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              CHINA-US RIVALRY IN MYANMAR
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The  mystery-wrapped US economic  sanctions against Myanmar
has  evoked a strong reaction in ASEAN capitals.  Political
observers are at pains to explain the sudden decision.  Has
the  sanction really something to  do with the violation of
human  rights by  the military  junta,  popularly  known as
State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)?  If it was
the case, why did Washington not impose such sanctions long
ago when democracy was butchered,  and thereafter elections
were held in 1990, and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, won
with  a thumping majority?  But she was not allowed to form
the government by the SLORC, and imprisoned.

Last  year,  Washington announced a first stage response by
declaring  that leaders  of the  SLORC and  their relatives
will not be given visas to travel to the US., Last January,
Washington  dropped hints to SLORC leaders,  expressing the
Clinton  Administration's  unhappiness in  the  manner Coco
Island in the Bay of Bengal was being militarized by China.
The  US had also proposed economic assistaned to Myanmar if
it was willing to lease the strategically-located island to
the  US Navy.  It would have meant that instead of one base
at  Diego Garcia,  the US would have two bases for its Navy
to operate in the Indian and the Pacific Oceans. This is in
conformity  with  the  American  designs:   NATO  expansion
eastwards,   and  encirclement of  China and  India through
naval surveillance.

While  New Delhi continues to be a bystander,  ignoring its
geographical  and historical ties  with Myanmar,  there are
three  distinctly different  wiews about  how it  should go
about  the business  of interacting with  the country.  One
wiew  urges New Delhi to adopt a proactive,  instead of the
present  reactive,  policy sooner than later as the present
state  of affairs in  Myanmar may prove  to be illusory and
the   junta  may  be  overthrown  in  a  popular  uprising.

In such a scenario, New Delhi would be caught in an awkward
position.   The policy of aligning with the junta may prove
to  be shortsighted.   The second view  predicts that SLORC
will continue to rule Myanmar despite mounting
international  pressure.  This scenario requires that India
should  shrug off its dithering  and start taking action to
emerge  as a countervailing  force against China/US.  China
has  fully  exploited  the  isolation  of  Myanmar  in  the
international  community  by  proving to  be  a  friend,  a
development  that  India can  not  longer ignore  as  it is
happening  as its  doorstep,  supporters of  this view say.

China  has  already  constructed  102  km  highway  linking
south-west  China's Yunan province with Myanmar.  Opened to
traffic  in May 1995,  as  reported by the official Chinese
news  agency, Xinhua, this is part of the Yunan province' s
plans  to complete and upgrade  four national roads linking
the Yunan province capital,  Kunming,  with Myanmar as well
as  with  Xishuangbanna  and  its  neighbourig  Guizhou and
Sichuan provinces, by the year 2000.

Indian  has not been  oblivious to the  Chinese interest in
Myanmar  and  it  may  be  recalled  that  the  Ministry of
Defence's annual report released recently drew attention to
this  development.   The  report  noted  that  Beijing  was
"engaged  in building strategic road  links from its border
towns  to railheads  and sea  ports in  Myanmar it  is also
helping   to  develop  these  ports."  Myanmar  is  further
referred  to in the  MoD report in  the context of managing
the  insurgent groups  in the North-  east ,   and here the
report  adds that the outcome will "naturally depend on the
effective  control  of  the Government  of  Myanmar  on its
western border areas."

Chinese   presence  in  Myanmar   and  the  upgradation  of
communication  links  had  an inevitability  about  it that
could  be discerned even as far back as the mid- 70s.  This
was  dictated  by  the  momentum  that  Mr  Deng Xiaoping's
economic  modernization had  attained and  the geographical
characteristics  of the  southern Yunan  province,  and the
viability proximity of the Myanmar Mandalay axis.  This has
now  been realized and will only facilitate greater Chinese
influence  and presence that will  augment an already Sinic
sheen  to  Mandalay's  economic  and  commercial  activity.

Chinese   presence   and  interest   in  Myanmar   and  the
implications  for India have been perceived and interpreted
at  many levels.  An abiding  feature is the possibility of
Chinese   naval  ships   and  submarines   using  Myanmar's
facilities  for establishing their "presence" in the waters
of  the Indian Ocean.  This is a possibility that cannot be
discounted  and it  has significant  strategic implications
for such an exigency which encompasses the interests of not
just China and India, but the USA as well.

China,  according to latest Western intelligence estimates,
is  likely to field two  ocean-going naval task forces with
an aircraft carrier each and about 12 nuclear missile-armed
submarines  (SSBNs) by the year 2020,  but this development
is   predicated   upon  resurgence   in   post-Deng  China.

However,   what is more  immediate in a  temporal sense and
with  equal if not greater import for India is the creeping
assertiveness  of Chinese economic presence in the vicinity
of India's North-east.  This is likely to be facilitated by
the  opening of  border trade facilities  between India and
Myanmar at Moreh,  formally inaugurated on April 12,  1995.
India's  resolve to legitimize and  increase the quantum of
border   trade  between  the  North  east  and  Maynmar  is
commendable  and  reflective of  economic  compulsions with
political  strategic overtones. But, China has a head-start
and  its cross-border  trade with  Myanmar is  closer to $1
billion (excluding unaccounted-for arms and narcotic trade)
as  opposed to  India's estimated cross-border  volume of $
150 million.

In  the  short  term  India will  have  to  factor  in this
contingency   and   the   impact   that   creeping  Chinese
assertiveness   will  have  on  the  North-east  whose  own
linkages  with  the mainland  are  tenuous and  on occasion
vulnerable.  However,  Myanmar  is  also  seized  with  the
implications of growing Chinese ascendancy on its own turf,
and  the  historical precedent  where the  "Middle Kingdom"
demanded  and obtained tribute  from the Court  of Ava (old
Burma)   is  not  so  blurred.   Currently  India-  Myanmar
relations  have been nurtured in a pragmatic manner,  under
the   stewardship   of  the   Indian  Ambassador,    Mr  G.
Parthasarthy, and the continuous balance between principles
and interest has to be maintained.

The  ruling  military regime  in  Yangon,  the  SLORC,  has
consolidated its hold further with the fall of Manerplay on
the Thai-Myanmar border on January 26.  Headquarters of the
Karen  National  Union  one of  Myanmar's  strongest ethnic
rebel   armies,   Manerplaw  was  symbolic  of  substantial
resistance  to the SLORC and now the Karens are scattered .

The  complexity  of the  Yangon-Beijing connection  has two
strategic   dimensions,   namely,   to  isolate  India  and
jeopardize its peace chances in the Northeast. Out of sheer
modesty, we have refrained from criticizing the Chinese for
their  past sins  of fanning  insurgency in  this sensitive
part of the country, which is of equally great significance
as the Kashmir Valley.

China  has  yet to  reconcile  to the  fact  that Arunachal
Pradesh  forms  an  integral part  of  India.   A turbulent
North-east  suits the geostrategic needs  of not only China
but also Pakistan' which has stepped up its destabilization
operation by sending ISI operatives through Bangladesh. The
long-term  prespective of whether China or the USA occupies
the  Coco Island is grim for  Indian security,  both at sea
and on land.

                                                    (INAV)
    News and Information Bureau, All Burma Students League

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