the association for favoring the principle of non-interference in
the internal affairs of one another.
     The joint statement was delivered at the Burmese embassy office by
office leaders at the 4th floor , Basic Petroleum Building, Carlos Palanca
Street, Legaspi Village, Makati City.
     Free Burma Coalition-Philippines members who attended the commemoration
are the INitiatives for International Dialogue(IID), Philippine Alliance of
Human Rights Advocates(PAHRA), Amnesty International-Pilipinas, Bagong
Kapisanan ng mga Manggagawa sa PNR,
APL-ITF a progressive labor organization.

For more information and or to obtain full text of the statement,
Please call 411-5753 or 410-0998. Ask for Merci Ferrer
E-mail: iidmnl@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

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REUTER: BURMESE DISSIDENTS REMEMBER BLOODY 1988 PROTEST
August 8, 1997
 By Deborah Charles

 BANGKOK, Aug 8 (Reuter) - Dozens of exiled Burmese chanted  and hung
posters outside the Burmese embassy on Friday to mark the ninth anniversary
of one of the bloodiest days in pro-democracy uprisings in the country's
history.
	 A group of Burmese dissidents wearing red headbands carried a
 funeral wreath as they chanted and waved the fighting peacock flag of the
opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) in their  protest outside the
embassy in downtown Bangkok.
	 Groups of foreigners and Thai students also arrived at the embassy
separately and presented letters of protest to embassy officials who snuck
peeks at the demonstration through the mail slot of the embassy gate.
	 Zaw Wint, spokesman for the Burmese Students in Exile, said people who
participated in the struggle for democracy in Burma were forced to flee to
Thailand due to adverse conditions imposed by the country's military rulers.
	 ``With high aspiration to accomplish the Burmese people's yearning for
democracy and human rights, we as anti tyrant-spirited students took stand
against the government,'' he said in remembering the
 August 8, 1988 protest.
	 Hundreds of people were killed by government troops in Rangoon as they
demonstrated for democracy on that day when troops opened fire in part of
the military crackdown on the pro-democracy demonstrations.
	 The events nine years ago were considered the beginning of a nationwide
pro-democracy uprising that was eventually quashed by the State Law and
Order Restoration Council (SLORC). The SLORC seized power in September 1988
after quelling the protests.
	 Dissidents in Japan marked the day by staging hunger strikes and
 calling for an end to the rule of the SLORC.
 	 The SLORC regularly refers to ``8-8-88'' in speeches and official media
to remind people of the results of the unrest that swept the country before
the SLORC was formed and took power.
	 The exiles and other activists called on the international community to
condemn the SLORC because of its human rights abuses and failure to
recognise a 1990 landslide general election victory of the NLD.
	 ``It's already been nine years since the people of Burma have expressed
their will for economic stability, human dignity and the democratic civilian
government, how long more can the rest of the world fail to support the 48
million people in Burma in their democratic aspirations?'' said activist
Debbie Stothard.

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